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Outgoing Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb looks back on eight years in office — and at what's next • Indiana Capital Chronicle

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Outgoing Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb looks back on eight years in office — and at what's next • Indiana Capital Chronicle


Looking back on two terms in office, outgoing Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb doesn’t have regrets — or at least not many.

The Republican statesman is just days away from bringing his eight years as governor to a close. He’ll officially hand the reins to Gov.-elect Mike Braun on January 13. 

In a sit-down interview with the Indiana Capital Chronicle in December, Holcomb pointed to economic gains — like job and wage growth, and an influx of new business developments in the state — among his biggest wins.

His tenure as Indiana’s 51st head of state was most notably defined by the COVID-19 pandemic, however. Even so, Holcomb said he hopes to be revered as “more than just a COVID governor.”

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“I hope people say that we were served at a point in time that — while the economy grew — we were able to invest and reinvest and modernize things that had been on the shelf … gathering dust, understandably, because we didn’t have the money … and we upgraded so many different facilities that will have a positive impact on people’s lives and give them more opportunities,” he said. “And then maybe even most importantly, that I was a person that respected everyone, whether I agreed with them or not, or they with me. And that I was kind, even during the most challenging times. That’s enough for me.”

Holcomb’s COVID-19 response

The Holcomb administration’s response to the global pandemic likely earned the governor the most criticism, much of which from conservatives who disapproved of Indiana’s statewide mask mandate and other COVID-19 restrictions that Holcomb imposed by executive order. 

“You’re never going to please everyone, and you might not even please half of them. But what gave me confidence, actually strength, during it all, was that we were looking at all the information that we could get our hands on and were connected with communities in all 92 counties. We were connected to trade associations, to schools, to hospitals, to local health departments, to all kinds of entities that had an opinion,” Holcomb recalled.

Gov. Eric Holcomb speaks at the Indiana Global Economic Summit in downtown Indianapolis on Thursday, May 23, 2024. (Leslie Bonilla Muñiz/Indiana Capital Chronicle)

“There was some disinformation and misinformation. And information was changing daily … and we were trying,” he continued. “What gave me strength and confidence is the administration was trying to do the right thing, regardless of the hit that I might take politically. … No matter how hard it is or unpopular it is, I have to do the right thing. I’ll defend it to the end.”

But if there is “one regret” Holcomb has, it came in May 2020, after a photo was posted on Facebook showing the governor posing at the Hobnob Corner Restaurant in Nashville, Indiana, with two other people — none of whom were wearing masks.

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The photo was posted amid rising statewide tensions over Holcomb’s stay-at-home orders that caused many businesses to shut down.

“(The woman who wanted a photo) asked, ‘Could I get a picture with our faces?’ And it was so innocently asked, and I didn’t get COVID after it. So, it was almost like, ‘Well, why are you telling us to wear it?’ I get it,” Holcomb said. “I wish I wouldn’t have done that.”

Ire was also high among state legislators, some from within Holcomb’s own party. 

Throughout the dog days of the pandemic, Holcomb said he “was in constant communication” with legislative leadership. Although the governor “was always asking” if lawmakers wanted to  come back in session, “they never did.”

In 2021, lawmakers approved a measure that sought to give the Republican-dominated legislature the power to call themselves into special session after the governor has declared an emergency. Holcomb vetoed, claiming it went against the Indiana Constitution, but the General Assembly overrode his veto. 

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Ultimately, Holcomb prevailed before the Indiana Supreme Court. He called the debacle “an honest disagreement … that I didn’t lose any friendships over.”

“There were some disagreements among us. You had to make calls like, where does one’s individual liberty infringe on another person’s individual? Do you believe it’s airborne-transmitted? Some didn’t, I do. … And people were also angry that I was promoting getting vaccinated,” Holcomb said.

“With an issue like a global pandemic that was unlike in 1918, where information traveled faster than light and sound, and there were different motivations — you just had to try to do the right thing,” he added. “I know that sounds so cliche, but we tried to balance lives and livelihoods every single opportunity that confronted us.”

Gov. Eric Holcomb pauses during his final State of the State Address Tuesday Jan. 9, 2024 in the Indiana Statehouse. (Monroe Bush for the Indiana Capital Chronicle)

Still, Holcomb emphasized that there’s another, far more supportive “side of the conversation” surrounding his response pandemic.

“To this day, if we were to go to … an MCL or to Hardee’s or wherever, if you and I went in and we were standing there, inevitably, someone comes up to me and says, ‘Thanks for the way you handled COVID,’” the governor said. 

