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Trump’s appalling desecration of Arlington National Cemetery shows he still can’t be trusted
Are Donald Trump and JD Vance really the leaders we want representing our nation’s military? I don’t.
Donald Trump visits Arlington National Cemetery
Former President Donald Trump joined Gold Star families and soldiers to lay wreaths at Arlington National Cemetery.
Fox – 10 Phoenix
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump has continued his divisive antics this week by desecrating a sacred moment of remembrance for the American troops killed in a suicide bombing three years ago in Afghanistan.
In a time that should have been used to comfort and unify the nation, Trump instead saw another opportunity to promote himself. Even worse, Trump’s staff reportedly got into a physical altercation on Monday with an Arlington National Cemetery employee after they were told not to record video inside the cemetery.
Federal laws and U.S. Army regulations prohibit political activities on the cemetery grounds. Trump and his campaign staff blatantly ignored those restrictions, and then attacked the cemetery employee who tried to uphold the law, even describing her as a “despicable individual.”
Army rebukes Trump campaign over Arlington visit, Vance says Harris ‘can go to hell’
“This incident was unfortunate, and it is also unfortunate that the ANC employee and her professionalism has been unfairly attacked,” the Army said in a statement released Thursday. “ANC is a national shrine to the honored dead of the Armed Forces, and its dedicated staff will continue to ensure public ceremonies are conducted with the dignity and respect the nation’s fallen deserve.”
Making Trump’s very bad week even worse, the former president’s running mate, JD Vance, falsely accused Democratic nominee Kamala Harris of politicizing the cemetery visit − and then cursed her.
“And she wants to yell at Donald Trump because he showed up? She can − she can go to hell,” Vance said.
Are Trump and Vance really the leaders we want representing our nation’s military? I don’t.
Vance attacks Walz’s military service: Vance accused Walz of ‘stolen valor.’ He should thank him for his service instead.
On the same day that Trump participated in the wreath-laying ceremony at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington, he posted on Truth Social that, “Three years ago, Kamala’s and Biden’s incompetence left 13 dead warriors, hundreds of civilians killed and grievously wounded, and $85 billion worth of the finest military equipment on the planet abandoned to the Taliban.” (In reality, the Taliban captured an estimated $7 billion worth of weapons and other military equipment).
But are President Joe Biden and Harris really to blame for the chaotic withdrawal?
Blaming the current administration ignores the decisions that Trump also made leading up to the withdrawal. Under Trump’s leadership, negotiations for the withdrawal led to an agreement with the Taliban that influenced the eventual outcome. By refusing to acknowledge his role in the preparations for the withdrawal, Trump is attempting to shift blame and mislead Americans.
Plans by the White House, military leaders, intelligence agencies and international partners for the Afghanistan withdrawal were multifaceted and performed with great scrutiny and caution.
I interviewed Stephen Bender, a former Marine officer, who worked as a private security officer during the evacuation. His role was to coordinate with the U.S. government to ensure the safe processing of Afghan evacuees and U.S. personnel. He recalled the Taliban’s swift takeover.
“It felt like we were in denial about the withdrawal,” Bender said. “One day, they [the Taliban] were just 20 kilometers away, and it felt as though nothing had changed. Suddenly, they were within the city, only 400 meters from our front gate.”
US ‘abandoned’ people of Afghanistan
Bender said that both Biden and Trump need to acknowledge the mistakes they and others in their administrations made in planning for and executing the exit of American forces from Afghanistan.
“The people of Afghanistan were abandoned by our country,” Bender said. “While it may not affect the average American’s daily life, I witnessed firsthand the failures of our politics. Fathers who wanted a better life for their families, seeking safety for their children, faced the worst possible outcome due to our leaders’ refusal to accept responsibility and their tendency to blame others.”
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Leadership requires more than assigning blame; it demands the courage to face uncomfortable truths, the ability to bring people together in times of crisis and the humility to honor those who have served without exploiting their memory.
When Trump asserts blame for the withdrawal, perhaps we should ask: Can a leader who refuses to take responsibility for his own actions, and who consistently uses moments of national significance for self-promotion, truly be trusted to lead a nation?
