North Dakota
Supreme Court upholds North Dakota’s majority-Native legislative subdistricts • North Dakota Monitor
The U.S. Supreme Court settled a North Dakota voting rights case Monday, leaving in place two majority-Native American subdistricts challenged as unconstitutional.
“I’m glad that it’s finally been resolved,” said Rep. Lisa Finley-DeVille, a citizen of the Mandan, Hidatsa and Arikara Nation who represents one of the subdistricts. “It’s very important that we’re able to represent our needs at the table.”
The lawsuit, brought by two non-Native North Dakota residents, alleged that the subdistricts are racial gerrymanders — meaning the Legislature established them based predominantly on the racial makeup of their communities, rather than looking at other criteria like geography, population size or the political interests of residents. The plaintiffs argued the Legislature relied heavily on anecdotal evidence, not legitimate research, when it created the districts.
The plaintiffs claimed the subdistricts violate the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment by strengthening the voting power of Native American residents at the expense of constituents who aren’t Native American.
Native Americans gain representation in North Dakota Legislature as Republicans keep supermajority
The Legislature established the two subdistricts in 2021. District 4A follows the boundaries of the Fort Berthold Reservation, while District 9A includes the Turtle Mountain Reservation and some surrounding communities.
A three-judge district court panel found in 2023 that the map was constitutional.
The panel wrote that even if the Legislature did look to race when making the map, federal courts have previously found that states may consider race in a “narrowly tailored” capacity when drawing district lines to comply with the Voting Rights Act.
Unsatisfied with that decision, the plaintiffs asked the U.S. Supreme Court to send the lawsuit back to a lower court for further proceedings, or to accept the case.
The high court on Monday dismissed the appeal of District 9A and affirmed the district court’s decision on District 4A. The court did not explain its reasoning.
Robert Harms, an attorney representing the plaintiffs, called the decision disappointing.
“The troubling aspect of this whole case is that the North Dakota Legislature didn’t have in front of it any statistical analysis,” he said Monday.
The lawsuit was filed by Charles Walen and Paul Henderson, both of whom are former district chairs for the North Dakota Republican Party, Harms said. Walen last year successfully ran as a Republican for a District 4 state Senate seat.
The boundaries of District 9A and District 9B changed for the 2024 election after a federal judge imposed a new map following a separate voting rights lawsuit brought by the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa.
The MHA Nation, Finley-DeVille and MHA citizen Cesar Alvarez joined Walen and Henderson’s lawsuit on the side of the state, arguing that the Legislature had gathered sufficient evidence to warrant the creation of the subdistricts.
That included testimony from tribal representatives, information about the use of subdistricts for Native American reservations in South Dakota and previous redistricting litigation, according to a brief filed by the MHA Nation, Finley-DeVille and Alvarez.
MHA Chairman Mark Fox testified during the redistricting process that candidates favored by Native residents of District 4 had been repeatedly defeated by the district’s white majority.
The plaintiffs disagreed. In one response, they argued that even before the subdistricts were created, voters in District 4 and District 9 were able to elect Native lawmakers to the Legislature, and that therefore the subdistricts are not necessary. The brief cites Rep. Dawn Charging and Sen. Richard Marcellais as two Indigenous lawmakers elected in District 4 and District 9, respectively.
The U.S. Department of Justice in a December brief advised the Supreme Court against considering the case.
In an unusual move, North Dakota came out against the district court’s ruling, despite that the court had ruled in the state’s favor. In a memo filed this spring, the state said that the Legislature did not rely on race as a predominant factor in the redistricting process, and that the district court was wrong to rule that such behavior would be permissible in any circumstance. The state asked the Supreme Court to send the case back to district court for further proceedings.
“We said before and we maintain now that race was not the predominant motivator for the redistricting,” North Dakota Attorney General Drew Wrigley said Monday.
The Supreme Court has taken up two other voting rights cases challenging a majority-Black district in Louisiana as racial gerrymandering.
In a 2023 voting rights case, Allen v. Milligan, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that Alabama had violated the Voting Rights Act when it created only one majority-Black district, finding that this unlawfully weakened the power of Black voters in the state.
