South Dakota
Election security changes in South Dakota for the upcoming presidential election
DETROIT, Michigan (South Dakota News Watch) – Justin Roebuck can recall the exact moment that distrust of 2020 presidential election results impacted his status in the Republican Party.
The top election official of Ottawa County in western Michigan was speaking to a GOP women’s group when he was asked who won the race between Republican Donald Trump and Democrat Joe Biden in the Midwest battleground state.
“When I told them that Biden won Michigan by about 154,000 votes, the gasp was audible in the room,” said Roebuck, adding that he was castigated by other party members for legitimizing the results. “I think it hit home for me at that point.”
Roebuck was among a group of election officials who spoke to journalists as part of the National Press Foundation 2024 Elections Fellowship in late July, assessing the state of American voting systems ahead of November.
They illustrated how unfounded claims of voter fraud, exacerbated by public frustration over social restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic, emboldened electoral activists seeking to overturn results and erode trust in the democratic process.
These reverberations were felt in South Dakota, where grassroots efforts from organizations such as South Dakota Canvassing Group put pressure on state legislators to address election security through post-election audits and the banning of unmonitored drop boxes.
But the heightened scrutiny of casting and counting votes was hardly unique to the Republican-run Mount Rushmore State.
Michigan, a Democratic-controlled swing state that voted for Trump in 2016 and Biden four years later, was at the center of civil unrest before, during and after the tumultuous 2020 presidential race.
The way the two states handled the fallout – with Michigan expanding voting opportunities through ballot measures and South Dakota restricting access with legislative action – reveals disparate strategies to defend the sanctity of the vote.
South Dakota House Majority Leader Will Mortenson told News Watch that, in the case of restricting drop boxes, there were questions about the “susceptibility of abuse” and whether that justified changing the law. “Or do we have to wait until there’s actual abuse that we see before we address the susceptibility?” he asked.
David Becker, founder of the Center for Election Innovation and Research, which provides support and legal assistance to election workers, addressed the question by saying that ballot security measures should be based on verifiable information and not theories or speculation.
“What I’d love to see the conspiracy theorists asked is, ‘Why are you putting this out on social media? Why isn’t this being presented to a court of law?’” Becker said during the fellowship in Detroit. “Because still to this day, over 44 months since the 2020 election, there has not been one single shred of evidence presented to any court anywhere in this country that cast doubt on the outcome of that election.”
Michigan serves as testing ground
Trump led the vote tally in Michigan well past midnight on election night in 2020. But the race shifted in the early morning hours as nearly 3 million absentee ballots were counted, many in the Democratic stronghold of the state’s largest city, Detroit.
The logistical challenge of processing mail-in ballots on Election Day delayed results and then showed Biden taking the lead, fueling anti-government distrust from conservative groups that flared earlier in the year.
In April 2020, hundreds of protestors, some armed with rifles, stormed the state Capitol in Lansing to rail against Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer’s stay-at-home orders and other pandemic restrictions.
In October, a month from the 2020 election, the FBI charged a group of men with hatching a plot to kidnap the governor from her northern Michigan vacation home, with ensuing trials leading to nine convictions and five acquittals.
Following Biden’s victory, Michigan was at the center of a coordinated effort to subvert the election, with Republican activists submitting fraudulent documents claiming Trump won the state’s Electoral College vote, a prelude to the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol in Washington.
“Just about every election-denying scheme or stunt that gained national attention in the past four years was attempted at some point here in Michigan,” said Attorney General Dana Nessel, who filed forgery and other felony charges against 16 alleged false electors.
“So they really staged their dress rehearsal in Michigan because they knew it was a good laboratory for their experimentation and to probe the kind of reception they’d get on a national level.”
Ballot measure expands voter access
In June 2021, after months of investigation, a Republican-controlled Senate Oversight Committee in Michigan issued a report that found “no evidence of widespread or systematic fraud” related to the 2020 presidential election in Michigan.
But GOP lawmakers still pointed to vulnerabilities in the system and moved to pass nearly 40 bills aimed at restricting voter registration, absentee ballots, voter ID and drop boxes. Whitmer vetoed the bills and overcame a narrow Republican legislative majority, which has since shifted to a slim Democratic advantage.
