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GOP points fingers after disappointing year

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GOP points fingers after disappointing year

For House Republicans, the first year of their new majority was a lesson in humility, plagued by infighting, historic expulsions and dashed exceptions. 

Don’t just count the nearly four weeks without an elected Speaker and the public bickering. The internal dysfunction is also reflected in the key metrics. Just 31 pieces of legislation became law in 2023, the lowest number in the modern era, going back more than 50 years. 

Even some Republicans acknowledge that the internal discord and low productivity are intrinsically linked. 

“Part of that has to do just with the condition that the House is in,” Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) said of the low number of bills signed into law. “The House is, really, on the edge all the time — that’s made it difficult to actually pass laws and get them out.”

“That’s not always a bad thing,” Rounds added. “But, you know, you’ve had two Speakers. They’ve been embroiled in their investigations. And it’s one of the reasons why things such as the passage of the NDAA [annual defense bill] can get bogged down, just because members who have a real desire to pass legislation recognize it is one of the few vehicles that’s actually moving.”

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Divided government and a slim House GOP majority had always meant that finding bipartisan consensus in lawmaking would be difficult. But the number of bills passed is significantly lower than other periods of divided government, with those structural issues further exacerbated by GOP infighting.

Conservative House Republicans started the year insisting on passing all 12 regular appropriations bills individually, rather than resorting to a massive omnibus spending bill as had become the norm.

But disputes about spending levels and policy riders led to Democrats refusing to support those bills — and Republicans repeatedly blocking several of them from passage.

After that, major pieces of legislation signed into law this year include a debt limit increase bill that infuriated the right wing and two “clean” short-term extensions of government funding, which also aggravated conservatives. President Biden also signed the annual defense authorization bill, which came with major disputes about socially conservative policies and short-term extension of Section 702 spy authorities in the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA).

Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), one of those hardline conservatives at the center of pushing for lower spending levels and socially conservative policies, vented his frustrations about Republicans not delivering enough in a fiery floor speech in November — arguing that lack of results had to do with a lack of will among Republicans.

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“One thing! I want my Republican colleagues to give me one thing ― one! ― that I can go campaign on and say we did,” he said. “One! Anybody sitting in the complex, if you want to come down to the floor and come explain to me, one material, meaningful, significant thing the Republican majority has done besides, ‘Well, I guess it’s not as bad as the Democrats.’”

Another metric further reflects how bitterness and the politics of revenge has overtaken the chamber. The House formally censured three Democratic members of Congress this year, marking the highest number of censures in a year since 1870 when three members were censured for selling military academy appointments, according to the House historian’s office.

And those punitive measures were overshadowed by two others: the historic ouster of Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) by rebellious conservatives, and the expulsion of Rep. George Santos (R-N.Y.) after just 11 months in office.

Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.), a close ally of the former Speaker, said that the ouster of McCarthy led to bad policy outcomes for Republicans.

“What happened by a small group of Republicans this year put us behind for what I want to effectuate is in public policy — for conservative policy outcomes,” McHenry said. “We’re worse off for eight Republicans voting with all the Democrats to oust the most effective Republican Speaker we’ve had in a long time.”

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The low number of enacted laws has become an attack line for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), the campaign arm for the House Democrats.

“Censure. Expulsion. Impeachment. Resignation. These are the only things MAGA Republicans seem to care about, anything but delivering on the issues that matter most. That’s why this Republican-led House has the unfortunate distinction of being the most inefficient and least productive since the Great Depression,” said a DCCC memo distributed publicly earlier this month.

Some House Republicans have rejected the idea that the small number of legislative victories is a reflection of a dysfunctional GOP majority, noting that the lower chamber has passed a host of Republican bills that Democratic leaders in the Senate have simply declined to consider, including an immigration overhaul and a massive energy policy bill.

While the House GOP is struggling to pass its last five appropriations bills, many House Republicans often flaunt how they have outpaced the Senate.

“I don’t serve in the House, but I don’t think the Senate has been nearly as productive as it could have been,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said in a press conference when asked about the small number of bills signed into law. “For example, we had a lot of floor time here the last couple months we could have been processing appropriation bills to get us in a better position to finish funding the government sooner.”

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Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.), a senior appropriator and chairman of the House Rules Committee, argued that Republicans notched a win simply by preventing Biden from moving his legislative wish-list through Congress, as he had in his first two years when Democrats controlled both chambers.