“I’m almost amazed by — I shouldn’t be — but the lingering positive effect of how we got through it all. The attention has been on the loud, angry disagreers, on the people that protested with guns on their backs and dressed me up as Hitler out here. They wanted attention. They had their own motivation, and some of it was probably pure, and they were afraid of the government taking over their lives,” he continued. “I know this sounds thin-skinned of me, but we had a (gubernatorial) election after it (in 2020), and the one thing that kind of stifled some of the noise was the people spoke, and it riled up this silent majority that said, ‘Those people are being unfair, and I’m going to vote, and I’m going to cross over, and I’m going to express my support.’ And then they said, in a record number, ‘keep going.’”

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Holcomb said he also wishes he could have done more to improve Indiana’s infant and maternal mortality rates. Despite significant focus, the state still ranks among the worst in the country for both metrics. The governor said the lack of progress is one of few shortfalls “that will haunt me.”

“We’re nowhere where I thought we could be after years. Not close. It’s not because we’re not trying. There’s a shortcoming somewhere, because other states are doing a better job than we are, and I don’t want to just blame the state — it takes two to tango,” Holcomb said. “We’ve got really good corporate partners, great stakeholders who are helping us, trying to provide the education to expecting or new mothers. But we just cannot figure it out.”

Holcomb cited resistance from the General Assembly as a major “inhibitor” to achieving better maternal health.

Lawmakers, he said, “just flat out thought” pregnancy accommodations for mothers, for example, amounted to “government intervention in the business workplace that was unnecessary.”

“I always thought it was a pro-growth culture that wasn’t anti-business, for sure,” Holcomb said. “It was the opposite to me.”

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Trials — and triumphs

Holcomb had a breadth of political experience — but not governing experience — when he assumed office in January 2017. 

Before he was governor, Holcomb was an advisor to both then-Gov. Mitch Daniels and former U.S. Sen. Dan Coats. He additionally worked for Congressman John Hostettler and as a state chairman of the Indiana Republican Party.

Holcomb’s gubernatorial campaign lasted just 106 days, after former Gov. Mike Pence was tapped as would-be President Donald Trump’s vice president in 2016.

Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb’s portrait tells his story from inside — and outside — his office

His biggest surprise over the last eight years has been “the amount of turnover” in government, media, the judiciary, and other public sectors. 

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Holcomb said the lack of “consistency and continuity” causes Hoosiers — “real people” — to be less connected to elected officials and others whose decisions have “impact.”

“It’s the amount of change, not just technology, and how it’s impacting and forcing change on how to govern, or how to cover those governing. The turnover … and how that translates to the average citizen who doesn’t read (the news), or see every press release I put out, or is just earning a living and trying to get by, or recover from an addiction, or fill in the blank,” he said. “There is a need for all of us, including me, to be a better storyteller about why we do what we do, and not just assume.”

The governor said his greatest accomplishment — aside from economic development wins — was “not taking the bait” and “staying focused on the job” despite “a lot of upheaval, and a lot of transition, and a lot of new faces, and new motivations, and new competition.”

“People want you to think about running for this. Say you ought to do that. You ought to come out and address the protesters — whatever it is to get my attention diverted from the job that I have,” Holcomb said. “I’m not trying to pat myself on the back, but that takes discipline, and a really good team that also stays focused on the job that they have.”

Looking ahead

As the transition of power nears, Holcomb said he has a list of recommendations to hand off to his successor. Included are “a number of” capital investment deals he’ll advise Braun to chase, along with possible actions for improving maternal and infant health.

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Above anything else, Holcomb said Indiana’s next governor should expect “to be learning — and learning a lot every day.”

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“It’s one thing to be convicted, and to have your opinions, and have a good plan, and execute and implement and tweak it, and pivot and scramble, or whatever. It’s another thing to just understand that this is the first time any of us ever had the job. It’s different from every other job. And I’m not saying it’s harder. I’m just saying it’s a different job, and you have to be aware that you’re going to be learning,” Holcomb said. “And I would say to remain humble, in the sense that you’re going to be learning every day about things, and it’s necessary then to stay in contact with people … in every county, okay, and different associations, and all these tentacles that you have.”

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What comes next for the departing state leader is still to be decided, but he and First Lady Janet Holcomb — who will move just northwest of Indianapolis after leaving the governor’s residence — plan to lay low and “travel a little less,” for now. 

“We’ve had a busy few months, and just kind of want to exhale, and spend some time with family, initially, and friends that just always seem to kind of take the hit,” he said. “But I won’t go stir crazy. I mean, I’ll get busy after a few months, doing something.”

It’s also the more mundane aspects of day-to-day lift that Holcomb said he’s looking forward to most, like “mowing the lawn with my headphones.”