In 2022, Michigan voters adopted Proposal 2, a constitutional amendment that established at least nine days of early voting, provided voters with a right to request an absentee ballot, and enshrined voter ID rules that Republicans had sought to restrict.
The measure also mandated at least one state-funded drop box for each municipality, with additional boxes for every 15,000 voters, building on absentee voting reforms passed in a similar Promote the Vote amendment in 2018.
Proposal 2, lauded by supporters as Promote the Vote II, passed with 60% of the vote, a notable mandate at a time of election-related angst in the state.
“In Michigan, you don’t get 60% of the vote with Democrats or liberals alone,” said Democratic state Sen. Jeremy Moss, who chaired the Senate Elections and Ethics Committee that implemented many of the reforms.
“That’s a coalition of Democrats, Republicans and Independents who wanted to back away from misinformation and join other states that had early voting and other provisions that provided more access to the ballot.”
Message matches the moment
South Dakota’s own introspection on election access was accelerated by groups such as South Dakota Canvassing, whose founders were inspired by My Pillow founder and conspiracy theorist Mike Lindell’s 2021 Cyber Symposium in Sioux Falls.
Lindell, who campaigned for Trump alongside South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem, claimed to have incriminating 2020 election data showing that China hacked into U.S. voting systems to help elect Biden. He offered $5 million to anyone who could prove him wrong, which did indeed happen, forcing him into a court battle as he tried to avoid honoring the bet.
“Fair elections equal a representative republic, but stolen elections equal slavery,” Canvassing Group co-founder Jessica Pollema told followers, who put county auditors and commissioners on the defensive by echoing accusations from conservative media and demanding proof of secure systems, even in a state that Trump won by 26 points in 2020.
For some Republicans, the message matched the moment. In a May 2024 poll co-sponsored by News Watch, more than 6 in 10 South Dakotans said they were dissatisfied with how democracy is working in the United States, including 32% who said they were “very dissatisfied.”
The same poll found that 58% of Republican respondents said they accepted the outcome of the 2020 presidential election.
“Election denialism presents an opportunity to build a movement around restricting voting access and turning back the clock on a variety of electoral innovations,” Charles Stewart, a political science professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, told News Watch in 2023.
“The places that are generally going to be the most receptive to that message are rural-based Republican states. To put it plainly, it makes sense to hunt where the ducks are.”
‘Make sure that it’s done right’
That was the political climate in which South Dakota’s Republican leadership, in consultation with county auditors, explored the issue of election security during the 2023 state legislative session in Pierre.
Those seeking major overhauls included Rick Weible, a computer analyst and Canvassing Group adviser who supports the hand counting of ballots and criticizes South Dakota’s 46-day early voting period, tied for longest in the nation.
“If you want to get rid of election deniers, you have to let them be part of the process,” Weible said of his lobbying efforts.
Opportunity Solutions Project, a conservative nonprofit that advocates restrictions to absentee voting, also worked with legislators and county auditors to make it “easier to vote but harder to cheat,” a mantra newly adopted by election reformists.
Some of the testimony included allegations of people dumping unauthorized ballots into drop boxes in other states, without providing proof that it happened or how it was connected to South Dakota.
The primary purpose of drop boxes is to allow absentee or early voters an opportunity to submit ballots at a time and place convenient to their schedule or circumstance. Some might use it to save postage, avoid a crowded indoor setting or merely because they’re concerned about meeting the mail-in deadline for ballots.
An Associated Press survey of election officials in each state revealed no cases of fraud, vandalism or theft involving drop boxes that could have affected the results of the 2020 election.
That didn’t mean it couldn’t impact South Dakota in future elections, said Mortenson, who along with Senate Majority Leader Casey Crabtree helped pass a package of 10 election reform bills in 2023.
“Some of the news we heard inspired legislators to kick the tires and figure out if some of the allegations seen in other states would show a vulnerability in our system,” said Mortenson.
“What we found is that we started out with a very secure, trustworthy system. The steps we took were to shore up security and acknowledge that if we’re going to have this really long early voting window, we’ve got to make sure that it’s done right.”
