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Paris Alston: This is GBH’s Morning Edition. A bill that would grant Boston more liquor licenses is making its way through the state legislature. It’s already passed in the House, and now the Senate is making amendments, with a vote set to take place before the legislative session ends on July 31st. Joining us to talk more about this is Nick Korn, a partner and researcher with Offsite, an organization that develops training for the restaurant industry. Hi there Nick. Thanks for being here.
Nick Korn: Hi, Paris. Thanks for having me.
Alston: So how would this bill change things as they are now?
Korn: So this bill would create some additional restricted liquor licenses that would be issued to specific zip codes throughout the city that historically have been underserved by past liquor license laws.
Alston: And we have talked a little bit about this here on Morning Edition as part of our series Nightlife in Boston. Remind us why it is so difficult to get a liquor license.
Korn: Sure. That’s a complicated question for sure. There’s about 1,200 liquor licenses in the whole city of Boston, and that was created in a law at the end of prohibition, so basically 90 years ago, and hasn’t changed appreciably since then. And basically with that hard cap, we end up with a zero sum game in Boston. So every time you see a new place open somewhere, maybe downtown or inthe Seaport, it basically means that somewhere else had to close somewhere else in the city. And so what we’re seeing is that essentially we have this pattern of strip mining licenses out of our neighborhoods, especially our neighborhoods of color, and moving down into the Seaport and downtown. So there’s entire parts of our city that are wildly underserved and that have very few liquor licenses.
Alston: And Offsite and the Boston Black Hospitality Coalition drew up a map to illustrate this. And you know that there are 47 times more licenses in Boston’s for the whitest zip codes, versus its for least white. Tell us historically why that is the case.
Korn: Yeah. It follows a pattern of sort of structural racism that goes throughout our entire city. And so basically what we did is we just layered census data over licensing data. So there’s a ton of publicly available information that we just tried to bring together so that we could provide accurate data to inform our legislators and allow them to make data-driven decisions. But the pattern is based on what I said, essentially. So if I knew, let’s say multinational hotel wants to open somewhere downtown, they essentially engage a broker or a lawyer and they need to find an existing license because of that hard cap. So every new place, when you walk down, you know, Seaport Boulevard and you look at all these licenses and all of these restaurants, each one of them sort of has, at the heart of them, like the soul of a neighborhood restaurant that had to close. And you can’t really fault the operators for taking that money. The restaurant industry is exceedingly difficult, and the margins are very small. And so if someone comes along and offers you a six-figure check, it’s really hard to say no. But I fault the system which has created this zero-sum game where to open a new place, you have to close somewhere else.
Alston: And those can sell for like $600,000, right? On the secondary market.
Korn: Exactly. And there’s sort of this like artificial scarcity that’s been created by the state because of our liquor license law. And so this new bill does something really intentional. And so it doesn’t create additional transferable licenses that will be traded and sold on that secondary market. Instead, it creates restricted licenses that are issued to an individual ZIP code. And so basically they wait at the city until someone from that zip code applies and is approved by the city and the state. And then if that business closes or that operator wants to, you know, exit, that license goes back to the city and stays there only to be issued to that zip code. So it sort of like backfills the hole of what’s been dug out and brought downtown into the Seaport.
Alston: So one of those zip codes includes the neighborhood of Mattapan here in Boston. And a few weeks ago here on Morning Edition, we took a walk down the block in Mattapan Square as part of a regular series that I do here. And one of the subjects of that story, Wendell Delk, told us how there used to be multiple bars and nightclubs in the area that ended up leaving, but had they remained, there could have been an opportunity.
Wendell Delk: People driving up and down from the surrounding areas can come and say, hey, there’s people sitting outside. So that probably would have opened it up to a more communicable way of life for Mattapan, where it’d become a melting pot.
Alston: So tell us what is lost when a neighborhood doesn’t have access to this resource?
Korn: Yeah. So there’s countless examples. And then when you really zoom in to one space, you know, you talk to folks in the neighborhood and people remember a given address that used to be a bar, that used to be a restaurant that they had, you know, fundamental memories. They met friends or they got engaged or, you know, any sort of like, life-altering moments. And those spaces are dark. I’ll give the example of a bar in Roxbury. It was Sonny Walker’s.
Alston: Yes, I remember when it closed.