Marla Bautista is a military fellow columnist at USA TODAY Opinion.
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Trump’s National Guard deployments aren’t random. They were planned years ago
Members of the National Guard patrol near the U.S. Capitol on Oct. 1 in Washington, D.C.
Al Drago/Getty Images
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Al Drago/Getty Images
President Trump’s deployments of National Guard troops to U.S. cities have outraged his political rivals, tested legal precedents and led to nationwide protests.
The courts are weighing in on their legality. But — if successful — they could also fulfill a long-running administration goal of employing America’s military to aid in the mass deportation of immigrants without legal status, according to an NPR review of past comments from Trump and his allies. It’s a move that would stray significantly from past federal use of the Guard, challenging laws that dictate how the U.S. military can be used domestically. And with the 2026 midterms looming, some experts worry Guard troops could even be used as a tool of systemic voter suppression and intimidation.
Trump has sent troops into four Democratic-led cities and threatened to send them to several more, claiming they are needed to crack down on crime and protect federal immigration facilities and officers. Those deployments, and the White House’s rhetoric around them, have regularly conflated violent crime and illegal immigration into a single crisis, blurring the lines around the role of the Guard and federal agents.

Taken one at a time, the deployments can seem random or fickle — Trump will often muse about sending troops into a city, only to back track his comments and focus on a different city days later.
But the president and several others in his inner circle — most notably Stephen Miller, a senior aide to Trump in his first term, and now Trump’s right hand man on immigration — have long talked about using the National Guard to help with mass deportations and immigration raids, despite U.S. laws broadly preventing the military from being used for domestic policing. To get around those laws, both Trump and Miller have talked about invoking the Insurrection Act, which allows the president to deploy the military within the U.S. in certain situations.
Legal experts, activists and watchdog groups worry the Trump administration could fundamentally change the way the military is used on U.S. soil, specifically raising concerns about the upcoming 2026 midterm elections and what armed troops on the streets could mean as voters cast ballots.
Laying the groundwork
Much of Trump’s campaign ahead of the 2024 election was focused on drumming up anti-immigrant sentiment and pushing his plan for mass deportations. He vowed several times on the campaign trail that he would launch the largest deportation operation in American history.
In his first term, Trump and his administration had similar ambitions, but struggled to scale up infrastructure and manpower needed to carry out the goal.
In a TIME Magazine interview in April of 2024, then-candidate Trump was asked specifically if his plan included the use of the U.S. military.
“I can see myself using the National Guard and, if necessary, I’d have to go a step further. We have to do whatever we have to do to stop the problem we have,” Trump responded.
Using the National Guard for immigration enforcement is an idea that Miller had talked about publicly in the years before.
White House Deputy Chief of Staff for policy and U.S. Homeland Security Adviser Stephen Miller speaks after President Trump signed an order sending National Guard to Memphis, in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C., on September 15, 2025.
Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images
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In 2023, Miller appeared on the late right-wing activist Charlie Kirk’s podcast to talk about how mass deportations under Trump’s hopeful second term could work.

“In terms of personnel, you go to the red state governors, and you say, give us your National Guard. We will deputize them as immigration enforcement officers,” Miller explained. “The Alabama National Guard is going to arrest illegal aliens in Alabama, and the Virginia National Guard in Virginia.”
Miller doesn’t specify how that would be legal — under U.S. law, the military can’t be used for domestic policing unless authorized by the Constitution or Congress. For Democratic-run states that don’t comply, Miller said, the federal government would simply send the National Guard from a nearby Republican-run state.
The deployments
In recent months, the Trump administration has deployed Guard troops to states against the wishes of their Democratic governors — including sending troops from Texas into Illinois. The administration said their purpose was to protect federal immigration facilities and officers. Those deployments are tied up in court challenges.
Members of the Texas National Guard stand guard at an army reserve training facility on October 07, 2025 in Elwood, Illinois.