SD auditors oppose drop box ban
The package included House Bill 1165, which among other measures stated that county auditors “may not establish or place … an absentee ballot drop box within the official’s jurisdiction. A completed absentee ballot may only be returned to an office of the individual in charge of the election.”
The Board of Elections approved language clarifying that to mean ballots can only be returned to the physical office of the election official, as opposed to the lobby of a county building where the office is located.
Drop boxes, used in nearly 40 states in 2020, became a target for election reformists after more than 40% of voters used the boxes to return ballots in that presidential election year, compared to about 15% in 2016, according to the Stanford-MIT Healthy Elections Project.
A movie praised by Trump, “2000 Mules,” purported to show a pattern of Democrat-aligned ballot “mules” paid to illegally collect and drop off ballots in swing states such as Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. Election experts criticized the project’s flawed cellphone tracking analysis, while Trump’s efforts to establish ballot fraud through the court system proved unsuccessful due to lack of evidence.
South Dakota did not record a single case of voter fraud or other election-related crimes tied to the use of ballot drop boxes in 2020 or 2022, according to a News Watch survey of county auditors that drew responses from 58 of 66 counties, including 29 of the top 30 by population.
“I think we’re trying to correct a problem that doesn’t exist,” said Harding County Auditor Kathy Glines, who took office in 1991 and was part of a group of auditors who testified in Pierre, South Dakota.
Election systems tested by 2004 race
South Dakota is one of at least 28 states to adopt new voting restrictions since 2020 that will be in place for this year’s presidential election, according to the Brennan Center for Justice, a progressive public policy institute focused on democracy and voting rights issues.
The overhaul was enabled partly by a 2013 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that rejected the principle of “preclearance” that had forced states to comply with federal provisions in the Voting Rights Act dealing with disenfranchisement of minorities.
Preclearance required states with a history of discriminatory voting policies to submit changes in election laws or district maps to the federal government for advance review before putting them into effect.
South Dakota was one of the states impacted because of legal conflicts involving voting rights in Indian County, specifically the counties of Oglala Lakota and Todd, which traditionally vote Democratic.
Republican Chris Nelson, who served as secretary of state from 2003 to 2011, recalled the state’s election integrity being tested during one of its most expensive and consequential elections – Republican John Thune’s U.S. Senate triumph over incumbent Democrat Tom Daschle in 2004.
The focus on Native American reservation counties stemmed from Democrat Tim Johnson’s Senate victory over Thune in 2002, when Johnson won 92% of the Oglala Lakota County vote, giving him a statewide winning margin of 524 votes when the counting ended around 9 a.m. the day after the election.
“There was a tremendous amount of stress on our county auditors for that (2004) election, particularly in Indian Country,” Nelson told News Watch. “One side was concerned about, ‘Is there going to be cheating out there?’ The other side was saying, ‘Is there going to be disenfranchisement?’ I went out and personally sat in each county auditor’s office in Indian Country and spent part of a day with each auditor to make sure that they had everything ready to go.”
Nelson added that Daschle, Democratic Senate leader at the time, sent a lawyer from Washington to sit in the secretary of state’s office in Pierre on election night to observe the process. Daschle, who lost by 4,508 votes, called Thune in the early-morning hours to concede the race, satisfied that the election was conducted fairly.
“I have a profound respect for the people of our state,” Daschle said the next day. “And I respect their decision.”
‘Make sure no one’s vote gets stolen’
On the topic of making it easier to vote and harder to cheat, Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson asked for an honest assessment of which states are truly prioritizing both aims, without regard to partisan pressures.
“Democrats are oftentimes seen as trying to increase access to the vote, and Republicans are seen as prioritizing the security of the process,” Benson said, speaking to journalists at the Detroit conference. “The best election administrators can and do accomplish both of those things at the same time.”
Mortenson pushed back on the notion that recent legislative moves in South Dakota have restricted voting access in the state.
“We have the longest early voting window in the country, so it is arguably easier to vote in South Dakota than any other state,” he told News Watch. “So in terms of the ease and convenience of voting in South Dakota, we’re at the pinnacle. But we take very seriously the idea that the person whose ballot is being counted is the person who cast that ballot. And so we want to make sure that we have a lot of accountability when ballots are cast outside of a regulated election setting to make sure that no one’s vote gets stolen.”
