Indiana
Anti-death penalty advocates rally at Indiana Statehouse against resuming state executions
Trump calls for mass deportations, death penalty for drug dealers
Donald Trump during a town hall event in Michigan again called for massive deportations and the death penalty for people who sell the illegal drugs.
When her son was taken from her by gun violence at 28 years old, Crystal Walker felt the anger first. She said she wished the person responsible would die.
But after a few weeks, Walker, who’s now a chaplain at the Indiana Women’s Prison, realized that would mean another parent would have to go through what she went through. And that felt wrong, she said.
“Even if that person is a mass murderer and murders other people, we don’t have the right to figure out when, where, how someone else dies,” she said on the steps of the Indiana Statehouse Sunday afternoon, where dozens gathered to protest Gov. Eric Holcomb’s decision to resume state executions in Indiana after a 15-year hiatus.
“That’s God’s business, right there,” Walker said.
Holcomb and Attorney General Todd Rokita announced in June that they were seeking to resume executions in Indiana state prisons, starting with Joseph Corcoran, who was convicted of murdering four people in Allen County in 1997. The Indiana Supreme Court scheduled Corcoran’s execution for Dec. 18.
President-elect Donald Trump had also signaled during his campaign that he would not only resume federal executions but expand who is eligible for them.
The Indiana Abolition Coalition and Conservatives Concerned About the Death Penalty organized the rally to urge Holcomb to stop Corcoran’s execution and end capital punishment in Indiana, arguing that it’s undignified, morally wrong and, in an appeal to Hoosiers’ practicality, expensive for taxpayers.
Bill Breeden, a minister emeritus of the Unitarian Universalist Church of Bloomington and a longtime anti-death penalty activist, called on Holcomb to go to the death chamber and witness Corcoran’s execution, if he won’t stop it.
“There is no other premeditated, cold-blooded murder like that in the world,” he said. “None.”
In their announcement, Holcomb said the Department of Corrections had recently acquired a lethal injection drug called pentobarbital, “after years of effort.”
Speaking to reporters days after the announcement, Holcomb would not divulge details about the source or cost of the drug ― information state legislators have made confidential under state law. Holcomb said he thinks executions are “appropriate in these rare cases of heinous crimes,” the Indiana Capital Chronicle reported.
“When such evil is on display, I personally believe in this,” he said.
Rokita, who ran successfully for reelection this fall, said in the news release that the death penalty is a “means of providing justice for victims of society’s most heinous crimes and holding perpetrators accountable.”
In September, Rokita filed another motion seeking an execution date, this time for Benjamin Ritchie, a man convicted in the shooting death of Beech Grove police officer William Toney in 2000.
Matthew Wrinkles, an Evansville man convicted of killing his wife and two of her family members in 1994, was the last person to be executed in Indiana, in 2009.
Joseph Corcoran’s case had many twists and turns
In 1997, 22-year-old Joseph Corcoran was living with his brother, James Corcoran, his sister, Kelly Nieto, and her fiancé, Robert Turner.
On July 26, according to Corcoran, he was upstairs and overheard his brother and Turner talking about him with some friends ― Timothy Bricker and Doug Stillwell ― in the living room. He put his 7-year-old niece in an upstairs bedroom, grabbed his semiautomatic rifle and fatally shot the four men downstairs. Then he went to a neighbor’s house and asked them to call the police.
A jury convicted Corcoran on four counts of murder in 1999, and the trial court sentenced him to death.
Corcoran’s mental health has been a recurring issue through his case. Before his trial in Allen County, his defense initially filed a notice that they would assert an insanity defense. But after court-ordered doctors evaluated him, the defense withdrew the notice, and the court found him competent to stand trial.
The Indiana Supreme Court initially threw out Corcoran’s death penalty sentence over a concern with the trial court’s process but later affirmed the sentence after the trial court reinstated it. When at first Corcoran wouldn’t sign a petition for post-conviction relief in 2003, his defense requested another psychological evaluation to determine whether Corcoran was competent to make this decision. While the experts found Corcoran suffered from paranoid schizophrenia, the court determined Corcoran was nonetheless competent to waive his relief because he demonstrated that he clearly understood the status of his case and the consequences of his decision.