“There were a lot of victories. There were a lot of things that didn’t happen that would have happened absent this majority,” he said. “So we’ve been able to stop a lot of the spending. … But again, when you control one House by margins like this, your victories are usually what you keep from happening, not what you can make happen.” 

Cole also pointed out that Republicans, frequently critical of the government, don’t always gauge the success of a Congress merely on the number of bills signed into law. Sometimes, he said, less is better. 

“If you’re a Republican, you believe in less government, and not doing something is sometimes a good thing,” he said. “So, just because we passed a law doesn’t mean it was a good law, it doesn’t mean it has a positive effect.” 

The number of bills also does not necessarily correspond to the significance of legislation passed, as some bills are packed with policy changes while others are limited to renaming buildings. One of the bills Biden signed this year directs the Treasury Secretary to mint coins commemorating the 250th anniversary of the Marine Corps.

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There are no signs that agreement — within or between the parties — and lawmaking will tick up to higher historical levels in 2024.

Republicans left Washington this month sniping over government funding, foreign aid, leadership tactics and who bears the blame for their lean legislative record. 

And those scuffles are set to resume when Congress returns to Washington in January facing urgent deadlines on government spending and a tough fight over emergency funding for Ukraine — two issues that have severed the GOP conference and created enormous headaches for Republican leaders hoping to unite their party against President Biden’s agenda heading into tough elections in November.

“It’s divided government in a presidential year — it’s gonna be close. I don’t see us moving a lot of big legislation,” Cole said. “I think the appropriations bills, and whatever the two sides agree should be attached to them, is probably the best you’re going to get.” 

Al Weaver contributed.

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Biden rules out quitting at start of make-or-break trip to battleground states

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Biden rules out quitting at start of make-or-break trip to battleground states

Joe Biden said he was “completely ruling out” ending his re-election bid on Friday at the start of a make-or-break weekend of public appearances intended to quell calls from within his party to drop out of the presidential race.

Biden sat for his first television interview since his disastrous performance in last week’s presidential debate, which sparked panic in the Democratic party.

In a clip of the interview released by ABC News, Biden said the debate was a “bad episode”, claiming he was “exhausted” and “sick” on the night.

But amid reports that members of Biden’s family are blaming his top campaign staff for the president’s halting performance, he said his appearance on the debate stage was “nobody’s fault but mine”.

The interview came shortly after Biden delivered a defiant speech in Wisconsin, a swing state, telling a crowd of supporters that he would not bow to the mounting pressure on him to quit.

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“Guess what? They’re trying to push me out of the race. Let me say this as clearly as I can: I’m staying in the race. I’ll beat Donald Trump.”

But Biden’s bullishness was undercut by a report that an influential Democratic senator was attempting to assemble a group of the party’s senators to urge the president to drop his re-election bid.

Mark Warner, a senator from Virginia, told colleagues that Biden could no longer remain in the race for the White House, The Washington Post reported on Friday. A spokesperson for Warner did not respond to a request for comment. When Biden was later asked by a reporter about Warner, the president said the senator was “the only one considering that”.

Separately, Maura Healey, the Democratic governor of Massachusetts, became the first state governor to suggest Biden step aside. Healey was among governors who met the president for emergency talks at the White House this week.

She issued a statement on Friday afternoon saying she was “deeply grateful” for Biden’s leadership, but urged him to “listen to the American people and carefully evaluate whether he remains our best hope to defeat Donald Trump”.

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But Biden brushed aside the concerns again on Friday evening, telling reporters that he was “completely ruling . . . out” leaving the race. When a reporter asked him if he was the best candidate to beat Trump, Biden replied: “I did it before.” When the reporter asked a follow-up, he replied: “You’ve been wrong about everything so far. You were wrong about 2022 . . . you were wrong about 2023 . . . so look, we’ll see.”

Reporters travelling with Biden noted several people standing outside the venue where he spoke in Wisconsin holding signs urging him to “bow out” and “pass the torch”. Another sign read: “Give it up, Joe,” while one said: “Pres Biden — serve your country — not your ego.”

On Sunday, Biden will make a campaign stop in another swing state, Pennsylvania. The trip through critical states comes as he battles to quell deep discontent in his party about his determination to stay in the race. Despite Democratic governors publicly voicing support for Biden this week, scores of lawmakers, party operatives and influential donors are now agitating for him to be replaced with a younger candidate.

The pre-recorded interview with ABC News’s George Stephanopoulos, a former adviser to Democratic president Bill Clinton, was being billed as a chance for the president to allay concerns about his mental acuity.