“I would love to be able to go to CVS or Walgreens and buy Q-tips without having to be followed … or without addressing the decision that I just made the other day,” Holcomb said, chuckling. “Or maybe when I go out to eat — and I’m sure my mouth is open when I’m chewing — and I can see (someone coming up to me) out of the corner out of my eye. It’s just the anonymity that you had prior will be nice, or not having law enforcement so close every minute of the day.”

And as for another go at elected office?

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“Not right now,” Holcomb said of any possible future political aspirations. “I’ve not devoted one second to that, and in fact, I need a break.”

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Indiana’s Curt Cignetti Wins Coach of the Year Award for 2nd Straight Season

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Indiana’s Curt Cignetti Wins Coach of the Year Award for 2nd Straight Season


For the second consecutive season, Indiana head coach Curt Cignetti has been named college football’s Coach of the Year following a magical 2025 campaign.

Cignetti, who joined Indiana last November, won the Home Depot Coach of the Year Award on Friday night, making him the first coach to win the award in back-to-back seasons. He is also just the second coach to win the honor twice, joining Brian Kelly, who won it in 2009, 2012 and 2018.

Cignetti’s Hoosiers delivered an encore worthy of recognition following his successful first year in Bloomington where they fell in the first round of the College Football Playoff after going 11-2 overall and 8-1 in the Big Ten. Unlike 2024, however, the 2025 season will go down as the best in program history with Cignetti and California transfer quarterback Fernando Mendoza leading the way.

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Indiana went undefeated (13-0) for the first time since 1945 and won its first outright Big Ten championship since 1967 with a win over Ohio State en route to clinching the No. 1 seed in the CFP for the first time. The Hoosiers enter the CFP as the favorites to win their first-ever national title.

While Indiana was one of CFB’s most well-rounded teams, Mendoza proved to be a major catalyst behind the success. In his first season with Cignetti, the redshirt junior earned the right to call himself a Heisman Trophy favorite after leading the nation with 33 touchdown passes to just six interceptions, and completing 71.5% of his passes (226-of-316).

Mendoza has won multiple awards, including the Davey O’Brien (top QB) and Maxwell (Player of the Year) Awards, entering Saturday’s Heisman Trophy ceremony. Should he win the coveted honor, Mendoza would be the first Hoosier to ever win the Heisman, giving Cignetti another feather in his cap as top-seeded Indiana looks to make CFP history, starting with its first-round game on Jan. 1.

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Indiana’s rejection of new voting map shows Trump’s might is not unlimited

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Indiana’s rejection of new voting map shows Trump’s might is not unlimited


The Indiana legislature’s rejection of a new map that would have added two Republican seats in Congress marked one of the biggest political defeats for Donald Trump so far in his second term and significantly damaged the Republican effort to reconfigure congressional districts ahead of next year’s midterm elections.

The defeat showed that Trump’s political might is not unlimited. For months, the president waged an aggressive effort to twist the arms of Indiana lawmakers into supporting a new congressional map, sending JD Vance to meet in person with lawmakers. Trump allies also set up outside groups to pressure state lawmakers.

Heritage Action, the political arm of the Heritage Foundation, which has close ties to the Trump administration, issued a dramatic threat this week ahead of the vote: if the new map wasn’t passed, Indiana would lose federal funding. “Roads will not be paved. Guard bases will close. Major projects will stop. These are the stakes and every NO vote will be to blame,” the group posted on X. The state’s Republican lieutenant governor said in a since-deleted X post that Trump administration officials made the same threat.

All of that may have backfired, as Republican state senators publicly said they were turned off by the threats and weathered death threats and swatting attempts as they voted the bill down.

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“You wouldn’t change minds by being mean. And the efforts were mean-spirited from the get-go,” Jean Leising, an Indiana Republican state senator who voted against the bill, told CNN. “If you were wanting to change votes, you would probably try to explain why we should be doing this, in a positive way. That never happened, so, you know, I think they get what they get.”

Nationally, the defeat complicates the picture for Republicans as they seek to redraw districts to shore up their majority in an increasingly messy redistricting battle. The effort began earlier this year when Trump pushed Texas Republicans to redraw the state’s congressional map to pick up GOP seats, a highly unusual move since redistricting is usually done once at the start of the decade.

“This isn’t the first time a Republican state legislature has resisted pressure from the White House, but it is the most significant, both because of the over-the-top tactics President Trump and speaker Johnson employed, and also the fact that there were two seats on the line,” said Dave Wasserman, an expert in US House races who writes for the non-partisan Cook Political Report. “It changes the trajectory of this redistricting war from the midpoint of possible outcomes being a small, being a modest Republican gain to a wash.”