Korn: And then it became C&S Tavern. And then basically what happened is an internationally owned steakhouse that wanted to open in the Prudential Center, you know, went to the family who were already kind of dealing with generational change and succession planning and offered them, you know, a number that was too good to be true. And they took the exit. And so then that historical space, that really like living room of Roxbury, went dark and became a closed space. And if you look at that little strip of Warren Ave., you know, there’s a dollar store and there’s probably five empty storefronts. And so basically what happened is Royal Smith of the Boston Black Hospitality Coalition has been an amazing collaborator on this whole process. He saw this opportunity, and he was able to get one of these restricted licenses to recreate a gathering space, a third space in our neighborhood. And that’s what District 7 Tavern is. These liquor licenses are really about sit down restaurants, right? Sure, there’s going to be bars and taverns, but fundamentally, the sit down restaurant is reliant on a liquor license. And so because of this pattern, we’ve been losing our licenses. And then these neighborhoods essentially just have takeout places and counter service, because if you are in a major metropolitan city like Boston and you don’t own your own building, and certainly plenty of us don’t, the finances of a restaurant just don’t work. And if you go up and down our neighborhoods, including Mattapan, so many of our businesses are quick takeout. So that doesn’t create community. It doesn’t create as many jobs, it doesn’t create as much economic activity. And so this new bill, if and when it passes, it could have a huge impact on our city, on our neighborhoods, our small business owners, and specifically on our small business owners of color in our neighborhoods of color.
Alston: Well, that is Nick Korn, a partner and researcher with the organization Offsite, which develops training for the restaurant industry. Nick, thank you so very much.
Korn: Thank you so much for having this conversation, Paris.
Alston: You’re listening to GBH News.
Health
Massachusetts health officials have confirmed the state’s first two measles cases of the year, a school-aged child and a Greater Boston adult.
The Department of Public Health announced the cases Friday, marking the first report of measles in Massachusetts since 2024.
According to health officials, the adult who was diagnosed returned home recently from abroad and had an “uncertain vaccination history.” While infectious, the person visited several locations where others were likely exposed to the virus, and health officials said they are working to identify and notify anyone affected
The child, meanwhile, is a Massachusetts resident who was exposed to the virus and diagnosed with measles out-of-state, where they remain during the infectious period. Health officials said the child does not appear to have exposed anyone in Massachusetts to measles.
The two Massachusetts cases come as the U.S. battles a large national measles outbreak, which has seen 1,136 confirmed cases nationwide so far in 2026, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
“Our first two measles cases in 2026 demonstrate the impact that the measles outbreaks, nationally and internationally, can have here at home,” Massachusetts Public Health Commissioner Robbie Goldstein said Friday. “Fortunately, thanks to high vaccination rates, the risk to most Massachusetts residents remains low.”
Measles is a highly contagious disease that spreads through the air when an infected person sneezes, coughs, or talks. The virus can linger in the air for up to two hours and may even spread through tissues or cups used by someone who has it, according to the DPH.
Early symptoms occur 10 days to two weeks after exposure and may resemble a cold or cough, usually with a fever, health officials warned. A rash develops two to four days after the initial symptoms, appearing first on the head and shifting downward.
According to the DPH, complications occur in about 30% of infected measles patients, ranging from immune suppression to pneumonia, diarrhea, and encephalitis — a potentially life-threatening inflammation of the brain.
“Measles is the most contagious respiratory virus and can cause life-threatening illness,” Goldstein said. “These cases are a reminder of the need for health care providers and local health departments to remain vigilant for cases so that appropriate public health measures can be rapidly employed to prevent spread in the state. This is also a reminder that getting vaccinated is the best way for people to protect themselves from this disease.”
According to the DPH, people who have had measles, or who have been vaccinated against measles, are considered immune. State health officials offer the following guidance for the Measles-Mumps-Rubella (MMR) vaccine:
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The Boston Red Sox were expected to have a busy offseason to build on their short 2025 playoff appearance, their first in four seasons. Boston delivered, albeit not in the way many reporters and fans expected — Alex Bregman left and no one was traded from the outfield surplus.
Roster construction questions have loomed over the Red Sox since last season. They were emphasized by Masataka Yoshida’s return from surgery rehab and Roman Anthony’s arrival to the big leagues. Boston has four-six outfielders, depending where it envisions Yoshida and Kristian Campbell playing, and a designated hitter spot it likes to keep flexible — moving an outfielder makes the most sense to solve this quandary.
The best case-scenario for addressing the packed outfield would be to find a trade suitor for Yoshida, which has proven difficult-to-impossible over his first three seasons with the Red Sox. Red Sox insiders Chris Cotillo and Sean McAdam of MassLive think Boston may have to make an extremely difficult decision to free up Yoshida’s roster spot.
“You wonder, at what point does this become a — not Patrick Sandoval situation — but a Pablo Sandoval, where you rip the Band-Aid off and just release,” McAdam theorized on the “Fenway Rundown” podcast (subscription required).
Pablo Sandoval is infamous among Red Sox fans. He signed a five-year, $90 million deal before the 2015 season and he only lasted two and a half years before the Red Sox cut him loose. His tenure was marked by career lows at the plate, injuries and a perceived lack of effort that soured things quickly with Boston. Yoshida hasn’t lived up to the expectations the Red Sox had when they signed him, but he’s no Sandoval.