But White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre sought to downplay the significance of the interview, telling reporters on Air Force One on Friday that Biden was preparing for the conversation “like he does with any other interview”.

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Some donors have pushed California Governor Gavin Newsom and Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer to replace the president as the Democratic candidate, the Financial Times reported on Thursday. Vice-president Kamala Harris is in pole position to replace Biden if he drops out.

A handful of Democratic lawmakers have come out publicly in recent days calling for Biden to end his re-election bid. An increasing number of megadonors — including media heiress Abigail Disney and Hollywood agent Ari Emanuel — have said they would not give Biden any more money.

Biden has also been weakened by damaging public opinion polls that show him trailing Trump by several points both nationwide and in the battleground states that are likely to determine the outcome of November’s election.

But Biden and his campaign have refused to blink in the face of the pressure. His campaign on Friday said it would spend another $50mn on advertising in the month of July, including for ad spots that would run during this month’s Republican National Convention and the Olympics.

Harris, Newsom and Whitmer have remained publicly loyal to the president’s campaign. At a July 4 celebration at the White House on Thursday evening, Biden joined hands with his vice-president as some people in the crowd chanted, “four more years”.

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But other prominent Democrats are more reluctant to share the stage with the president. When Biden visited Wisconsin on Friday, he was joined by the state’s Democratic governor, Tony Evers — but not Tammy Baldwin, the state’s Democratic senator, who is polling far ahead of the president.

The latest FiveThirtyEight polling average shows Trump leading Biden by just shy of two points in Wisconsin.

Trump has kept a relatively low profile since the debate, allowing media attention to remain on Biden’s difficulties and Democratic disarray.

But the former president has slammed Harris in recent days, and on Thursday night challenged Biden to another “no holds barred” debate. A second debate between them is already scheduled for September.

“What a great evening it would be, just the two of us, one on one, in a good, old fashioned debate, the way they used to be,” Trump said in a post on his Truth Social platform. “ANYTIME, ANYWHERE, ANYPLACE!!!”.

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Biden said on Friday that he remained “committed” to attending the September debate.

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Firefighters make progress against California fire, but heat risks grow in the West

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Firefighters make progress against California fire, but heat risks grow in the West

A Cal Fire OV-10 air tactical aircraft releases a puff of smoke while guiding a fire retardant drop during the Thompson Fire in Oroville, Calif., on Wednesday.

Stephen Lam/San Francisco Chronicle/AP


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Stephen Lam/San Francisco Chronicle/AP

OROVILLE, Calif. — Firefighters made progress Friday against a California wildfire that triggered extensive evacuation orders, but damage assessments raised the number of destroyed structures to 25, and forecasters said heat and fire risk were expanding on the West Coast.

Containment of the Thompson Fire near the Butte County city of Oroville rose overnight from 29% to 46%, according to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection. The fire was measured at just under 6 square miles after only slight growth overnight.

Most evacuation orders covering about 17,000 people were lifted Thursday.

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Firefighters “did a really good job yesterday” enforcing containment lines, and wind hasn’t been a factor, said Cal Fire Capt. Alejandro Cholico, a fire spokesperson.

A new blaze dubbed the French Fire erupted Thursday evening and triggered evacuations in the small Gold Rush town of Mariposa in the Sierra Nevada foothills along a highway leading to Yosemite National Park.

Flames from the French Fire burn on a hillside above Mariposa, Calif., on Friday.

Flames from the French Fire burn on a hillside above Mariposa, Calif., on Friday.

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Bulldozers and crews built a line across the entire eastern side of Mariposa as flames spread over 1.3 square miles before fire activity moderated.

“Winds have calmed which has helped firefighters make progress overnight,” a Cal Fire status report said.

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In addition to structures destroyed by the Thompson Fire, six others were damaged. There was no immediate information on the types of structures, but several homes were seen ablaze after the fire broke out Tuesday morning about 70 miles north of Sacramento.

The number of reported firefighter injuries was lowered from four to two, Cholico said. The cause of the blaze remained under investigation.

The Oroville region is familiar with catastrophic events. The deadliest and most destructive wildfire in state history nearly wiped out the town of Paradise in Butte County in 2018.

Forecasters, meanwhile, warned California’s blistering heat wave will continue and spread into the Pacific Northwest and adjacent western states.

“The duration of this heat is also concerning as scorching above average temperatures are forecast to linger into next week,” the National Weather Service wrote.

