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Mining’s push for gender diversity threatened by ‘Andrew Tate’ effect

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Mining’s push for gender diversity threatened by ‘Andrew Tate’ effect

Deshnee Naidoo has spent her career climbing the ladder in mining and feels the mindset change towards women has been “phenomenal”.

But lately, the former head of Vale Base Metals, a nickel and cobalt producer, has noticed a worrying backlash. When candidates from diverse backgrounds secure jobs, some men in the industry have started using the acronym DEI — diversity, equity and inclusion — in a derogatory reframing: “Didn’t Earn It”.

“I am hearing more anti-wokeism voices. The jury is still out on this one, whether it’s going to grow,” says 48-year-old Naidoo. “We are always taken back to the way things were rather than where they need to go.”

Naidoo’s experience points to how a transatlantic backlash to diversity initiatives — in which high-profile conservatives have criticised schemes such as bias training, or targeting under-represented groups in recruitment — threatens efforts to narrow inequalities between men and women. In mining, one of the industries furthest behind on gender equality, the risk of reversing hard-won gains is especially stark.

Gina Rinehart, Australia’s richest person and the owner of an iron ore empire, has introduced pink mining trucks to raise awareness around breast cancer

“Globally we’re seeing this Andrew Tate effect, where men are taking back power,” says Stacy Hope, managing director of advocacy group Women in Mining UK, referring to the self-described “misogynist” social media influencer. “We need to bring men along on the journey to make sure they become allies.”

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A belief that women are being promoted based on gender, rather than ability, has permeated to middle management and boardroom level, according to some female leaders. Naidoo says she has been accused of being “too aggressive and pushy”. “At the executive level, despite the champions we have . . . we just look so far from what we need to look like,” she adds. “The industry still looks like yesteryear at the top.”

Mining has made notable progress on gender equality over the past decade. The number of female directors at the 500 largest mining companies jumped from 4.9 per cent in 2012 to about 18 per cent in 2022, according to White & Case, a law firm.

One of the most high-profile female executives in mining is Australia’s richest person, Gina Rinehart, the owner of an iron ore empire that has introduced pink mining trucks to raise awareness around breast cancer.

Bar chart of Percentage of companies with no women directors showing In 2022 far fewer large mining companies had all-male boards

But the industry is far from parity. Of the top 100 mining groups, 16 still had no women on their boards and one in four of the largest 500 companies had none, the 2022 White & Case figures showed. Diversity at “junior” mining companies, which explore and develop mines and make up the majority of the industry, is still woeful.

The struggle to recruit women comes as the mining sector — crucial to producing the raw materials for the international shift to clean energy — is struggling to attract the most talented staff. Young people, say executives, are increasingly more interested in becoming data engineers than mining ones.

A survey of mining industry leaders by consulting firm McKinsey found that 71 per cent said talent shortages were holding them back from delivering on production targets and strategic objectives. Another survey by PwC found that two-thirds of leaders expected skills shortages to have a big impact on profitability within the next 10 years.

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A particular challenge of the extractive industries is location: mines are often in remote spots around the world. At times, the rural communities they are in have different norms to western companies, putting female workers at risk of gender-based violence or local backlash.

To align with the interests of a new generation, the industry is hoping to position itself increasingly as a technology and data-driven business that does not necessarily involve getting mucky in pits or going deep underground.

Hilde Merete Aasheim, right, last month ended her five-year term as chief executive of Norsk Hydro, Europe’s largest aluminium producer. ‘As leaders, we have to be active,’ she says

“I hate when people talk about our industry as heavy industry,” says Hilde Merete Aasheim, who last month ended her five-year term as chief executive of Norsk Hydro, Europe’s largest aluminium producer. “That’s an old word, it’s not about raw muscles any more. It’s really high tech.”

Hope says a perception of mining as a “boys club” has not done it any favours in attracting women. The industry, she says, needs to become “visible” to young people, including as a sector essential to meeting green targets, such as restricting emissions to limit global warming to 1.5C.

“We need young people who are innovating with AI and digital toolsets,” she says. “We’re not doing a good job to make it the industry that needs young people and diverse talent to drive that change.”