Republicans in Texas and Democrats in California have both redrawn their maps to add as many as five seats for their respective parties, cancelling each other out. Republicans in North Carolina and Missouri have also redrawn their congressional districts to add one Republican seat apiece in each of those states. The Missouri map, however, may be blocked by a voter initiated referendum (Republicans are maneuvering to undercut the initiative). Democrats are also poised to pick up a seat in Utah after a court ruling there (state lawmakers are seeking a way around the ruling).

Ohio also adopted a new map that made one Democratic district more competitive, and made a new Democratic friendly and Republican friendly district out of two different competitive districts.

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The biggest remaining opportunity to pick up seats for Democrats is in Virginia, where they currently represent six of the state’s 11 congressional districts. Don Scott, the House speaker, has said Democrats are considering adding a map that adds four Democratic seats in the state. Republicans could counter that in Florida with a new congressional map that could add as many as five Republican seats. There is also pending litigation challenging a favorable GOP congressional map in Wisconsin.

The close tit-for-tat has placed even more significance on a supreme court case from Louisiana that could wind up gutting a key provision in the Voting Rights Act that prevents lawmakers from drawing districts that weaken the influence of Black voters. After oral argument, the court appeared poised to significantly curtail the measure, which could pave the way for Louisiana, Alabama, and other southern states to wipe out districts currently represented by Democrats. It’s unclear if the supreme court will issue its decision in time for the midterm elections.

“The timing of that decision is a huge deal with two to four seats on the line,” Wasserman said. “We haven’t seen the last plot twist in this redistricting war, but the outlook is less rosy for Republicans than it was at the start.”



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Indiana redistricting: Senate Republicans side with Democrats to reject Trump’s voting map

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Indiana redistricting: Senate Republicans side with Democrats to reject Trump’s voting map


Indiana Republicans have defied intense pressure from President Donald Trump by rejecting his demands that they pass a voting map meant to favour their party in next year’s midterm elections.

In one of the most conservative states in the US, 21 Republicans in the Senate joined all 10 Democrats to torpedo the redistricting plan by a vote of 31-19. The new map passed the House last week.

If it had cleared the legislature, Republicans could have flipped the only two Democratic-held congressional seats in the state.

Trump’s call for Republican state leaders to redraw maps and help the party keep its congressional majority in Washington next year has triggered gerrymandering battles nationwide.

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Republican-led Texas and Democratic-led California, two of the country’s largest states, have led the charge.

Other states where redistricting efforts have been initiated or passed include Utah, Ohio, New Hampshire, Missouri and Illinois.

Republican state Senator Spencer Deery said ahead of Thursday’s vote: “My opposition to mid-cycle gerrymandering is not in contrast to my conservative principles, my opposition is driven by them.

“As long as I have breath, I will use my voice to resist a federal government that attempts to bully, direct, and control this state or any state. Giving the federal government more power is not conservative.”

Indiana Governor Mike Braun, a Republican, said he was “very disappointed” in the outcome.

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“I will be working with the President to challenge these people who do not represent the best interests of Hoosiers,” he said on X, using a popular nickname for people from the Midwestern state.

The revolt of Indiana Republicans came after direct months of lobbying from the White House.

On Wednesday, Trump warned on his social media platform Truth Social that Republicans who did not support the initiative could risk losing their seats.

He directly addressed the Republican leader of the state Senate, Rodric Bray, calling him “the only person in the United States of America who is against Republicans picking up extra seats”.

To liberals, it was a moment of celebration. Keith “Wildstyle” Paschall described the mood on Thursday as “jubilant”.

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“There’s a lot of relief,” the Indianapolis-based activist told the BBC. “People had thought that we would have to move on to a legal strategy and didn’t believe we could defeat it directly at the statehouse.”

The new map would have redistricted parts of Indianapolis and potentially led to the ouster of Indiana’s lone black House representative, André Carson.

In the weeks before Thursday’s vote, Trump hosted Indiana lawmakers at the White House to win over holdouts.

He also dispatched Vice-President JD Vance down to Indiana twice to shore up support.

Nearly a dozen Indiana Republican lawmakers have said they were targeted with death threats and swatting attacks over the planned vote.

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Ultimately, this redistricting plan fell flat in another setback for Trump following a string of recent Democratic wins in off-year elections.

The defeat appears to have added to Republican concerns.

“We have a huge problem,” said former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon during his podcast, The War Room.

“People have to realise that we only have a couple opportunities,” he said.

“If we don’t get a net 10 pickup in the redistricting wars, it’s going to be enormously hard, if not impossible, to hold the House.”

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Texas was the first state to respond to Trump’s redistricting request.

After a lower court blocked the maps for being drawn illegally based on race, the Supreme Court allowed Texas Republicans to go ahead.

The decision was a major win for Republicans, with the new maps expected to add five seats in their favour.

California’s map is also expected to add five seats for Democrats.



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