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Among extremes, the forecast for Furnace Creek in Death Valley National Park calls for daytime highs of 129 degrees on Sunday and then around 130 through Wednesday. The official world record for hottest temperature recorded on Earth was 134 degrees in Death Valley in July 1913, but some experts dispute that measurement and say the real record was 130 recorded there in July 2021.

Numerous wildfires have erupted since the late spring across California, largely feeding on abundant grasses that grew during back-to-back wet winters and have since dried.

Most have been kept small, but some have grown large. The biggest active fire is the Basin Fire in the Sierra National Forest, where nearly 22 square miles have burned since late June. It was 46% contained Friday.

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The fight for the UK right has begun

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The fight for the UK right has begun

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Political narratives are extremely hard to shift once they have set. There are still people who erroneously attribute Labour’s 1992 election defeat to Neil Kinnock’s over-exuberance at a party rally. Now, as the Conservative party digests the most unpalatable result in its entire history, the first battle will be to set the official version of why they lost. And since this is central to the looming leadership contest, the fight has already begun. In fact it started well before the election.

Where all agree is that this week’s loss marks the collapse of the broad, contradictory and probably unsustainable coalition assembled by Boris Johnson after Brexit, which brought white working class and Leave-supporting voters into the Tory tent alongside successful liberal-minded globalists.

But there, the debate starts. On one side are those Tory rightwingers like Suella Braverman and David Frost, who argue that on tax, immigration and net zero, the party abandoned its core voters, opening up the space for the success of Nigel Farage’s Reform UK.

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For them the wipeout is entirely explained by a split on the right. In this account Rishi Sunak is a woke, Tory left-winger whose ideological betrayal was compounded by his ineptitude in calling the election before it was necessary and running a disastrous campaign.

The more convincing counter-narrative is that voters felt worse off and were repelled by a government they concluded was incompetent. Defeat was sealed by the Covid lockdown breaches of Johnson’s Downing Street and Liz Truss’s mini-Budget.

Having already lost liberal-minded voters over Brexit, they then lost their new coalition of voters too. But while this explanation makes more sense, the party still needs to heal the split.

Traditionally the Tories would simply move a notch to the right and steal enough of Reform’s clothes to regain their supporters. However, this new opponent will not easily let itself be out-righted. Each move right will also cost votes on the other, more liberal side of the Tory coalition. 

The other problem is that the radical right now has a toehold on Westminster politics and Farage believes he can supersede the Conservatives. Those calling for a new nationalist right argue that there is no point in trying to win back lost liberal Tories.

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Reform looks to the success of the radical right in Europe and asks whether it cannot turn into the main voice of the right in the UK. Farage’s ambition will only have been fortified by his modest parliamentary breakthrough and the 98 seats where Reform is currently in second place, almost all of them to Labour. 

Farage argues his party can reach parts of the electorate, notably the white working class and some young men, who backed Johnson but no longer think any of the main parties speaks for them. While the primary damage in this election was to the Tories, he argues that the next time it could be to Labour.

So what next? The UK’s electoral system punishes splits. That means the odds are still in the Conservatives’ favour against Reform. They have more votes, more than twenty times the seats and a historically recognised brand. They will also hope that Reform’s success reflects a temporary disaffection which can be clawed back.

For this to be true, however, the Tories need to find a leader with the confidence to argue for the UK’s economic interests, who can rebuild a broad coalition and speak to the populist vote while not alienating core supporters. This probably means recognising the potency of the immigration issue while finding a way not to put off large sections of liberal and wealth-generating Britain on all other matters. Above all, it means reconnecting with younger voters and families by showing that the party has an economic offer for them.

The challenge is that Farage is one of the most effective communicators in politics. He is rethinking his pitch, softening some of his free-market instincts and looking at how to appeal to younger voters. The Tories are not currently blessed with a similarly stand out figure.

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The only other path, unless Farage is gifted the electoral reform he seeks, is some form of unspoken pact with Reform. But this probably requires a few more defeats and stalemates before it could happen.

What is clear is that right-wing politics is now in flux. At its heart is the battle over whether future success lies in a broad coalition built on restored reputation for competence or a radical realignment of the right.

Logic, history and the British electoral system strongly suggests the former. Surrendering to the Faragist path rather than taking it on and defeating it would herald the end of the centre right and a capitulation to unserious politics. But the only guarantee is that as long as the split remains, the right should get used to opposition.

robert.shrimsley@ft.com

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