Management scandals have not helped that reputation. A 2022 report into workplace culture at British-Australian mining group Rio Tinto discovered bullying and sexism were “systemic” across its worksites, a finding its chief executive Jakob Stausholm called “deeply disturbing”. Rio has now tied executive pay partly to performance on gender diversity and will release results of another review this year.

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Elizabeth Broderick, the former Australian Sex Discrimination Commissioner who led the Rio report, says discriminatory incidents in mining were “not isolated workplace grievances” but “symptoms of a permissive culture”.

The situation across the industry is improving in some ways, however. The new amendment to the Sex Discrimination Act in Australia is a “game-changer” in making employers responsible for not just responding to grievances but taking preventive action to create inclusive workplaces, says Broderick.

Aasheim of Norsk Hydro is one woman to have benefited from supportive male leaders throughout her career, which began in a bakery as a teenager. “I have never applied for a job,” she says. “But I have gotten lots of opportunities because I’ve had key leaders that have seen my potential and challenged me on what I could do . . . As leaders, we have to be active.”

But in the face of a backlash against DEI, some say executives need to take a more proactive approach to embed support for women’s advancement across the workforce.

“We need to listen to men’s concerns about the changing workforce demographics and ensure that their fears are heard and addressed,” says Broderick. “Organisations that are increasing the representation of women are working [not only] to change mindsets and behaviours but also to embed everyday respect into their systems and structures.”

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Additional reporting by Nic Fildes

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'Babbling' and 'hoarse': Biden's debate performance sends Democrats into a panic

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'Babbling' and 'hoarse': Biden's debate performance sends Democrats into a panic

ATLANTA — President Joe Biden was supposed to put the nation’s mind at ease over his physical and mental capacity with his debate showing Thursday night. 

But from the onset of the debate, the 81-year-old seemingly struggled even to talk, mostly summoning a weak, raspy voice. In the opening minutes, the president repeatedly tripped over his words, misspoke and lost his train of thought.  

In one of the most notable moments, Biden ended a rambling statement that lacked focus by saying, “We finally beat Medicare,” before moderators cut him off and transitioned back to Trump. 

While Biden warmed up and gained more of a rhythm as the debate progressed, he struggled to land a punch against Trump, much less fact-check everything said by the former president, as Trump unleashed a torrent of bad information.

Trump also pounced on Biden, saying at one point that he didn’t understand what Biden had just said with regard to the border. 

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“I don’t know if he knows what he said either,” Trump said.   

Nearly an hour into the debate, a Biden aide and others familiar with his situation offered up an explanation for the president’s hoarseness: He has a cold.

But there were problems aside from the shakiness of Biden’s voice. When he wasn’t talking, he often stared off into the distance. Trump frequently steamrolled over Biden, accusing him of being a criminal and for peddling misinformation — many times without a response from Biden, though the president did fire back with a handful of one-liners throughout.

The Biden campaign acknowledged that the debate would be a critical moment in the election, with officials hoping it could shake up the race to the president’s benefit. Most polls have found the race to be neck and neck, with razor-thin margins that have moved negligibly for months, even after a New York jury found Trump guilty on 34 felony counts. 

Questions about Biden’s age and frailty have dragged down his polling numbers for months. The public concerns are exacerbated by deceptively edited videos, some of which have gone viral, that cut off relevant portions of an event, making it appear as if Biden is wandering or confused. This was Biden’s first opportunity since the State of the Union speech to dispel that narrative. 

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Instead of a new beginning, many Democrats saw it as a moment for panic. 

“Democrats just committed collective suicide,” said one party strategist who has worked on presidential campaigns. “Biden sounds hoarse, looks tired and is babbling. He is reaffirming everything voters already perceived. President Biden can’t win. This debate is a nail in the political coffin.“ 

“It’s hard to argue that we shouldn’t nominate someone else,” a Democratic consultant who works on down-ballot races added. 

Biden did ramp up as the debate progressed. 

“Only one of us is a convicted felon, and I’m looking at him,” Biden said to Trump. That was one moment that tested particularly well in the Biden campaign’s internal real-time polling at the time of the debate, according to a person familiar. 

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A Biden aide said that it was “not an ideal start” for the president at the beginning of the debate, but that there was “no mass panic” at the campaign headquarters in Delaware.