In 2005, Corcoran changed his mind and tried to file for post-conviction relief, but it was too late. That year, he also filed a petition for a writ of habeas corpus in the federal District Court for the Northern District of Indiana, claiming the state violated his Sixth Amendment right to a jury trial during pre-trial negotiations. The district court granted the petition, but a federal appeals court reversed it.
Corcoran exhausted his appeals in 2016. He’s one of eight people on Indiana’s death row.
Corcoran’s legal team makes mental health argument
In a statement Indiana Abolition Coalition president David Frank read on the statehouse steps Sunday, Corcoran’s legal team argued that this death penalty sentence would not have happened if not for Corcoran’s mental illness.
Corcoran’s refusal to accept either of the prosecutor’s plea bargains ― a guilty plea in exchange for life without parole or a bench trial without the death penalty ― was a “product” of his mental illness, they wrote. They described intense delusions and hallucinations they said he experienced as a result of his paranoid schizophrenia and said friends and neighbors noticed “strange behavior” long before his trial, including seeing him talking to himself and nodding his head.
“He views his execution not as a punishment but as a means to escape his constant suffering,” the statement read. “This is a product of his irrationality, not an indication of his competency.”
Two of Indiana’s neighboring states, Ohio and Kentucky, ban capital punishment for those who had a serious mental health condition at the time of their crime.
Protesters receive a message from another inmate on death row
Rejon Taylor, a prisoner on federal death row in Terre Haute, had a message for Sunday’s protestors that Laura Lasuertmer, his minister of record, read aloud.
Taylor wondered if Corcoran, like himself, goes back and forth between wanting to live in bleak conditions or hasten his own death to put an end to it. He wondered if Corcoran also ponders the “absurdity of people protesting his looming death a little too late,” when the help he needed most was during childhood.
“If we as a society fail to embrace our children, including the marginalized and disadvantaged, when they grow older, they will burn society down to feel its warmth,” Taylor wrote. “And your protests at state capitols, or wherever you hold them, will continue in vain, the root issue still unaddressed.”
After the rally, participants lined up to ring a large bell that was originally made in 1992 for the Delaware Citizens Opposed to the Death Penalty, who would ring the bell every time there was a state execution. In September this year, the state of Delaware repealed its death penalty, freeing up the bell to travel to other states.
On Sunday, the bell’s clang echoed over and over across the lawn of the Indiana Statehouse.
Contact IndyStar state government and politics reporter Kayla Dwyer at kdwyer@indystar.com or follow her on X, formerly Twitter, @kayla_dwyer17.
Indiana
Indiana mother charged with neglect after baby’s co-sleeping death
INDIANAPOLIS (WKRC) — An Indianapolis mother is now facing criminal charges after her 2-month-old baby died in an apparent improper co-sleeping environment, according to investigators.
According to a probable cause affidavit obtained by FOX 59/CBS 4, police were called to an area hospital on Sept. 19, 2024, following the death of 27-year-old Brooklyn Davis’ son. The boy had been found unresponsive in his family’s home early that morning, and Davis attempted CPR before he was rushed to the hospital.
The affidavit says the boy had been sleeping on Davis’ bed with his 6-year-old brother. Davis later showed investigators a video showing the baby sleeping chest down on the 6-year-old’s chest.
An autopsy concluded the baby’s cause of death was “sudden explained death of an infant” with an intrinsic factor, which included being “placed to sleep in a queen-sized mattress being shared with a 6-year-old sibling, along with numerous blankets and other miscellaneous items; discovered unresponsive in a prone position with his face turned to the side and partially covered with a blanket.”
A report from the Department of Child Services (DCS) indicated the boy had no known health issues and that Davis ran an FSSA-licensed day care and has “extensive training on child care and safe sleeping environments.”