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NCAA Set to Change Unpopular Football Rule Just in Time for North Dakota State’s FBS Jump
North Dakota State playing in the FCS playoffs and College Football Playoff in back-to-back years? It’s likelier than you think.
That’s because on Wednesday, according to a report from Ross Dellenger of Yahoo! Sports, the NCAA Division I cabinet voted to repeal a rule that effectively barred teams transitioning from FCS to FBS from playing in postseason games in their first FBS seasons. The Bison are making that move along with Sacramento State in 2026.
The reported change has been a long time coming; the rule has hampered teams from immediate bowl eligibility for decades. Its good intentions of dissuading teams from rashly making the FCS-to-FBS leap have been rendered obsolete in recent years by the fact that programs generally arrive in FBS more prepared than ever before.
Consider the number of new FBS teams that have had to work within the provision in the past decade alone
That list includes: Liberty (home for the holidays at 6–6 in 2018), James Madison (8–3 in 2022 under coach Curt Cignetti, and barely able to play in a bowl at 11–1 in ’23 due to a lack of bowl-eligible teams), Jacksonville State (8–4 in ’23 before backing in like the Dukes), Missouri State (7–5 in 2025, also backed in) and Delaware (6–6 in ’25, ditto).
James Madison in particular became a cause célèbre in ’23 because it started the season 10-0, climbing as high as No. 18 in the AP Poll in mid-November. Then-Virginia attorney general Jason Miyares bandied about suing the NCAA before the Dukes lost 26–23 to Appalachian State, an event that caused the program to back off and accept a bid to play Air Force in the Armed Forces Bowl. James Madison lost that game 31–21, by which time Cignetti had left for Indiana.
There was a time when the FCS-to-FBS jump was an imposing one, and the NCAA did not want to incentivize making it lightly—not even a proud Florida A&M program could make a mid-2000s attempt at a jump stick. However, the Flames, Dukes and other teams have shown it’s not so great a climb for programs with the right resources and management.
Now the Bison and the Hornets stand to benefit.
How far can North Dakota State and Sacramento State go in the near term?
The Bison opened 12–0 last year before a shock loss to Illinois State in the FCS playoffs’ second round, so that question may answer itself. North Dakota State does not play a single Power 4 team—a potential strength-of-schedule albatross if it has designs on really surging. A potential roadblock: the fact that the Bison have to visit the Mountain West’s two favorites, UNLV (Oct. 10) and New Mexico (Oct. 24).
It’s a different story for the Hornets, a 7–5 squad a year ago whose move to the FBS is widely seen as a gamble on their growth potential. Sacramento State also does not play a major-conference team, but has a breakneck travel schedule ahead of it—the Hornets will visit Ypsilanti, Mich.; Bowling Green, Ohio; Muncie, Ind.; Mount Pleasant, Mich. and Honolulu. Combine that with a first-year coach—Oakland native and ex-MC Hammer choreographer Alonzo Carter—and it could be a long FBS debut in California’s capital.
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North Dakota
Finding a hero: Efforts to identify North Dakota soldier Irvin C. Ellingson’s remains took years
DAHLEN, N.D. — Four years ago, Lon Enerson started writing a book about his uncle, Staff Sgt. Irvin C. Ellingson, and the work to identify his remains.
As Enerson stood in front of the Dahlen Lutheran Church on Saturday, June 20, a casket inside waited for the
funeral and burial
of Ellingson, a soldier who waited 81 years to come home.
“I never thought I would get the final chapter,” Enerson said.
Enerson, along with scores of Ellingson relatives, waited to hear about the identification of Sgt. Ellingson from Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam in Honolulu, Hawaii, where efforts took place to identify soldiers who died in a Tokyo prison fire during World War II. Ellingson was the third to be identified, with 10 successfully identified so far.
There were a number of Gold Star families — those whose relatives died in the line of duty — present at the Ellingson funeral. Enerson had attended a funeral at Arlington National Cemetery of the second person to be identified.
“We’re cheering for each other,” he said.
Ellingson was 25 and serving as a radar observer on a B-29 in the Pacific Theater when, on April 14, 1945, his plane was shot down during a bombing mission over mainland Japan. He was captured alongside 61 other Air Corps members, interrogated and held at a Tokyo prison. A few weeks later, on May 26, an Allied bombing run over Japan sparked a fire at the prison, killing Ellingson and the others.
