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Greg Casar Pitches a ‘Resistance 2.0’ for Democrats in the Age of Trump

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Greg Casar Pitches a ‘Resistance 2.0’ for Democrats in the Age of Trump

When he was a 29-year-old on the Austin City Council, Greg Casar led a charge to repeal a ban on camping in the city so that homeless people would not rack up criminal records that could make it harder to find permanent housing.

Tent cities sprang up, conservatives protested and residents voted to reinstate the ban.

These days, Mr. Casar, 35, is the chairman of the House Progressive Caucus and a rising star in a Democratic Party struggling to find its footing during the second coming of President Trump. He has shifted his emphasis to respond.

“We can’t be known as the party of just the most vulnerable people,” Mr. Casar, the bilingual son of Mexican immigrants, said in a recent interview in an Uber en route to a town hall in Thornton, Colo. “This isn’t just about lifting up the poorest people, and that’s where the progressive movement has been.”

Mr. Casar’s goal now is winning back the working people who feel as though the Democratic Party is not for them anymore. He said that also means making economic matters, rather than cultural or identity issues, the party’s bread and butter.

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“I’m shifting and changing,” he said. “On immigration, for example, in 2017, I would say, ‘Immigrant rights are human rights.’ I still believe that, but I’m now saying, ‘We need to make sure that all workers have equal rights.’ ”

He and his team refer to it as Resistance 2.0, and Mr. Casar took it out for a test drive last week. On a school stage here in this city north of Denver, more than 900 miles away from his district, he stood beside a cardboard cutout of a Republican lawmaker whose feet had been replaced with chicken claws.

The rest of the cutout’s body depicted Representative Gabe Evans of Colorado, a hard-right lawmaker elected in November who has held just one town hall since being sworn in. So here was Mr. Casar instead, hoping to show Democrats that their leaders were working to fill the void and defeat politicians too scared to show their faces in their districts amid a public backlash against Mr. Trump’s policies.

It was Mr. Casar’s third town hall in a Republican district, and he pushed back on the idea espoused by veteran party strategists like James Carville that Democrats should simply keep a low profile and “play dead,” letting Mr. Trump’s unpopular agenda win elections for them. If Democrats don’t make vast changes, he said, they will pave the way for a President JD Vance.

“A corpse is not an inspiring political leader,” Mr. Casar said at the town hall. “We need to be out there picking a villain and saying, ‘Elon Musk is stealing your Social Security money for himself.’”

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Many attendees did not sound convinced that the Democratic Party was doing much inspiring at all. One after another, they lined up for questions and expressed general fear and pointed concern that the Democrats were not standing up to Mr. Trump in any real way. They demanded to know what, exactly, the plan was.

“I’d like some confidence that my Democratic votes are actually going to result in strengthening a system and protecting it,” Deb Bennett-Woods, a retired professor, told Mr. Casar.

“It’s frustrating when we feel like our Democrats — I’m sure they’re doing the work, but we don’t hear it,” another woman vented at the microphone.

As a young leader in his second term in Congress, Mr. Casar may be uniquely positioned to answer such angst. He is sprightly — in high school, he placed sixth at the Texas state championships in the mile and once ran a 4-minute, 17-second pace. Despite the anxiety of the current political moment, Mr. Casar presents as a sunny, happy warrior. And his roots are in the progressive populism of Senator Bernie Sanders, independent of Vermont, whom he endorsed early in the 2016 presidential campaign and introduced at Mr. Sanders’s first Texas rally of that campaign.

“Isn’t our party supposed to be working for the many against the few that are screwing them over?” Mr. Casar said in the interview.

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Ahead of the town hall on Thursday, Mr. Casar popped up at a Hyatt in downtown Denver to meet with workers fighting their employer for an extra dollar an hour in pay that they said they were promised in their last contract negotiation.

“You deserve a raise,” Mr. Casar told them, first in English and then in Spanish. “I’m here with you in this. I’m not here asking for your vote. Your vote is your business, but what I want is to make sure that we all push for other politicians to be out here with you. Workers in this country deserve a big raise.”