McAdam postulated that the Red Sox may be waiting until there is less money remaining on Yoshida’s contract before they potentially release him. Like Sandoval, Yoshida signed a five-year, $90 million deal before the 2023 season, which has only just reached its halfway point. The Red Sox still owe him over $36 million, and by releasing him, they’d be forced to eat that money.
The amount of money remaining on Yoshida’s contract is just one obstacle that may be preventing the Red Sox from finding a trade partner to move him elsewhere. Yoshida has never played more than 140 games in a MLB season with 303 total over his three-year tenure, mostly because he’s dealt with so many injuries since moving stateside.
Maybe the Red Sox could attach a top prospect to him and eat some of his contract money to entice another team into a trade, like they already did with Jordan Hicks this winter. But that would require sacrificing a quality prospect and it would cost more money, just to move a good hitter who tries hard at his job.
There’s no easy way to fit Yoshida onto Boston’s roster, but the decision to salary dump or release him will be just as hard. Yoshida hasn’t been a bad player for the Red Sox and he doesn’t deserve the Sandoval treatment, but his trade value may only decrease if he spends another year with minimal playing time. Alex Cora and Craig Breslow have a real dilemma on their hands with this roster.
That law is not just right. It’s also smart. But we have been lousy about putting it into practice.
Only 10 percent of those eligible to have their records sealed here have actually done it, according to The Clean Slate Initiative, an advocacy group. That’s because we’ve made it impossibly complicated.
Having a criminal record is an enormous obstacle for people who have done their time and are trying to rebuild their lives. A conviction, even a minor one, even from long ago, can mean being rejected by employers and denied by landlords. Cases that were dismissed, or which prosecutors dropped, and even many that ended in not guilty findings also show up on criminal background checks. That can keep someone from getting life insurance, credit, a real estate license, and other professional certifications. It also means they can’t volunteer at their kids’ schools or coach Little League.
“I have grown men in my office crying because they can’t get housing,” said Leslie Credle, who heads Justice 4 Housing, which helps move formerly incarcerated people into permanent homes. “Individuals who were once breadwinners come home and now they’re a burden to their family. It’s a lifetime sentence … even if you have done your time.”
Maybe you’ve gotten this far and are thinking this doesn’t affect you. It does.
Nearly half of US children have at least one parent with a criminal record. People with solid jobs and stable housing are more likely to support their families and communities. They are more likely to fill vacancies at all kinds of businesses that need more workers to thrive. They are also way less likely to reoffend, or to rely on public benefits.
So why have we made the process so much harder than it needs to be?
Right now, a person who has served her time and stayed out of trouble for the waiting period must petition the commissioner of probation in writing, or go before a judge. It’s needlessly complex, requiring time and familiarity with a backlogged and sometimes hostile system. And that’s if they know they can get their records sealed in the first place.
“It’s like double jeopardy,” said Shay, 36, who finally got hers sealed a few years ago. “You can’t try somebody twice for the same crime, but you can double punish them. In my case, I was punished triple.”
Shay, who asked that her last name be withheld, was 22 when she was convicted of carrying a dangerous weapon — a misdemeanor. She did six months in jail, paid thousands in fines and other costs, and had a successful probation. Since then, her record has held her back in ways big and small.
“I had to keep explaining it to people when I wanted to get a job and apply for housing,” she said. “I could not go on any field trips with my daughter, so now she had to suffer.” They had to stay on other people’s couches for months because a landlord ran a background check and gave an apartment to someone else.
Shay knew she could seal her record, thanks to Greater Boston Legal Services. But doing it, even with an attorney’s help, was a whole other thing. Her first application got lost somewhere between the post office and the probation department, which cost her a year. It took two years to process her second application, she said.
“Now here we are, years later, and it’s no longer a burden I have to worry about,” said Shay, who now works to help those with records get into the cannabis industry.
She’s doing well now, but why should it ever be this hard?
In 13 other states — including Oklahoma, Michigan, and Utah — they automatically seal criminal records after someone has met the conditions. It’s embarrassing that Massachusetts hasn’t joined them yet. Legislators have introduced measures to automatically seal eligible criminal records a bunch of times since 2019, but they’ve gone nowhere.
Clean Slate Massachusetts is working to make this time different, with the help of a huge coalition of community partners, including business leaders who understand we all thrive when more people can find work and stability. Yet again, legislators have proposed two bills that would require the state to automatically seal records in cases that are already eligible under the law.
So much about this country is messed up right now. Here is something we can actually fix.
What the heck are we waiting for?
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This story has been updated to correct the charge of which Shay was convicted.
Globe columnist Yvonne Abraham can be reached at yvonne.abraham@globe.com.
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