The muting of the candidates’ microphones at the debate, a stipulation agreed to before the debate by both campaigns, added a new dimension to the face-off. The first Biden-Trump match-up in 2020 was marked by repeated interruptions by Trump, leading to moments of frustration for Biden.

“Will you shut up, man?” Biden complained in that first Cleveland debate. 

Reaction pours in

“I’m thinking the Democrats are thinking about who the Barry Goldwater is who can walk in tomorrow and tell the president he needs to step aside,” said Ben Proto, chairman of the Connecticut Republican Party.

In 1974, after key Watergate tapes were made public, then-Sen. Barry Goldwater, R-Ariz., went to see President Richard Nixon alongside other prominent lawmakers, telling Nixon that he would be convicted by the Senate and should step aside — which the president did.

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Biden’s campaign defended his performance, saying he offered a “positive and winning vision” for America.

“On the other side of the stage was Donald Trump, who offered a dark and backwards window into what America will look like if he steps foot back in the White House: a country where women are forced to beg for the health care they need to stay alive. A country that puts the interests of billionaires over working people,” Biden campaign chair Jen O’Malley Dillon said in a statement. “And a former president who not once, not twice, but three times, failed to promise he would accept the results of a free and fair election this November.”

Some Democrats also defended Biden presidency more broadly after the debate, pointing to his policies over Trump’s.

“One thing this debate won’t change is Trump’s base instinct to sell out anyone to make a quick buck or put his own image on a steak, golf course, or even the Holy Bible,” said Brandon Weathersby, a spokesman with the pro-Biden American Bridge 21st Century super PAC. “Trump puts himself first everytime and that won’t change if he becomes president again.”

Trump, meanwhile, has fended off his own questions over whether he’s diminished by age, including his struggles to stay on topic and his meandering when speaking. Biden has posited that the former president “snapped” after his 2020 election loss and is unstable, which he aired again Thursday night.

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Trump often gave his typical rambling responses and seemed at times to make up factoids and figures.

“During my four years, I had the best environmental numbers ever, and my top environmental people gave me that statistic just before I walked on the stage, actually,” Trump said.

Trump also said that he would lower insulin prices for seniors, but it was Biden who signed legislation in 2022 that lowered out-of-pocket cost for people on Medicare to $35 a month and covered all insulin products. 

Setting the stage for the fall

The first debate during the 2020 election cycle was in early September, making the first 2024 general election debate significantly earlier than usual — more than two months ahead of Labor Day, which is often seen as the point when most voters start to pay attention to presidential contests.

“Debates move numbers,” said Matt Gorman, a longtime Republican strategist who worked for Tim Scott’s presidential campaign. “And with this so early — and the next one not until September — you’re stuck with the narrative for four long months.”

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“And one and the other’s performance will set the tone for the next one,” he added.

For months, Trump’s team has been hammering Biden’s mental acuity, a strategy that is at odds with how campaigns generally handle the lead-up to debates, when they try to build up opponents as deft debaters to set expectations.

The expectations for Biden were low, and by almost all estimates he was unable to clear them.

“Biden just had to beat himself; unfortunately the stumbling and diminished Joe Biden the world has come to know made Trump look competent and energetic,” said a former Trump campaign official who is not working for his campaign in 2024. “I expect there will be some loud calls from Democrats for a change on the top of the ticket.”

“The floor for Biden was so low,” the person added. “After Biden’s debate performance, it seems the floor is six feet under.”

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The 90-minute debate hit on a wide range of topics, but many of the most dominant themes were centered on those that have been most prominent on the campaign trail over the past few months.

Trump hit Biden on two big policy fights that have stubbornly dogged his campaign: immigration and inflation. 

Since Biden took office, 15 million jobs have been created and the unemployment rate sits at a relatively low 4%, but prices for consumer goods have remained high and provided a consistent line of attack from the Trump campaign and Republicans more broadly.

In one heated exchange, Trump point-blank said “he caused the inflation.” Biden said in response there was less inflation under Trump because he tanked the economy. 

“There was no inflation when I came into office,” Biden said before that rejoinder — a quote that was quickly used by Republicans as evidence that all of the current price hikes happened on Biden’s watch.

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Trump continued to attack Biden over his border policies, which his campaign has used as one of its biggest lines of attack throughout the campaign. That often including amplifying each time an undocumented migrant commits a crime even though the data does not support the idea of a migrant crime wave.