Davis had been known to DCS prior to the baby’s death. The boy had been born marijuana-positive and, on July 2, 2024, Davis had reportedly signed a “Safe Sleep Safety Plan,” acknowledging she understood that the safest places for her baby to sleep were in a crib, pack-and-play or bassinet and warned that co-sleeping places the baby at risk of suffocation and sleeping areas should be kept free of blankets, pillows and other items. The plan also included a provision that Davis not use marijuana while caring for her children, but she told investigators during an interview that, the morning of her baby’s death, she had gone downstairs to smoke marijuana and left the children alone upstairs.
Davis’ two other children were removed from the home, and interviews with them revealed that co-sleeping with the infant happened often.
Investigators say they attempted to contact Davis several times after talking to her children.
“She called me on February 18, 2025, and said she didn’t do anything wrong, her baby died of SIDS,” the detective wrote in the affidavit. “Brooklyn never came in for an additional interview.”
Court records indicate the case was filed in March 2026. Davis was booked into jail on April 1 on three counts of neglect of a dependent. An initial hearing was held on April 7, and a bail review hearing is planned for Monday.
Indiana
Projecting the Indiana Fever’s 2026 Starting Lineup
The start of training camp officially marks the beginning of the 2026 WNBA season. The Indiana Fever were fairly quiet during free agency after successfully retaining most of their top-tier talent such as Kelsey Mitchell, Aliyah Boston, Lexie Hull, and Sophie Cunningham. Though they still managed to add a few solid pieces to further stack their depth.
Last season the Fever made an impressive postseason run despite facing multiple injuries, particularly in the backcourt. The front office clearly prioritized guard depth as a result, as well as looking to upgrade at the power forward position.
The Fever brass aimed to shore up any defensive deficiencies on the perimeter in the draft by adding guard Raven Johnson out of South Carolina, who brings a reputation as a defensive stopper. As for bolstering the frontcourt, to play alongside, and even provide some relief for Aliyah Boston, newly acquired 6-foot-4 Monique Billings and veteran forward Myisha Hines-Allen fit the bill. Indiana also picked up another solid player in Tyasha Harris at the guard position to provide backcourt depth and relieve pressure on Kelsey Mitchell and Caitlin Clark.
As for the starting lineup, here’s who the Indiana Fever are projected to run with:
Caitlin Clark, Guard
This comes as no surprise, but Clark will look to lead the way for the Fever in one of the two starting guard roles. Coming off of a season riddled with injuries, her return is highly anticipated. In true Clark fashion, she showed positive signs of production during the FIBA World Cup qualifiers where she led Team USA in assists and points.
Clark is expected to return to form in 2026. She provides speed in transition, is a deep threat from beyond the arc, and is elite at setting up her teammates. The only thing standing in the way of a productive season for Clark is remaining healthy for the duration of the season.
Kelsey Mitchell, Guard
Re-signing Kelsey Mitchell was yet again the main offseason priority for the Fever and they did just that. Coming off of a career year, Mitchell will be a key component in the Fever reaching a championship. She averaged 20.2 points per game last season and carried the team on her back during Clark’s absence.
As a premier scoring guard, she complements Clark’s game well and when the two are on the floor together, they’re easily the most explosive backcourt in the entire WNBA. Mitchell has exceptional speed and is a gifted isolation scorer. Her ability to quickly cut and drive to the rim makes her a nightmare for opposing teams to defend and contributed to her earning a 2025 All-WNBA First Team selection.
Mitchell is one of the most dangerous clutch situation players in the league making her a stellar weapon for the Fever.
Lexie Hull, Forward
Entering her fifth WNBA season, all with the Fever, no other player on the roster has grown as much as Lexie Hull. Her steady development has made her a key piece and earned her a starting role in the rotation as last season progressed. Listed as a guard, her defense and versatility has allowed her to frequently fill the role of small forward. She impacts the game on both ends of the floor and saw career highs in 2025 in points per game (7.2), rebounds per game (4.3), assists per game (1.8) and steals per game (1.2).
Her impactful instincts even contributed to her being near the top of the WNBA in offensive fouls drawn last season. With her high-percentage shooting from beyond the arc, solid perimeter defense, and elite hustle, Hull fills the wing role nicely for the Fever.