The Ellingson family’s wait to bring home his remains began that year, and 81 years later, it finally happened. Enerson said the passion his grandparents felt when Ellingson died filtered down to him and his generation. It created, he said, a “common bond that we needed to get him home.”
In 2018, Enerson received a letter from Michael Krehl, instigator of the search to identify and recover the remains of the prison fire soldiers. Krehl was told by the Defense POW MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) about a process involving DNA that could identify the remains. To get the remains — interred at the American Cemetery in Manila — to Hawaii to start the identification process, 60% of the 62 families of the soldiers had to submit DNA, since the remains were commingled.
Enerson’s mother had died the year before, but two uncles, Bud and Dennis Ellingson, were still alive. They both gave their DNA, along with Enerson.
“I called them, and they were overwhelmed to tears,” Enerson said. “I said ‘I’m going to give the DPAA your address and they’re going to send you DNA sample kits.’ So we got three Ellingson DNA there. Sibling DNA is like gold.”
Barbara Geisler, a family genealogist who found Enerson so he could be sent the letter, prayed over Ellingson’s casket at Saturday’s funeral.
She said the group had to find the families for both missing and identified soldiers.
“We went for the missing first. We thought it was most important,” she said.
Eric Hylden / Grand Forks Herald
Though the Ellingson family submitted their DNA, by November of 2021 the percentage of given DNA was stuck at 59.68%, Enerson said. The family went to Washington, D.C., to speak with 17 senators, including North Dakota Sens. John Hoeven and Kevin Cramer, who signed a bipartisan letter to then-Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin to get the remains.
As the letter went through, one more person submitted DNA to get over the 60% threshold, Enerson said. In spring 2022, the caskets were brought to the lab in Hawaii to begin the identification process.
Kristen Grow and Melissa Menschel were two forensic anthropologists involved in the process. Grow led the Tokyo Prison Fire project in 2024 and Menschel joined last year. They said the process involves an inventory of the remains, taking samples, finding what remains go together and looking at chemical signatures of the bones. There are also forensic odontologists who analyze teeth.
Both Grow and Menschel were present for the funeral and burial.
From 2022 to 2025 seven groups of Ellingsons visited the lab to “potentially be in that same place as Irvin would be,” Enerson said.
“There was no guarantee all along, but we always told them that the Ellingson family does have one guarantee — and that is that we’re not going to stop looking for him,” he said.
Last summer, the family got the call that Ellingson had been identified. The family was told his remains would be escorted home and a full military honors funeral would be provided all at government expense. In September, the family formed a committee made up of family members to map out the details. Enerson said the family decided upon three days of celebration.
Terry Ellingson, Enerson’s cousin, said it “takes a village to get this done.”
“Everybody decided to take care of a certain area,” he said Saturday. “It all got done, but it took a lot of contacts. Even this morning, we were short of buses for people to go to the cemetery. (And then came) a call that Midway Public Schools would provide a couple more buses for us.”
Through it all, Enerson held tight to one sentence within a deceased personnel file he received. It contained all the information the government went through to locate Ellingson.
“The sentence goes like this: ‘Sgt. McGrath saw Staff Sgt. Irvin Ellingson being interrogated at the Kempeitai military headquarters in Tokyo, leaving with 2nd Lt. Andrew Litz, to the Tokyo Military Prison,’” Enerson said. “That was a sentence that I hung onto, and we all hung onto.”
Enerson noted that 2nd Lt. Litz’s nephew and niece were at the Saturday funeral, too.
Enerson has been collecting information through the eight-plus years it took to get Ellingson home. Four years ago, people told him, “Lon, if something happens to you, no one’s going to know (this information),” he said.
“So, I started writing a book,” he said.
His sister, Jane Wood, is editing.
“He’s almost to 400 pages,” she said.
Eric Hylden / Grand Forks Herald
BISMARCK — Landowners in Dickey, LaMoure and Stutsman counties made their plea to the North Dakota Supreme Court on Tuesday, June 23, to fight a massive powerline project.
The 90-mile-long “Jamestown to Ellendale” transmission line, also known as JETx, would use towers up to 150 feet tall.
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