We have a border that is the most dangerous place anywhere in the world,” Trump said.

Earlier this year, Trump used his influence over congressional Republicans to successfully block a bipartisan border deal that Biden supported.

Biden also tried to land a punch on Jan. 6, trying to build on the oft-discussed idea that Trump returning to the White House would be a threat to democracy.

“He encouraged those folks to go up to Capitol Hill,” Biden said. “He sat there for three hours being begged by his vice president and many colleagues on the Republican side to do something.”

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Trump deflected, arguing the Biden should be “ashamed” for arresting those who participated in the attempted insurrection. 

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NFL hit with $4.7bn antitrust verdict over ‘Sunday Ticket’ game package

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NFL hit with $4.7bn antitrust verdict over ‘Sunday Ticket’ game package

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A California jury has found the US National Football League violated antitrust laws and ordered it to pay $4.7bn in damages to customers who bought a package of its live games over satellite television, in a landmark case that could reshape the market for sports rights distribution.

The verdict comes in a federal class-action lawsuit brought by subscribers to the NFL’s Sunday Ticket package, who alleged the league’s out-of-market games violated antitrust rules by restricting competition for certain Sunday afternoon fixtures to pay-TV.

The case, which was tried in a federal court in Los Angeles, may have wide-reaching consequences for how live sports rights are bundled. It also delivers a significant blow to the world’s richest sports league, as the fines could be tripled under US federal antitrust law.

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The NFL said it was “disappointed” with the verdict. “We continue to believe that our media distribution strategy . . . is by far the most fan friendly distribution model in all of sports and entertainment.” It said it would “contest” the verdict and maintained the claims were “baseless and without merit”.

In 1961, US Congress passed the Sports Broadcasting Act, which gives professional sports leagues such as the NFL an exemption from antitrust laws in order to pool sales of its media broadcast rights. Underpinning the act is the idea that professional teams including the Dallas Cowboys and the New York Giants operate as franchises of one business unit — the league — and as such media distribution of their fixtures is not in competition with one another.

Still, there are four time zones across the continental US, and the majority of NFL fixtures take place simultaneously on Sunday afternoons. That has created demand for so-called out-of-network games, which the league sells as its Sunday Ticket package. Viewers can watch fixtures of local teams on their regional Fox or CBS free-to-air network, but must purchase Sunday Ticket to watch games outside their home markets.

Underscoring the seriousness of the case and its implication for the future of live sports rights, NFL commissioner Roger Goodell and Cowboys owner Jerry Jones were among the witnesses testifying for the league during the trial. Goodell told the jury it was the first time he has presented under oath in a federal courtroom since he began his term in 2006, according to a report from the Associated Press.

The league maintained Sunday Ticket is a premium product with premium pricing, and as such would not undercut viewership for free-to-air local games. The package costs between $349 and $449 per year, depending on whether consumers have a subscription with distributor YouTube TV. Sunday Ticket was distributed by satellite provider DirecTV from 1994 until 2023, when the league awarded the rights to Google’s YouTube TV in a record $14bn contract.

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The lawsuit was brought by a San Francisco sports bar called the Mucky Duck in 2015 and has since been expanded to a class-action representing millions of subscribers and tens of thousands of similar establishments. The plaintiffs have highlighted, among other evidence, a 2017 internal NFL memo titled “New Frontier”, which suggested the league could divvy up Sunday fixtures across cable channels rather than pool them to satellite TV.

Unlike other US professional leagues, including Major League Baseball and the National Basketball Association, NFL teams do not offer individual TV packages. In his trial testimony, Cowboys owner Jones said he was “completely against each team doing TV deals”, according to the AP, despite the fact that a theoretical direct-to-consumer offering for his team — estimated to be worth $9bn by Forbes, the most valuable professional club in global sport — would likely rake in subscriptions.

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At the border, migrants ‘wait and see’ as encounters with Border Patrol dip 40%

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At the border, migrants ‘wait and see’ as encounters with Border Patrol dip 40%

Border patrol agents pick up migrants waiting to be processed in Dulzara, California on June 25, 2024.