He then accompanied them to hand-deliver a letter outlining the pay raise request to the head of human resources at the hotel, who looked uncomfortable and begged the group not to film her.

Standing with the workers, he said, was the most fun he’d had all day.

“It feels a lot more productive,” Mr. Casar said. “I prefer to do this than just voting ‘no.’ So often in Washington, we just get trapped in these senseless meetings.” (He likes to kick off his own caucus meetings by playing Marvin Gaye and Aretha Franklin, hoping to distinguish them from the tedium.)

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Those workers, he noted in the car, may not have voted in past elections. Maybe this kind of outreach from a Democrat could change that in the next one.

Mr. Evans’ spokeswoman responded to Mr. Casar’s presence in Colorado’s Eighth District by calling him a “defund the police activist who wants to see socialism and transgenderism take over America.”

Mr. Casar rolled his eyes at that. But he said he had made a purposeful pivot to responding to the political crisis in which he finds himself and his party. It means fewer purity tests, and a bigger tent.

And it means allying himself with more moderate Democrats who represent competitive districts and emphasize their military backgrounds to get elected — the types who would never fight for urban camping rights for the homeless.

He is on a text chain with Representatives Pat Ryan of New York and Chris Deluzio in Pennsylvania, two Democrats representing swing districts who also want the party to focus on working people and make villains out of the billionaires benefiting from Mr. Trump’s policies.

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“We’re just talking about issues that are central: utility bills, health care bills, housing affordability,” Mr. Ryan said in an interview. “We can rebuild a broad American and patriotic coalition.”

Mr. Ryan does not love the “Resistance 2.0” framing, but he and Mr. Casar share a vision for what the party needs to be about.

“If we’re resisting something, we’re resisting harm to our constituents, from a big corporation or a billionaire or a corrupt government official,” he said.

Mr. Casar concedes that he has made some mistakes since taking over the Progressive Caucus, a group of nearly 100 lawmakers that is one of the largest in the House. It was his idea for Democrats to hold up signs that read “Musk Steals” and “Save Medicaid” during Mr. Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress. The signs were widely panned, and Mr. Casar now admits they were a bit dopey.

“Looking back on it, I think that just showing up and then leaving would have been better,” he said. “We get pressured into acting like we never make a mistake. I learned that some of the things we pushed for in 2017 became too-easy targets, so we’ve got to change. And I learned from that speech that when the president is just going to lie through the speech, it’s probably best just to walk out.”

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But he has been consistent since Election Day that economic populism is the right approach for his party.

After the election, when Democrats were bemoaning that incumbents worldwide lost because of inflation, Mr. Casar advised his colleagues to take a look at President Claudia Sheinbaum’s decisive victory in Mexico, where a representative of the incumbent party won on a populist economic agenda.

Since then, he has participated in a “Fighting Oligarchy” rally with Mr. Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York. He sees himself as a team coach, and he refers to Ms. Ocasio-Cortez as “the No. 1 draft pick we’ve seen in my lifetime.”

Jetting around constantly can take a toll, especially on a young person attempting to have a normal life. He got dinged last year for skipping President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.’s address to House Democrats and going to a Joni Mitchell concert instead. It has also been tough at times on his partner.

“It’s really hard,” his wife, Asha, a philanthropic adviser, said of the realities of being married to an ambitious politician. “Greg is my favorite, but it’s not my favorite.”

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He knows this, but Mr. Casar uses the word “resolute” to describe his commitment to the job and the fight ahead.

“There is a level of anxiety across the country that did not exist under Trump 1,” Mr. Sanders said in an interview, referring to Mr. Trump’s first term. “Greg understands that the future of American politics is to do what the Democratic leadership does not understand. That is to start addressing the serious crises of working families.”

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Analysis: Is Trump a lame duck now? | CNN Politics

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Analysis: Is Trump a lame duck now? | CNN Politics

A version of this story appeared in CNN’s What Matters newsletter. To get it in your inbox, sign up for free here.

For the first time in his second term, President Donald Trump was confronted by his fellow Republicans. And he fell in line.

