Cleveland, OH
Trump ‘White House in Waiting’ Helped Develop Ohio Voting Bill Touted as Model for Other States
A brand new invoice introduced by Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose to standardize and modernize state voting data is being welcomed by election directors and a few voter advocates, who say it might improve transparency and confidence in elections.
However the first-of-its-kind laws was developed with assist from a suppose tank that’s main the cost nationally for extra restrictive voting guidelines and has been referred to as a “White Home in ready” for a second Trump administration. The invoice is also successful reward from conservative activists who’ve unfold worry about unlawful voting as a part of an effort to strain election officers to extra aggressively purge voter rolls.
The measure, often known as the Information Evaluation Transparency Archive (DATA) Act, might provide a glimpse of a future conservative agenda on voting points. At a Feb. 22 press convention saying the invoice, LaRose, a Republican, thanked the America First Coverage Institute for “serving to with the event” of the laws. AFPI reportedly goals to create a coverage platform for former President Donald Trump.
A spokesman for LaRose didn’t reply to an inquiry about AFPI’s function in creating the invoice. However Hilton Beckham, AFPI’s director of communications, mentioned by way of e mail that the group didn’t write the invoice. Beckham mentioned it got here out of an AFPI report launched final 12 months, which discovered that many native election places of work are failing to retain election information as required by regulation, and that in lots of counties, the entire variety of ballots solid doesn’t match up with the entire variety of registered voters who solid ballots.
“With the ability to analyze election leads to real-time will assist discover out why that is occurring instantly,” Beckham added, “probably catching illegal exercise, and eliminating mistrust and conspiracy (theories) from voters attributable to sloppy file retaining.”
The AFPI report notes close to the top that, after reviewing AFPI’s findings, LaRose “spearheaded a nationwide effort” to induce states to cross legal guidelines making certain voter information is preserved.
Now, the 2 are teaming as much as unfold the phrase. On March 4, LaRose promoted the DATA Act alongside Hogan Gidley, a former Trump marketing campaign spokesman who helps run AFPI’s elections coverage arm, on an elections panel on the Conservative Political Motion Convention, a serious confab for GOP activists and officers.
And in late February, LaRose tweeted an image of himself assembly with members of Congress’ “election integrity caucus” in Washington, D.C., “to share the Ohio mannequin.” The caucus was based by Rep. Claudia Tenney, a New York Republican who appeared on an AFPI voting panel in July, and who has mentioned of the 2020 election: “We don’t know if it was stolen or not.”
These collaborations with election deniers and different backers of restrictive voting guidelines increase the query: Is LaRose’s invoice a wonky and bipartisan measure — “one thing that needs to be embraced by each Republicans and Democrats,” as he put it on the Ohio press convention — that has the potential to make real enhancements to how election officers keep and publish voting data? Or might it assist advance the agenda of nationwide Republicans working to put the groundwork for brand new voting restrictions by stoking worry about fraud?
Or each?
A ‘gold normal’ for states
On the Ohio press convention saying the invoice, LaRose famous that he’s additionally spoken to different secretaries of state across the nation. “They’re concerned about bringing this mannequin to their states,” he mentioned. “So one thing that’s beginning right here in Ohio might find yourself turning into the gold normal, once more, for what different states wish to do.”
The DATA Act would create normal definitions of key election information — as an illustration, how many individuals are registered, and what number of voted on every day and by what methodology — to be used by Ohio’s 88 county election places of work; make clear what information the counties should retain and for the way lengthy; and arrange an automatic course of for the state to gather the information.
A central company throughout the secretary of state’s workplace would act as a clearinghouse, publishing simply accessible election information on-line, earlier than, throughout, and after elections.
The end result, backers say, could be to make it a lot simpler for Ohioans — together with these involved about unlawful voting, which stays extraordinarily uncommon — to check voting data throughout counties, and to make sure that each county-level and statewide numbers add up.
“When folks look behind the scenes, what they’re going to see is how well-run our elections are,” LaRose mentioned on the press convention. “The present lack of transparency in some methods breeds these conspiracy theories which can be typically not based mostly in actuality.”
However LaRose’s file on voting points isn’t serving to to reassure these elevating considerations in regards to the invoice. He mentioned in an interview at CPAC he’s “actively” contemplating a U.S. Senate run, and he has been accused of inconsistency as he has tried to enchantment each to conservative Republicans frightened about fraud and to extra reasonable voters.
LaRose has typically mentioned that Ohio’s elections are safe, and when requested about 2020, he mentioned: “I don’t imagine it was stolen” (although he added: “I do imagine that dangerous issues occur that ought to not have occurred”). However final 12 months, he tweeted an assault on the “mainstream media” for “attempting to attenuate voter fraud” within the state. The concept “there’s nothing to see right here,” he added, is “WRONG.”
LaRose privately called Ohio’s state legislative maps, which had been challenged as a pro-GOP gerrymander, “asinine,” not lengthy earlier than voting for them as a member of the state’s redistricting fee.