Monique Billings, Forward
Heading into the 2026 season, the Fever desperately needed to add talented size up front to complement Aliyah Boston’s skill set. With the departure of veteran Natasha Howard in free agency, the Fever acquired their likely next starting power forward in Monique Billings.
Billings is a strong finisher around the basket, has soft hands, runs the floor well, and is adept at screening for guards. She can also defend multiple positions and is a more than capable rebounder. Billings checks all of the boxes of a needed component for Indiana.
Aliyah Boston, Center
After making WNBA history with a record contract, Aliyah Boston looks to continue to elevate her game. Boston has quickly ascended as one of the league’s biggest threats in the middle of the floor. What makes this season even more promising for Boston is the dominant performances she put on display during Unrivaled.
She’s in peak physical shape, faster and has worked on her three-point shooting – an area she committed herself to improving on in the offseason. The three-time All-Star has already established herself as a force on the block due to her combination of size and footwork. Her step-through moves have increased her efficiency in scoring under the basket.
Boston seems poised to have the best season of her career in 2026.
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Indiana
An Indiana district turned to voters to fund more preschool seats. Here’s what happened next.
(CHALKBEAT INDIANA) — When Pete Hinnefeld and his wife started looking for a preschool for their daughter, they hoped to send her to the same school her brother attended, which was just down the road from their house and offered Spanish-language immersion.
To do this for Lydia, then age 3, they were prepared to pay the $600 monthly cost.
But after voters approved a property tax referendum to fund early learning for children living within the Monroe County Community School Corporation, the family’s preschool bill was cut by more than half. Nearby preschool cut down time spent commuting to their parents’ house for babysitting, and helped Lydia build social skills.
The family are one of hundreds now benefitting from the 2023 referendum, which has more than doubled the number of children attending 3- and 4-year-old preschools in the district.
“For us, this is why you pay taxes,” Hinnefeld said. “It’s important for young kids to have access to school and if parents need to work, it’s an opportunity to let them work.”
The referendum put forward by the district, located in Bloomington, is a first in the state, offering all families tuition support on a sliding scale based on income, no matter whether children attend a district preschool or a partner provider.
It represents a local solution to problems with accessing and affording early learning that have left thousands of Indiana families waiting for help. Indiana in December 2024 froze its Child Care and Development Fund, or CCDF, and On My Way Pre-K dollars, which provide funding for early learning for income-eligible households.
A $200 million funding increase for CCDF approved by the State Budget Committee this week will allow Indiana to begin issuing vouchers againin May to around 14,000 more children, for a total enrollment of around 57,000. Those funds will last around one year.
Still, around 20,000 children will remain on the waitlist, and families may have fewer options for where to use their vouchers as hundreds of providers have closed since the freeze was announced, according to early learning advocates in the state. In a recent survey of early childhood educators in Indiana — which includes those working in a variety of settings — 90% of respondents said families are struggling to pay tuition.
A statewide universal preschool program is unlikely, Republican leaders have said. Instead, a legislative proposal this year would have let cities and counties — not just school districts — ask voters to fund preschool seats. It failed to get traction, but its advocates expect it to return.
The political climate isn’t especially promising for local tax increases: A new Indiana law has placed caps on property tax revenue that are already affecting local budgets. Lawmakers also recently restricted when schools can place referendums on the ballot.
Still, a new local revenue stream could be a boon in some Indiana communities, such as those with high demand for preschool, existing programs, and high social cohesion, said Sam Snideman, vice president of government relations for United Way of Central Indiana.
“There are going to be communities where this makes a ton of sense,” Snideman said. “The increasing challenge for an entity that goes before the public for a referendum is making a very clear value case. What is the common good and what is in the community interest is very important.”
School district’s pre-K enrollment doubles after referendum
Before Monroe schools brought the referendum request to voters, the district conducted a study that showed there were not enough early learning seats to serve children in the community, said Timothy Dowling, director of early learning and enrollment at Monroe schools. And families couldn’t always afford the seats that were available.
But the district also knew that research links quality early learning improved later academic outcomes, Dowling said.