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Zaydee Sanchez for NPR

Jacumba Valley, Calif. — Encounters between U.S. Customs and Border Patrol and migrants crossing the southern border without authorization decreased by 40% in the three weeks since new asylum restrictions took effect.

In announcing the executive actions on June 4, President Biden said these measures were needed to bring “order to the border.”

His administration points to the latest statistics as proof that the new policies are succeeding.

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“The president’s actions are working because of their tough response to illegal crossings,” Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas said at a press conference in Tucson, Arizona on Wednesday.

“We are removing more noncitizens without a legal basis to stay here.”

But the number of people arrested while attempting to cross the border declined over the past five months, and not all of that is attributable to U.S. policy. Mexico also scaled up its enforcement and has been stopping migrants from trekking north toward the U.S.

Mayorkas says the administration has doubled the number of expedited removals in the last three weeks, with more than 100 international repatriation flights to 20 countries. 

According to the DHS, arrests haven’t been this low since January 2021.

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Crossings are fewer but still hazardous for those who make the journey

So far on the California border, there’s been a noticeable shift: up until last month, the San Diego sector had been the place with most undocumented migrant crossings.

A migrant woman and her nine-year-old hold each other as they wait for border patrol agents in Dulzara, California. The family of three migrated from Ecuador and is hoping to seek asylum in the U.S. June 25, 2024.

A migrant woman and her nine-year-old hold each other as they wait for border patrol agents in Dulzara, California. The family of three migrated from Ecuador and is hoping to seek asylum in the U.S. June 25, 2024.

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A sandal can be seen through the busses of the desert in Dulzura, California, on June 24, 2024.

A sandal can be seen through the busses of the desert in Dulzura, California, on June 24, 2024.

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A couple of migrants wait to be processed by border patrol agents in Dulzara, California on June 25, 2024.

A couple of migrants wait to be processed by border patrol agents in Dulzara, California on June 25, 2024.

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Just weeks ago, hundreds of migrants still waited in campsites scattered throughout California’s Jacumba Valley, a remote area 80 miles east of San Diego. There, they could wait to be picked up by Border Patrol and petition for asylum.

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Lately, these locations look mostly empty, and makeshift tents flap in the wind. But some people still cross the border and end up here — including a family with three small children NPR encountered at one of the sweltering desert camps.

One of the children, a 7-year-old, was seriously dehydrated and seemed about to pass out. As humanitarian volunteers gave him first aid, the child’s parents explained that the family had walked for eight hours through the desert.

The journey was challenging– they evaded snakes and mountain lions– but staying in their native Mexico was not an option.

The family owns an auto repair shop in the southern state of Michoacán, where they were extorted and feared for their lives.

The mother, Jazmin Mora, says the family first fled to Tijuana, hoping to make it to the United States where they have family. But after just one month in the Mexican border city, they encountered violence there too, so they decided to try to cross.

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A mattress at the southern border in Jacumba Hot Springs, California, on June 24, 2024.

A mattress at the southern border in Jacumba Hot Springs, California, on June 24, 2024.

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Jazmin Mora puts a cold patch on her forehead to cool down as she and her family wait for border patrol agents in Jacumba Hot Springs, California on June 24, 2024.

Jazmin Mora puts a cold patch on her forehead to cool down as she and her family wait for border patrol agents in Jacumba Hot Springs, California on June 24, 2024.

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A border patrol agent approaches the informal migrant camp in Jacumba Hot Springs, California, as a child washes her hands on June 24, 2024.

A border patrol agent approaches the informal migrant camp in Jacumba Hot Springs, California, as a child washes her hands on June 24, 2024.

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“We moved around to several other places, but the reality is all Mexico is unsafe for everybody,” said Mora.

Her family’s story embodies what immigration analysts have told NPR about the newer border measures: deterrence policies alone do not work to curtail undocumented immigration in the long run.

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Implications for the U.S. presidential election

Although the Biden administration touts these policies as a success, migrants continue to arrive at the border, although they stay on the Mexican side to ‘wait and see’ when to cross.

The announcement of lower numbers of border encounters and higher numbers of removals comes just before the first presidential debate on Thursday, in which immigration is expected to be front and center.

Far away from the politics of Washington D.C., neither migrants nor the locals had much to say about the border policies. They told NPR they see it as politics as usual –no real, lasting solutions.

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