Connecticut
The history of Connecticut’s spending cap, explained
For more than 30 years, one of the single largest factors shaping Connecticut’s budget has been its spending cap.
Legislatures and governors have trimmed countless programs to stay under the cap, crafted several maneuvers to circumvent it, and — on some occasions — exceeded it in a very public and legal fashion.
Here’s what you need to know about the cap that some officials love, others hate, and everyone has voted to keep in place, at least through 2028.
The spending cap first was enacted as a companion to the new income tax in 1991.
Legislators, anticipating public outrage over the new broad-based state income tax, enacted a statutory system that capped most areas of state spending based on formulas tied to annual growth in household income and inflation. Officials can use which metric allows the most growth in any given year.
And to assure voters these new controls were here to stay, lawmakers also endorsed a constitutional amendment mandating a cap on the 1992 election ballot.
A cap in statutory form could easily be repealed or revised simply with the passage of another law. But an amendment only can be removed or modified with another amendment.
More than 80% of Connecticut voters approved the constitutional amendment mandating a spending cap.
But the 1992 amendment didn’t spell out the full cap system. It set out the basics. General budget expenditures would be controlled in some way involving income growth and inflation. Payments on bonded debt would be cap exempt.
The amendment added that it would be up to the General Assembly to define the details by law.
By 1993, the General Assembly hadn’t yet implemented a new constitutional cap. That year, then-Attorney General Richard Blumenthal wrote in an opinion that legislators, having neglected to create a new system, had made the original, statutory cap into the constitutional cap by default.
Legislators and governors have routinely struggled to live within the cap’s limits.
The original version of the spending cap allowed for the legislature and governor to legally exceed it if the governor declares a state of emergency and receives approval by a three-fifths vote from both the House and the Senate.
During the tenure of Gov. John G. Rowland, who served from 1995 until he resigned in 2004, the legislature used that mechanism multiple times to spend surplus dollars near the end of a fiscal year.
By the mid-2000s, growing pension costs and modest economic growth were making it harder to live with the cap.
In both 2005 and 2007, Gov. M. Jodi Rell and legislators launched new biennial budgets that legally exceeded the cap from the first day of the fiscal cycle. That tactic had not been used before and has not been used since.
This was done to bolster new initiatives for health care, social services and municipal aid.
In 2015, then-Attorney General George Jepsen ruled that the statutory cap is unenforceable.
Jepsen disagreed with Blumenthal and ruled that the 1991 statutory cap did not carry the full weight of a constitutional amendment — rather, it was simply a law that could be repealed or amended at any time (such as, for example, by passing a budget that went over the spending cap’s limits.)
He said legislators can’t implement a spending cap amendment by default; rather, they must proactively implement one. The constitutional cap actually had never been fully established by the legislature.
In 2017, legislators passed a more stringent spending cap, and used a new tactic called “bond lock” to protect it from tampering.
As majority Democrats struggled to adopt a new state budget in what would become a nine-month-long struggle, Republicans would agree to help craft a bipartisan compromise.
One of the GOP’s conditions was a tighter series of fiscal guardrails. The new spending cap would eliminate an older exemption for aid to poor communities, and would phase out another exemption for contributions to pension funds.
But while Democrats and Republicans wanted to ensure future legislatures couldn’t easily repeal this new cap, neither side wanted to attempt another constitutional amendment.
They found their solution in the billions of dollars Connecticut borrows annually by issuing bonds on Wall Street. The money is used to fund initiatives like road and highway projects, municipal school construction and capital projects at public colleges and universities.
Those bonds include covenants that spell out interest rates, how funds will be repaid, and other details. These covenants effectively are contracts between the state and its investors, and, typically, one legislature cannot simply revise a contract established by previous lawmakers.
Lawmakers wrote into those bond covenants that their new fiscal guardrails would remain in place and, with limited exceptions, not be adjusted for five years.
The guardrails were bond locked into place through June 30, 2023. Last February, the legislature unanimously voted to extend the guardrails with a 10-year provision that the legislature can abandon after five years by passing a resolution.
Keith M. Phaneuf and Gabby DeBenedictis are reporters for The Connecticut Mirror (https://ctmirror.org/ ). Copyright 2024 © The Connecticut Mirror.
Connecticut
Enfield mother relieved after landmark social media case jury verdict
Wednesday’s landmark jury ruling in a social media addiction case was watched closely by an Enfield mother who’s also suing social media companies, including Meta, after her daughter took her own life a few years ago. She said her daughter’s death was fueled by an addiction to the platforms.