Nelson, currently a member of the South Dakota Public Utilities Commission, said his priority as an election administrator, despite running for office as a Republican, was to operate from a neutral perspective. That meant maintaining and sometimes expanding the rights of voters to cast their ballot in a way that worked best for them.
Some of the actions undertaken during his stint as secretary of state included taking the notarization requirement off voter registration cards and removing the “excuse requirement” that mandated certain circumstances to get an absentee ballot rather than vote on Election Day.
“The act of registering to vote and voting is an interaction between you as a citizen and your government, and we ought to be doing everything we can to make it as easy as possible for citizens to interact with the government,” Nelson said.
“When it comes to drop boxes, I was curious about where the demonstrated problem was in South Dakota because we aren’t just mailing ballots out to everybody. Each individual voter has to apply for their own absentee ballot, and that voter can decide how they want to return it. They can mail it in, they can hand-deliver it to the auditor, they can send it with somebody else to the auditor, and in places where they establish a drop box, they can put it into a drop box. The government shouldn’t be telling you which way to do it. You’ve got the right.”
Finding faith in election systems
Roebuck, the Michigan election official whose statement of fact that Biden won Michigan in 2020 drew such a strong reaction, said he felt ostracized from his party at times during the post-election tumult.
But he stuck to the task of election administration, which meant treating people’s concerns with respect and trying to share as much information as possible about how elections work.
“I think we’re at an inflection point right now where I believe my role in particular is to listen,” said Roebeck. “It’s to be honest, but it’s also to be introspective enough to say, ‘We can do better.’ Election officials are not perfect. This is not a perfect system. We should not be discrediting everything that comes at us just by virtue of the fact that someone is criticizing elections.”
Becker, whose Center for Election Innovation and Research works to build trust in voting systems, agrees that shedding as much light as possible on elections is beneficial. But the former U.S. Department of Justice attorney has little patience for claims of election fraud that are not backed by facts or data.
“There’s this myth that voter fraud is really hard to catch, so what we see must just be the tip of the iceberg,” he said. “I’m here to tell you that voter fraud is one of the easiest crimes to catch in the United States of America. You have someone who has created a document trail, who has walked up and presented themselves in front of multiple witnesses who can testify. If you tried to cast someone else’s ballot on any kind of scale, like submitting a mail-in ballot for someone else, what’s going to happen is that person’s going to try to vote. And the election officials will notice that someone tried to vote and also had a mail-in ballot. If that happened on any kind of scale, it would be identified.”
Becker added that confidence in elections is boosted by the fact that “95% of all American voters are going to vote on paper ballots this fall, including every single battleground state.”
Like in South Dakota, which uses optical scan ballots with high-speed counters, these paper ballots provide a valuable backup during recounts or audit procedures, adding integrity to the final tally.
Mortenson cites that and recent audit results as proof that “South Dakota should be proud of our elections and have a lot of faith that they are counted accurately.”
Asked about those who attack the integrity of county auditors and other election officials in the state, the Republican legislator did not mince words.
“We’ve got a message for the local officials who run elections: South Dakota has your back,” Mortenson said. “Those who cast doubt on South Dakota elections have little following and no common sense. Our auditors and poll workers should take heart and anyone who spreads lies about them should take a hike.”
This story was produced by South Dakota News Watch, an independent, nonprofit news organization. Read more in-depth stories at sdnewswatch.org and sign up for an email every few days to get stories as soon as they’re published. Contact Stu Whitney at stu.whitney@sdnewswatch.org
Copyright 2024 KTIV. All rights reserved.
South Dakota
Eminent domain bans draw support in North and South Dakota – Oklahoma Energy Today
We’ve reported how several eminent domain bills have been introduced in the Oklahoma legislature which convenes its 2025 session next week.
Legislators will trail two other states where eminent domain for development of energy projects drew opposition. The South Dakota House passed a bill 49-19 to ban the use of eminent domain for carbon pipelines, sending the legislation to the state Senate. (South Dakota Searchlight)
The South Dakota Searchlight reported the proposed $9 billion Summit Carbon Solutions pipeline drew opposition over the possible use of eminent domain. However, the bill that received approval this week would not prevent construction of the pipeline.