And on March 6, the identical day three Republican-led states introduced they had been leaving the Digital Registration Data Middle, a well-regarded interstate system for sharing voter registration information, LaRose informed ERIC in a letter that he was contemplating pulling Ohio out as properly. Just a few weeks earlier, LaRose had expressed confidence in ERIC.
A ‘clunky’ system
Ohio’s election directors say streamlining the present low-tech course of for counties to report election information to the state is badly wanted.
For instance, defined Aaron Ockerman, a lobbyist for the Ohio Affiliation of Election Officers, in the course of the state’s four-week early-voting interval, the secretary of state sends out a survey asking the counties for voting information, together with how many individuals voted in individual every day, and what number of absentee ballots had been obtained. The counties reply by placing the numbers into an e mail and sending it.
“It’s clunky,” mentioned Ockerman. “If there’s a method they’ll automate that course of, that might make our lives simpler and their lives simpler.”
It will probably assist voter advocates, too. Jen Miller, the manager director of the League of Ladies Voters of Ohio, mentioned her group has been calling for uniform information monitoring and reporting making it simpler to determine locations the place voters are dealing with entry issues. Proper now, she mentioned, every county defines and studies the information in barely other ways.
“We (at the moment) can not evaluate election operations in a single county to a different cleanly,” Miller mentioned. “We’re apples and oranges.”
Miller mentioned the LWV of Ohio hasn’t but taken a proper place on the invoice, however referred to as it a “constructive transfer.”
However Collin Marozzi, the deputy coverage director for the ACLU of Ohio, mentioned that whereas his group, too, likes the invoice’s information transparency provisions, AFPI’s involvement raises considerations.
“I’m dissatisfied that Ohio would entertain a fairly vital change to election regulation and registration data retention from such an brazenly partisan group, and one which has affiliated itself with a former president who has constantly put ahead bogus election fraud claims,” mentioned Marozzi. “I’m not saying that on its face it’s a destructive. However it’s having a tough time passing the scent take a look at proper now.”
Trump ‘White Home in ready’
Based by a former Trump White Home coverage adviser, AFPI has signed up big-name Trump allies like former White Home advisers Larry Kudlow and Kellyanne Conway, former Vitality Secretary Rick Perry, and former Florida Lawyer Basic Pam Bondi.
Trump’s first journey again to Washington, D.C., after leaving workplace was to ship the keynote deal with at AFPI’s America First Agenda Summit final July. Trump hosted a black-tie fundraiser for AFPI at Mar-a-Lago in 2021, and his PAC has donated $1 million to the group, based on Politico, which has reported that AFPI is usually described as a “White Home in ready” for the previous president.
AFPI has been a constant advocate for stricter voting guidelines.
A 25-point AFPI coverage doc on elections lists nearly each key precedence of the “election integrity” motion, together with requiring picture ID, proscribing who can vote absentee, eliminating drop bins, and banning the counting of ballots that arrive after election day.
The management of AFPI’s elections coverage arm, the Middle for Election Integrity, seems well-suited to this agenda. Gidley, the previous Trump marketing campaign spokesman who serves as CEI’s vice chair and high communications official, in 2020 warned in regards to the potential for “huge fraud” from mail-in voting.
“It’s getting harder on this nation to elect (supporters of strict voting guidelines) if we’ve numerous examples of irregularities, illegalities, anomalies, and sure, fraud, in our election system,” Gidley declared on the CPAC panel with LaRose on March 4.
As Ohio Secretary of State, CEI chair Ken Blackwell made a string of choices that restricted entry to voting, particularly for Democratic-leaning teams, within the 2004 presidential election’s pivotal state, whereas additionally serving as an Ohio co-chair of President George W. Bush’s re-election marketing campaign.
Blackwell “noticed his function as limiting the participation of Democratic voters,” then-Rep. John Conyers, a Michigan Democrat who led a congressional probe of the fiasco, has mentioned.
Blackwell later served as a member of Trump’s voter fraud fee, which was disbanded with out discovering proof of widespread voter fraud, after being sued by one Democratic commissioner who accused it of displaying “troubling bias.”
The 2022 AFPI report that performed a job within the DATA Act’s conception cites a 1960 federal regulation requiring the retention of election data. AFPI researchers made public data requests for voter information from the 100 most-populated counties in 14 swing states, together with Ohio, and located that only a few had the precise voter information from the 2020 election.
“This essential record-keeping shortcoming reduces election integrity and restricts researchers from doing a correct evaluation post-election and to determine registration and voting discrepancies,” the report famous.
On the Feb. 22 press convention, LaRose echoed AFPI in referencing the 1960 regulation — which actually was a civil rights measure geared toward making it more durable for native election officers and residents to maintain minority voters off the rolls — to argue that counties are legally required to retain information.
Conservative activists happy
One other group cheering the Ohio invoice is the Public Curiosity Authorized Basis, a bunch of conservative authorized activists that has regularly sued election officers for not purging voters from the rolls aggressively sufficient. PILF’s govt director and founder, J. Christian Adams, a veteran election lawyer, served on Trump’s voter fraud fee alongside Blackwell.
“That is precisely the perfect practices that the Public Curiosity Authorized Basis encourages states to undertake that make publish election auditing simpler,” Lauren Bis, a spokeswoman for the group, mentioned by way of e mail, including that the invoice will enable Ohioans “to carry their election officers accountable.”