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Miles Taylor, former chief of staff in the Department of Homeland Security during Trump’s first term, worked closely with Miller. He’s since become a vocal critic of the president and his policies.
Taylor says he’s not surprised to see Miller’s plan coming to fruition.
“Trump was deeply deferential to Stephen and I think you’ve seen that with a vastly more empowered Stephen Miller in a second term,” says Taylor, an author and commentator.
Taylor says that during Trump’s first term, the president wasn’t talking publicly about using the U.S. military for immigration enforcement, but it was something that was discussed behind closed doors.
Miles Taylor, former chief of staff at the Department of Homeland Security during President Trump’s first term, holds up his phone outside of the U.S. courthouse in Alexandria, Va., ahead of the arraignment hearing for former FBI director James Comey on Oct. 8
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Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images
“I can remember in meetings with him in the Oval Office, or on Air Force One, or at the border, him starting to bring up this idea of using the United States military to solve the problem,” he says.
It wasn’t something that Trump just talked about. In 2017, The Associated Press reported on a memo it obtained from DHS, outlining a draft proposal to use the National Guard to round up unauthorized immigrants throughout the U.S. At the time, the White House denied it, saying there was no such plan.
Taylor says there very much was — but it was also more than that.
“It was the invocation of the Insurrection Act to deputize the military to enforce domestic law to basically become a domestic police force,” he says, noting that this particular idea was something that troubled him and several other staffers.

“It rocked us to our core,” he says.
Trump invoking the Insurrection Act would legally allow for the military to act as police on U.S. soil — to carry out immigration enforcement, but possibly other enforcement too, according to legal experts.
NPR asked the White House about potential plans to deputize the Guard for law enforcement and to use the Insurrection Act, but it did not directly respond to those questions, instead criticizing Taylor and NPR. Spokeswoman Abigail Jackson also referenced Trump’s “highly successful operations to drive down violent crime in American cities.”
Project 2025
The broader themes of these National Guard deployments are also embedded in Project 2025, a conservative action plan written by the Heritage Foundation after Trump’s first term that’s more than 900 pages long.
Trump has incorporated many of its policies, and authors into his second administration. So much so that the report’s architect, Russell Vought, is the head of the White House’s Office of Management and Budget.
Russell Vought, director of the Office of Management and Budget, in September.
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Dominic Gwinn/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty
Matt Dallek, a professor at The George Washington University who studies the American conservative movement, says that Project 2025 essentially opens the door for Trump’s National Guard deployments — particularly to Democratic-led cities — without explicitly calling for them.
“The subtext of Project 2025 is to take any and all steps at the executive level to go into cities and states to enact the priority — which is to root out illegal immigration,” Dallek says.
The idea of bullying states and cities into following orders from the president is a key part of the text, says David Graham, a journalist for The Atlantic who also wrote a book on the project. So is the use of the military.
“There is this idea in Project 2025, and among the authors, that the military is just an underused resource for policing immigration,” Graham says, noting that often illegal immigration is presented as a national security problem. He says the report’s authors believe that the U.S. has “this huge, huge resource of armed people, and we’re not doing anything with it, and we need to use it to secure the border.”
Beyond mass deportation
In recent weeks, Trump has talked about invoking the Insurrection Act often, especially in regard to deploying the National Guard. Earlier this month, he said that he was “allowed” to invoke it if the courts deny his deployments in places like Portland, Ore., or Chicago, where prosecutors and federal judges have questioned the need for troops on the ground.

Trump invoking the Insurrection Act to allow troops to help with immigration enforcement is also something that Stephen Miller has talked about.
He told the New York Times back in 2023: “President Trump will do whatever it takes.”
That possibility has both legal experts and immigration advocates worried, especially about the implications it could have for Americans at large.
Kica Matos, president of the National Immigration Law Center, an immigration rights advocacy group, says it has her worried about the upcoming 2026 midterm elections and what the presence of troops might mean for voters as they cast ballots.
“What I have said repeatedly is that the path to authoritarianism in this country is being built on the backs of immigrants. They will begin with immigrants. They will not end with immigrants,” she says.
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