“They just don’t get the supreme power of eminent domain to force their projects down the throats of South Dakota people,” said House Speaker Pro Tempore Karla Lems who owns land near the proposed pipeline. The Summit pipeline proposes to transport some of the CO2 emitted from 57 ethanol plants in five surrounding states and move it to an underground storage site in North Dakota.
The North Dakota legislature plans to hold hearings this week on a series of carbon pipeline bills, including one prohibiting the use of eminent domain during development. The bills were sparked by the same Summit pipeline.
One bill, House Bill 1414 specifies that the state may not use eminent domain for carbon dioxide pipelines and revokes common carrier status for carbon pipelines, reported the North Dakota Monitor.
Under the bill, solar, wind and hydrogen energy projects would also not be allowed to use eminent domain.
South Dakota
‘South Dakota is in good hands,’ leaders welcome in Governor Rhoden
RAPID CITY, S.D. (KOTA) – Governor Rhoden has been sworn in as one of the state’s few West River governors in history.
Senate Majority Whip Randy Deibert expressed optimism on having a leader from the area, saying leadership from West River has decreased from the past. Deibert highlighted Rhoden’s long experience in the legislature saying he’s well-educated on the process. The senator says West River issues he would like to address with the new governor include a proposed water use permit, managing natural resources in the Black Hills and managing public lands.
“Those are all issues the state needs to be involved with to keep the producers, agricultural producers flourishing and our tourism industry flourishing, and those are big things out west that sometimes people forget. And, you know, I think having that rural background and that knowledge of the area will help with that,” Deibert said.
Representative Trish Ladner has her sights set on different issues she would like to take on with the new governor.
“I think, in general, of course, everyone’s is taxes. Property taxes, that to me is the biggest, for West River, eminent domain seems like it’s far away but in principle I think that’s important,” Ladner said.
Rhoden is expected to announce his pick for Lieutenant Governor this week. That nominee will need to be confirmed by both legislative chambers. Ladner says she would like to see a team player take the post.
“Team player that supports the legislature, supports the people of the state and supports the Governor, I think that’s very important,” Ladner explained, “Governor Rhoden was very supportive of Governor Noem, and she appreciated it a lot I’m sure, so I would like the same thing and same type of support for him.”
Members of South Dakota’s federal delegation have all expressed support for Rhoden’s new job. Senator Mike Rounds told KOTA he thinks Rhoden will do an “excellent job.”
“South Dakota is in good hands,” Rounds said.
Senator Mike Rounds touching on Rhoden’s long experience in state politics, says Rhoden understands the roles of the legislature and lieutenant governor.
“In the legislative process, coordination between the Governor’s office and the legislature really does help, and I think he’ll have excellent lines of communication with both House members and Senate members,” Rounds explained.
Rounds served as South Dakota’s 31st Governor from 2003 to 2011.
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Copyright 2025 KOTA. All rights reserved.
South Dakota
North Dakota sued Interior at least five times under Doug Burgum. Now he’s set to run the agency. • South Dakota Searchlight
This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the North Dakota Monitor. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.
During Doug Burgum’s two terms as North Dakota governor, the state repeatedly sued the U.S. Department of the Interior, attempting to rip up rules that govern federal lands in his state and across the country.
Now, Burgum is poised to oversee that same department as President Donald Trump’s nominee for secretary of the interior. Those lawsuits and a host of others the state launched against the federal government, some of which are ongoing, reveal the worldview he’ll bring to a department that touches nearly every aspect of life in the West. Its agencies oversee water policy, operate the national parks, lease resources to industries including oil and ranching, provide services across Indian Country and manage more land than any person or corporation in the nation.
During his confirmation hearing last week before the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, Burgum portrayed the Interior Department as key to geopolitical power struggles. On energy policy, he said that growing consistently available types of energy production — namely nuclear and climate-warming coal, oil and gas — is a matter of national security; he claimed that greenhouse gas emissions can be mitigated with carbon capture technology that’s unproven at scale; and he argued that renewable energy is too highly subsidized and threatens the electrical grid.