“We wanted to do everything we can to help our students get the benefit of early learning, because we know it pays off in huge dividends,” Dowling said.
The referendum equated to around a $50 increase yearly for a home with an assessed value of $250,000, according to the district website, and also paid for instructional supplies for K-12 students. It passed with 55% of the vote; Dowling said the community study and transparency about how the referendum funds would be used were key to its success.
As a result of the successful referendum, all families in the district qualify for at least $4,000 in tuition assistance for preschool for 4-year-olds, whether their children attend a district school or at one of seven community providers.
Around 76% students in the district’s program attend for free based on their family’s income, Dowling said. Families in the lowest income tier who send their children to community providers receive $8,000 in tuition assistance.
The program also offers tuition assistance for 3-year-old preschool based on income and where the student attends school. For families making 225% or less of the federal poverty level, preschool is free at district programs. Often those families struggled the most to afford child care, even when state child care vouchers were available, Dowling said.
In 2024-25, the year after the referendum passed, the number of 4-year-olds attending preschool doubled from 184 to 378, with 64 of those children attending preschool at outside centers. This year, the district expanded preschool for 3-year-olds, based on the timeline laid out in the referendum. Enrollment jumped from 78 to 123, with another 33 students attending community child care centers, Dowling said.
With multiple types of providers, families have options, said Kelly Sipes, the executive director for Penny Lane Childcare Centers, which is a partner provider with the district. Those who need transportation might choose a district-run preschool, she said, but those who need year-round care during school holidays can choose a center like Penny Lane instead.
Her centers are usually at capacity, Sipes said, and child care needs in the community persist. When CCDF funding was cut, some of her families turned to the funding from the district instead.
“It’s awesome for the families,” Sipes said. “We should be all in this together as a community.”
Pitching child care: ‘We live in a society’
Replicating referendum-funded preschool might work well in communities where school-based providers already exist, and where there’s a sufficient tax base and steady demand for child care, Snideman said. It would also be an incentive to attract working families.
But it could be a harder sell in rural districts, where there are fewer families and less demand.
Generally, school referendums pass in districts that are wealthier, and in areas with less farmland, said Larry DeBoer, a Purdue University professor emeritus of agricultural economics, who has studied school referendums in depth.One of the biggest predictors of success is whether a school district has tried to pass a referendum before — even if they’ve failed, a second referendum is more likely to pass, DeBoer said.
Monroe schools had previously passed an operating referendum the year before its 2023 preschool referendum. As a county, Monroe has a slightly lower per-person income than Indiana as a whole, and has more students than the small and medium-sized districts most likely to propose successful ballot measures. It’s home to Indiana University, and tends to vote Democratic in a largely conservative state.
A legislative proposal this year, HB 1430, would have given the power to levy preschool referendums to counties and cities, potentially casting a wider net for both family demand and child care providers.
The bill did not receive a hearing, in part because Indiana legislative leaders are usually reluctant to consider bills with a fiscal impact in even-numbered years where they don’t pass a state budget. And the most recent state budget passed in 2025 was tight, with cuts to spending and programs due to a revenue shortfall.
The bill’s author, Rep. Blake Johnson, a Democrat, said that conversations about the bill have been fruitful, and that he expects the idea to return in a future session.
Given budget concerns, a locally funded solution that communities can tailor to their own needs may be more successful than a statewide one, said Patrick McAlister, who leads the Preschool Choice Alliance, a statewide group.
“This is an economic development need. Here’s the tool and the option to exercise it or not,” Johnson said.
A successful referendum would be a boon to working parents who struggle to afford the cost of early learning, said McAlister, who used to be the director of the Indianapolis Mayor’s Office of Education Innovation. But even for non-parents, a preschool referendum could have a positive impact on property values and in other ways, McAlister said.
Ultimately, it would be one part of an “all and above strategy” addressing care for children from birth to age 2.
“We live in a society,” McAlister said. “There are certain things we hold true and caring for children is a value many people share.”
Aleksandra Appleton covers Indiana education policy and writes about K-12 schools across the state. Contact her at aappleton@chalkbeat.org.
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