Rather than face a massive defection of Republican votes in the House, Trump flipped to support a bill to force the Department of Justice to release non-classified files related to the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

The flip-flop was a long time coming. The House of Representatives stayed out of session for more than a month during the government shutdown, which helped to shield Trump from this vote. After Trump ultimately endorsed the bill he had previously opposed, there was near-unanimity when the House voted on it Tuesday.

It now appears to be on a glide path to Trump’s desk.

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It’s not clear that Trump will appear in the remainder of the files as he did in emails from Epstein’s estate released by the House Oversight Committee last week. But it’s definitely clear that Trump has no interest in continuing to talk about Epstein. When a reporter asked Trump in the Oval Office Tuesday why he doesn’t just release the files, he shot back that she was a bad reporter.

“Quiet, piggy,” was how he sternly reacted with a pointed finger to another reporter last week on Air Force One when she asked about the Epstein files.

The argument that seems to have convinced Republicans to break with Trump on releasing the Epstein files and vote was best expressed by Rep. Thomas Massie, the Kentucky Republican who has tangled with the administration on multiple issues.

“The deal for Republicans on this vote is that Trump will protect you if you vote the wrong way,” Massie told CNN’s Manu Raju last week. “In other words, if you vote to cover up for pedophiles, you’ve got cover in a Republican primary. But I would remind my colleagues that this vote is gonna be on your record for longer than Trump is gonna be president.”

Pair that sentiment with Trump’s recent acknowledgment that he will not be on the ballot in 2028, which means he won’t be president in 2029, and you have the makings of a lame-duck presidency.

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There are other issues dividing the GOP, as CNN’s Aaron Blake noted Tuesday. In addition to the Epstein files, Republicans are grousing about Trump’s foreign focus; his apparent lack of understanding of the issue of affordability and how it relates to his tariff policy; the destruction of the White House East Wing; and the way his family is appearing to enrich itself.

Pretty much all of these issues were on display at Trump’s Oval Office appearance Monday, when he sat next to and defended Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

None of this means that Republican lawmakers are going to turn on Trump en masse in the near future. But it does mean you will hear that term, lame duck, with more frequency.

Believe it or not, “lame duck” is a technical term in US politics. Historians in both the House and Senate track lame-duck terms.

To them, it refers to a politician in the period after their successor has been elected, but before that person is sworn in. The outgoing politician still technically has power, but is no longer really accountable to voters.

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From a technical standpoint, no. US voters will vote twice before Trump leaves office: in midterms next year and the general election to replace him in 2028. His presidency will play a factor in both of those elections. The government will have to be funded each year, and natural disasters and other events will require leadership.

But the term also has a more colloquial meaning that refers to anyone who can’t be reelected. That included Trump starting on Day 1 of his second term. But his superpower in recent years has been his hold over the Republican Party. That power, at least in theory, will fade a smidge every time he asks Republican lawmakers to do something voters will not like.

Just because a president is losing power does not mean there is nothing important going on. The ultimate lame-duck disaster occurred in 1860, after the election of Abraham Lincoln but before he was sworn in. That’s when Southern states started seceding from the union, starting with South Carolina in December.

George W. Bush ushered in a bailout to the financial system during the Great Recession just before his successor, Barack Obama, was elected.

The 20th Amendment to the Constitution was ratified in 1933 in part to shorten the length of lame-duck sessions. Originally, in the pre-modern horse-and-buggy era, unless the president called Congress into session earlier, lawmakers would not convene for a new Congress until 13 months after Election Day.

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There’s a lot more time than that — a little less than 36 months — until the next presidential election.

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How Every House Member Voted to Release the Epstein Files

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How Every House Member Voted to Release the Epstein Files

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Measure passed with 427 “yes” votes to 1 “no” votes.
Vote Total Democrats Republicans Bar chart of total votes
427 211 216
1 0 1
5 3 2

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The House overwhelmingly passed a bill on Tuesday to demand that the Justice Department release all of its investigation files on Jeffrey Epstein, the convicted sex offender who was a one-time friend to President Trump.