The committee advanced his nomination to the full Senate on Thursday.
South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem confirmed as U.S. Homeland Security secretary
The North Dakota Monitor and ProPublica reviewed the nearly 40 lawsuits in which the state was a named plaintiff against the federal government at the time Burgum left the governor’s office. In addition, the review included friend of the court briefs the state filed to the Supreme Court and Burgum’s financial disclosures and public testimony. Many of the nearly 40 suits were cases North Dakota filed or signed onto with other Republican-led states, although the state brought a handful independently. Five of the cases were lodged against the Interior Department.
Burgum is a relative newcomer to politics who initially made his fortune when he sold his software company. But the cases and disclosures highlight his deep ties to the oil and gas industry, which have aided his political rise. The records also put on display his sympathy for Western states that chafe at what they believe is overreach by the Interior Department and that attack federal land management.
Notably, the litigation includes a case aimed at undoing the Interior Department’s hallmark Public Lands Rule that designated the conservation of public lands as a use equal in importance to natural resource exploitation and made smaller changes such as clarifying how the government measures landscape health. Additionally, North Dakota filed a case to roll back the agency’s rule intended to limit the amount of methane that oil companies could release, a practice that wastes a valuable resource and contributes to climate change. North Dakota also cosigned a brief in support of a controversial, although ultimately futile, attempt by Utah to dismantle the broader federal public lands system.
While some of the cases mirror his party’s long-running push to support the oil and gas industry over other considerations, including conservation, the litigation over public lands represents a more extreme view: that federal regulation of much of the country’s land and water needs to be severely curtailed.
Burgum did not respond to requests for comment but made clear many of his positions in public statements. A spokesperson did not answer a question on whether Burgum would recuse himself from matters pertaining to the cases his state filed.
While the state’s attorney general handled the lawsuits, Burgum emphatically supported them, urging state lawmakers last spring to fully fund the legal fights. He also cited the litigation during his confirmation hearing to assure Republican lawmakers that he would increase oil and gas leasing on public lands.
While speaking to North Dakota lawmakers about federal actions, Burgum characterized the Biden administration’s environmental policies as “misguided rules and regulations proposed often by overzealous bureaucrats.” The rules, he said, pose “an existential threat to the energy and ag sectors, our economy and our way of life.”
Burgum is considered less controversial than some other Trump nominees and is expected to gain Senate approval in the days ahead. Outdoor recreation groups and multiple tribes publicly supported his nomination, and he was lauded at his confirmation hearing by Republican as well as some Democratic senators. “If anybody is the pick of the litter, it’s got to be this man,” said Sen. Jim Justice, a Republican of West Virginia, another key fossil fuel-producing state.
Conservation groups, meanwhile, decried Burgum as an anti-public lands zealot who does oil companies’ bidding. Among them is Michael Carroll, who runs the Wilderness Society’s Bureau of Land Management campaign.
“If you’re not a reality TV star or under investigation for ethics violations or misconduct, you’re considered a normal nominee,” Carroll said of Trump’s picks. But, he continued, that obscures how Burgum and a Republican sweep of the federal government present a threat to public lands that’s “as extreme as we’ve seen. Period. Full stop.”
‘Giveaways of federal public lands’
The federal government manages significant portions of the West. Most of that comes through the Interior Department’s Bureau of Land Management, which oversees an area more than five times the size of North Dakota. As a result, public lands management is a local flashpoint.
North Dakota has had a particularly contentious relationship with the federal government over its management of public lands that intermingle with parcels owned by the state or private citizens.
Lynn Helms was the state’s top oil regulator for more than 25 years before retiring last year, and he witnessed constant conflict over how federal agencies wanted to manage land in the state. “From the time I took this office until the day I walked away, there has always been at least one federal resource management plan or leasing plan under development and in controversy,” he told the North Dakota Monitor and ProPublica.
Two titanic legal fights will shape the future of federal land management. North Dakota is not a named plaintiff in the cases, but the state and Burgum have made known their opposition to federal authority in both.
Last August, Utah sued the United States, asking the Supreme Court to rule that the federal government’s oversight of 18.5 million acres of public land in the state was unconstitutional. Utah, in its founding documents, forswore any unappropriated public lands to the federal government. Still, legal scholars and environmentalists worried a conservative Supreme Court might remove land management responsibilities from the federal government, which is widely seen as more favorable to conservation than Republican-led states are.