“We deserve this win. The whole, all of us who have lost our children deserve this win,” Tammy Rodriguez said.
She jumped for joy after a jury found Meta and YouTube liable in a social media addiction case. The verdict found the social media companies negligent in the design and operation of their platforms to the point where it was a substantial factor in causing harm to the plaintiff.
This is the first of many cases brought by families accusing social media companies of harming their children. Rodriguez is suing after her 11-year-old daughter, Selena, took her life in the summer of 2021. She pointed to Selena’s struggles with bullying and a change in her behavior.
“She was doing things she never would have done in the past, very risky things,” Rodriguez said.
In a statement to NBC News, Meta called teen mental health “profoundly complex” and “couldn’t be linked to a single app,” saying in part: “We will continue to defend ourselves vigorously as every case is different, and we remain confident in our record of protecting teens online.”
Google, which owns YouTube, said the case “misunderstands” YouTube, saying it’s a “responsibly built streaming site”.
Quinnipiac University law professor Wayne Unger says this is a landmark verdict for other similar cases in court.
“For the first time, we are holding companies civilly liable for the harms that they have caused,” he said.
He says the ruling means Meta and YouTube didn’t adequately warn users about the dangers of using their platforms. He says down the line, this could mean companies changing their behaviors and adjusting their platforms.
“That means change their products to now make them essentially legally compliant or, in other words, to mitigate the new legal exposure that they have,” Unger said.
An exposure Rodriguez hopes could bring real change.
“People need to know the real truth.”
Rodriguez’s case still remains pending in federal court.
Unger says for social media companies, the easiest thing that could happen, for example, is putting a warning label on their products. He says there could be changes with likes and reshares as well.
Connecticut
State trooper who was arrested twice has resigned
A state trooper who was arrested in August and November of 2025 for the same domestic disturbance resigned on March 5, Connecticut State Police confirmed on Tuesday.
On Aug. 27, 37-year-old Trooper Edward Gookin was arrested after a verbal and physical altercation at a home in Griswold, and he was determined to be the aggressor.
He was charged with disorderly conduct, released on $2,500 bond, and placed on paid administrative duty at that time.
Then on Nov. 19, Gookin was arrested again for the same incident that happened on Aug. 27.
This time, he was charged with risk of injury to a child, reckless endangerment, and illegal discharge of a firearm. He was again placed on paid administrative duty, posted a $25,000 bond, and appeared in court.
Now, state police say Gookin has resigned.
Connecticut
New push for Long Island–Connecticut bridge revives decades-old debate
A proposal to build a bridge linking Long Island to Connecticut is once again sparking conversation—and controversy—nearly a century after the idea first surfaced.
The latest plan, introduced by Connecticut developer Steve Shapiro, calls for a 14-mile span stretching across Long Island Sound from Bridgeport, Connecticut, to the Sunken Meadow Parkway on Long Island’s North Shore. If completed, the project would mark the first direct roadway connection between Long Island and New England.
Supporters say the bridge could transform regional travel, easing congestion and offering an alternative route for drivers who currently must pass through New York City to reach the mainland.
“We have such an opportunity in Connecticut and on Long Island to connect our two regions,” Shapiro said in a promotional video.
The proposed crossing would cost an estimated $50 billion to construct, with tolls projected at roughly $39 each way. Plans could also include a rail component to accommodate both passenger and freight service.
The idea of a cross-sound bridge is not new. Discussions date back to the 1930s, but repeated proposals over the decades have failed to gain enough political or public support to move forward.
At Sunken Meadow State Park, where the bridge could make landfall, residents and visitors expressed mixed reactions.
“I think it’s helpful with traffic—alleviating congestion trying to get to the city,” said Gus Hueber of East Northport.
Others worry about the environmental and cultural impact on Long Island’s character.
“It would destroy this area,” said Maureen Abbatecola of Kings Park. “It might make it easier for people to get on and off Long Island, but it’s also very special that this is an island—and that might take some of that away.”
Shapiro has suggested a potential compromise to address environmental concerns, including a hybrid design that would tunnel a portion of the route beneath the shoreline near the park.
“You could tunnel it under about a mile or two offshore and then go under the park,” he said.
In Connecticut, a bill that would authorize a feasibility study for the bridge was introduced in the state assembly but has not yet advanced out of committee. Despite that, Shapiro remains optimistic, emphasizing that cooperation between New York, Connecticut, and the federal government would be key to making the project a reality.
For now, the proposal remains in its early stages—but as it has for generations, the idea of bridging Long Island Sound continues to divide opinion on both sides of the water.
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