The only member to vote “no” was Representative Clay Higgins, Republican of Louisiana. Two other Republicans and three Democrats did not vote.

The bill now goes to the Senate, where members will vote on whether to send the measure to President Trump to be signed.

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How Every Member Voted

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Farewell, fair penny. You are finished, but never forgotten

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Farewell, fair penny. You are finished, but never forgotten

Farewell, sweet penny. The last of you was minted last week, but you will never stray far from our thoughts and aphorisms.

Matthew Hatcher/Getty Images


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Matthew Hatcher/Getty Images

Alas, dear penny, you served us well.

We picked you up, you gave us luck.

We gave you to others in exchange for their thoughts.

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And remember when we pondered whether dropping you from the Empire State Building could kill a pedestrian? That was fun. (More on that later.)

Now you are dead — but not gone (more on that later, too) — at the wizened age of 232. When polished, you look as young as when you were first minted, but you are worth less to us now, and we’ve moved on to greater expenses. The nation once used you to pay Union soldiers in the Civil War; now, you barely buy a gumball (and only in bulk!).

Like nearly all Americans, you descended from an immigrant, the British penny. Those coins were once so valuable that they were split into halves and even quarters — your late British cousins, the halfpenny and the farthing. In Britain, the coin’s history goes back to the time when kings and queens had names like Offa and Cynethryth and Aethelred the Unready, and your name likely traces its lineage from the German for pan — pfanne, for pan, which evolved to pfennig, for penny.

The first one-cent coin in the United States rolled off a private mint in 1787 and wasn’t called a penny. It was the fugio cent — fugio for “fly away” in Latin, signifying time flies. The 100% copper coin was inscribed with the surprising words, “mind your business,” more a take on “penny wise, pound foolish” than an admonition against nosiness.

A black-and-white photo of a child pondering a variety of gum-ball machines options on a sunny street.

A child could buy bubble gum for a penny in 1975. You’d have to buy in bulk to get that rate today.

Peter Keegan/Keystone/Getty Images

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Peter Keegan/Keystone/Getty Images

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The U.S. minted its first official penny in 1793. Abraham Lincoln was pictured on the coin starting in 1909, to honor the centennial of his birth, the first time a president’s image graced U.S. currency. The words “In God We Trust” were added at the same time. Ever the trailblazer, you, the humble penny, were the first to carry those words before Congress added it to all currency and made it the national motto almost a half-century later.

Now, at just 2.5% copper and the rest zinc, you can’t even beat the cost of your own production, according to the U.S. Mint, which says it took 3.69 of you to make only one more in 2024.

Although we shall not meet any new pennies, we know you will hang around for another 30 years or so, because that’s the typical lifespan of a coin, according to the U.S. Treasury.

So, luckily for us, we’ll still have the perfect coins to put in our penny loafers in the 2050s, when we can expect them to cycle back in style. (In the 1930s, young people put money in their shoes for emergency pay phone calls, and thus the Weejun was born. Maybe someone will design a stylish cellphone shoe before the penny disappears?)

Meanwhile, you live on in other ways. We will most certainly celebrate you aphoristically, and this is where the penny drops. We will always be in for a penny, in for a pound. We will proudly trade pennies for thoughts while continuing to give our own two cents’ worth. We will still pinch you, because a penny saved is, as ever, a penny earned. We will put a shiny penny in a bride’s shoe for luck.

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James Geary, author of The World in a Phrase: A Brief History of the Aphorism, says the penny is the perfect coin for these little pearls of wisdom.

“The penny lends itself to aphorisms because they are both small — the aphorism is the shortest form of literature, and the penny is the smallest monetary denomination,” Geary says.

Yes, you are small but mighty. Yet we will never kill anything with you, from the Empire State or any other tall building. Your dimensions — three-quarters of an inch thick and weighing less than a tenth of an ounce — are better suited to flipping and fluttering in the air than reaching fatal velocity.

As the Mythbusters demonstrated, the penny-drop myth isn’t worth a dime. But, at 10 cents, the dime is at least profitable to mint.

Along with the dime, your survivors include the nickel and the quarter.

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Rest well, sweet penny.

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