“Few issues are as fundamentally important to a State as control of its land,” a coalition that included North Dakota wrote in support of Utah’s case in a friend of the court brief during Burgum’s tenure.
Carroll, of the Wilderness Society, said that North Dakota siding with Utah was cause for concern about Burgum leading the Interior Department. “Supporting that lawsuit suggests that he’d be willing to support large-scale sell-off or giveaways of federal public lands, which, for most of us who live in the West and are concerned about the future of those public lands, is a very extreme position,” he said.
The Supreme Court in mid-January declined to take up the case, but Utah pledged to keep fighting. Burgum expressed sympathy for the state during his confirmation hearing, agreeing with Sen. Mike Lee, a Utah Republican and champion of the anti-federal movement, who said that Western states feel like “floating islands within a sea of federal land.”
Meanwhile, Republicans and industry groups also have their sights set on the 118-year-old Antiquities Act, which gives the president authority to create national monuments to protect areas of cultural, historical or scientific significance. Using the act, former President Joe Biden set aside more land and water for conservation than any previous president.
Burgum’s stance on the act is key, as the Interior Department typically handles details of these monuments, including where their borders are drawn.
During his confirmation hearing, Burgum said the Antiquities Act should be used for limited “Indiana Jones-type archeological protections,” not the sweeping landscapes that recent Democratic presidents have protected. While various tribes supported the use of the Antiquities Act in recent years, Burgum suggested monument designations have hurt tribes.
In western North Dakota, tribal representatives, conservation groups and others have pushed for a monument — which they’ve suggested calling Maah Daah Hey National Monument — to preserve 140,000 acres considered sacred by members of the Mandan, Hidatsa and Arikara Nation and other nearby Indigenous cultures. Burgum has expressed concern that such a designation would impede oil and gas drilling. And while he boasted at his confirmation hearing about conservation wins in his home state — such as creating the North Dakota Office of Outdoor Recreation — he didn’t mention the monument proposal.
In addition to legal challenges against the Interior Department, North Dakota is part of 14 lawsuits against the Environmental Protect Agency and at least five cases that challenge environmental or climate-related regulations against other federal agencies.
One of those cases, led by Iowa and North Dakota, seeks to roll back updates to Biden-era rules concerning the implementation of the National Environmental Policy Act, one of the nation’s core environmental laws. The legal battle will have sweeping implications for the government’s environmental permitting process, influencing major construction projects across the country, including those aimed at building infrastructure to meet the ongoing surge in electricity demand.
‘Blatant conflicts with the oil industry’
In North Dakota’s litigation and Burgum’s record, one idea stands out for how often it is repeated: the opinion that the federal government impedes oil and gas drilling. The state, one of the country’s top oil and gas producers, has consistently pushed for more drilling on public lands. Burgum has been cheerleading the industry for years.
Shortly before completing his term in mid-December, Burgum appealed a Bureau of Land Management land-use plan for the state, saying it hindered oil and gas development by barring oil, gas and coal leasing on several hundred thousand acres of federal mineral rights. (The agency denied Burgum’s appeal and finalized the plan.)
Under Burgum, North Dakota also sued the Bureau of Land Management over the agency’s handling of mineral lease sales, a system that allows companies to drill for and profit off publicly owned natural resources and that Helms labeled as “badly broken.” In the lawsuit, which is ongoing, the state argued the bureau neglected its duty to host quarterly lease sales under the Mineral Leasing Act. (A federal judge has ordered the bureau to address this issue.)
Environmental groups worry that Burgum’s ties to the oil industry influence his oversight of fossil fuels. Trump also picked Burgum to run the nascent National Energy Council, which will focus on boosting energy production.
His relationship with oil magnate Harold Hamm, the richest man in Oklahoma and a pioneer in hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling technology, has been well-documented.
Hamm pledged $50 million to the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library, a favored project for Burgum. When Burgum ran for president before dropping out and supporting Trump, he received nearly $500,000 in campaign contributions from oil and gas interests, about half of which came via a PAC sponsored by Continental Resources, which Hamm founded. Burgum also has acknowledged that he attended an April 2024 meeting at Mar-a-Lago that Hamm helped organize for oil executives to meet with Trump and pledge financial support for his campaign.
Burgum’s financial disclosure reports reveal a personal fortune spread across software companies, real estate ventures and farmland. He also listed royalties from oil and gas leases involving Hess Corporation, Kodiak Oil & Gas Corp. and Continental Resources.
In his required ethics agreement to become secretary of the interior, Burgum committed to resign from several companies, divest from energy-related holdings and work with agency ethics officials to avoid conflicts, including those tied to his home state. He also testified at his confirmation hearing that he had no outstanding conflicts of interest.
“Doug Burgum’s blatant conflicts with the oil industry cast doubt on his ability to fairly manage our public lands,” said Tony Carrk, executive director of government ethics watchdog Accountable.US.
‘He wants to cut tape so that the benefits actually get to the tribes’
Among its many mandates, the Interior Department is tasked with fulfilling the United States’ trust responsibility to 574 federally recognized sovereign tribes. This includes providing schools and health care, representing tribes as they negotiate water rights settlements and liaising between tribes and the federal bureaucracy.
Burgum has had good relationships with tribal leaders in North Dakota. He partnered with tribes to pass tax-sharing agreements, was the first North Dakota governor to permanently display tribal nations’ flags outside his office and created an annual conference to bring together leaders of tribal and state governments.
Burgum also found common ground with a local tribe seeking to expand oil and gas drilling. “He wants to cut tape so that the benefits actually get to the tribes,” said Chairman Mark Fox of the Mandan, Hidatsa and Arikara Nation, who hopes to see more wells drilled on the Fort Berthold Reservation.
Fox said that he stays in touch with the former governor and that Burgum has asked him for input on issues affecting Indian Country, although he declined to share specifics.
“The No. 1 priority in discussion is: How do we enhance our opportunity to develop our trust resources of oil and gas?” Fox said.
But the state, under Burgum’s leadership, has also taken opposing positions on major issues to tribes, both inside and outside its boundaries.
When Burgum assumed the governorship in December 2016, a monthslong protest was raging against construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline, which transports oil from North Dakota to Illinois. Thousands of protesters joined with the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, who assert that the pipeline infringes on its tribal sovereignty, disrupts sacred cultural sites and poses an environmental hazard.
Burgum supports the project.
North Dakota sued the federal government over claims that the Army Corps of Engineers should have done more to quell the demonstrations, leaving state and local law enforcement and first responders to step in at a cost of $38 million. During the case, which went to trial in early 2024 and is yet unresolved, Burgum also criticized other agencies, including the Interior Department, alleging they sided with protesters.
“It’s dangerous in our country where politics on either side — either party, either direction, whatever — can somehow inject themselves in a permitting process,” Burgum said, according to court records.
The difference between Burgum’s views and that of many tribes around the country is especially stark on conservation.
The state became a co-defendant in December in a separate lawsuit the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe brought against the Army Corps of Engineers calling for the pipeline to be shuttered. Parties to the litigation have filed briefs, and the case is ongoing.
And the state and some tribes are at odds over the Bureau of Land Management’s Public Lands Rule, which clarified the role of a land designation called “areas of critical environmental concern.” A central purpose of the designation is to protect “rare or sensitive archeological resources and religious or cultural resources important to Native Americans.” Various tribes support the rule, but North Dakota is suing to halt it.
Despite those disagreements, tribal leaders in North Dakota said they respect Burgum, and several credited him with rebuilding relations. Standing Rock Sioux Tribe Chairwoman Janet Alkire said Burgum has a strong grasp of issues facing Indian Country, while Fox said Burgum has been willing to work with tribal leaders.
As Burgum takes the reins at the Interior Department, Monte Mills, director of the Native American Law Center at the University of Washington School of Law, said he is watching how Burgum will work with tribes that favor conservation over natural resource extraction.
It remains to be seen if keeping the federal government’s commitments to Indian Country are a priority for Burgum, Mills said, or whether tribal issues are “only really taken up where they align with other priorities of the administration.”
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