PILF has drawn criticism for utilizing deceptive information in a few of its efforts to boost considerations about unlawful voting. In 2019, it was compelled to concern an apology to a bunch of Virginia voters who sued for defamation after a PILF report, “Aliens Invasion,” alleging large-scale unlawful voting within the state, wrongly described them as non-citizens. The report included the voters’ names, telephone numbers, addresses, and, in some instances, Social Safety numbers.
Within the present local weather of heightened partisan tensions over voting, some voter advocates fear that by giving self-appointed fraud watchdogs extra materials to work with, the DATA Act might make it simpler for them to concern sweeping challenges to massive numbers of voters — and even to election outcomes — on flimsy proof, or to strain election officers to extra aggressively pare the rolls.
Different Republican-run states and conservative activists have just lately sought to encourage voter challenges.
Within the lead as much as Georgia’s 2021 U.S. Senate runoff elections, which might decide Senate management, the activist group True the Vote challenged 364,000 Georgia voters, drawing a voter intimidation lawsuit. Months later, the state handed a sweeping voting regulation that empowered particular person folks to make a vast variety of voter challenges.
Each PILF and True the Vote just lately launched their very own interactive databases geared toward permitting customers to search out inaccuracies in state voter rolls.
Kayla Griffin, the Ohio director for the voter entry group All Voting Is Native, mentioned
that along with considerations about particular person voter challenges, her group additionally worries that requiring election places of work to provide voter information instantly after election day might result in interference with the certification course of, during which outcomes are confirmed and declared official.
Lately, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and New Mexico all have seen efforts by GOP activists or officers to dam or delay certification of native or statewide outcomes — within the Michigan case, the end result of the state’s 2020 presidential election had been at concern — based mostly on unfounded claims about irregularities. Although none have succeeded in subverting outcomes, they’ve stoked additional mistrust in elections.
“We would like these ballots to be protected, and we wish certification to go off easily, with out public strain to cave and never certify an election,” mentioned Griffin. “So there must be some guardrails round that as properly.”
Particulars pose questions
Buried within the DATA Act’s tremendous print are particulars that exacerbate some worries.
The invoice requires native election places of work to ship the state an inventory of registered voters every day, beginning 45 days earlier than an election and ending 81 days after. Why 81 days? Marozzi, of the ACLU, mentioned that’s how lengthy the counties have by regulation to vary their ultimate canvass of outcomes — one thing, Marozzi mentioned, that “provides to our considerations.”
David Becker, the founder and govt director of the Middle for Election Innovation and Analysis, and a number one knowledgeable on election administration, mentioned he sees “a number of good issues” within the invoice’s transparency and record-keeping provisions, however flagged one other little-noticed hazard: Whereas another states’ legal guidelines requiring public disclosure of voter information withhold voters’ birthdates, the Ohio invoice doesn’t.
That’s not solely a privateness concern, mentioned Becker. Research have discovered that efforts to make use of birthdates to determine folks voting illegally have typically generated false positives, as a result of it’s not uncommon for various folks to have the identical first title, final title, and birthdate. Meaning the information made accessible by the Ohio invoice might lend itself to being misused by anti-fraud activists, who typically have extra zeal than information experience.
“Any match based mostly on first title, final title and birthdate is a nasty one,” mentioned Becker.
Particulars apart, LaRose argued on the press convention that the DATA Act is required to revive religion in elections, which he mentioned has been badly broken partially by false claims about fraud.
“There’s a disaster of confidence — that’s not hyperbole,” LaRose mentioned.
However Griffin expressed frustration that Ohio’s decision-makers have rushed to draft measures that reply to false public perceptions — she cited each the DATA Act and Ohio’s controversial new voter ID regulation — whereas typically ignoring concrete issues of entry, together with an absence of drop bins and early-voting areas in lots of counties, that her group has lengthy been elevating the alarm about.
“We’ve pushed via payments shortly off of notion,” Griffin mentioned. “However we’ve been telling you for years of the particular issues which can be damaged in our election system.”
Initially revealed by the Ohio Capital Journal. Republished right here with permission.
Cleveland, OH
Browns stadium drama: Surveys, lawsuits, economic studies, and amendments, oh my!
The Cleveland Browns have just two games remaining before they close the book on their latest season of frustration and disappointment.
While everyone will get a much-needed break after the final whistle blows in Baltimore on January 5, one topic related to the team will most certainly not be decided anytime soon. And that is debate over where the team will be playing its home games in the future.
Team officials have made it clear they intend to build a domed stadium and surrounding entertainment district in the Cleveland suburb of Book Park. City and county officials have continually countered with their preference for the Browns to remain downtown on the lakefront and play in a renovated Huntington Bank Field, which has been home to the team since its return to the NFL in 1999.
For the Browns, team officials have been busy focusing on a campaign to win the hearts and minds of fans and politicians. This campaign started with the release earlier this month of an economic study conducted by RCLCO, a real estate consulting company.
According to a story on the team’s website, the main takeaways from the study include:
- A domed stadium can attract up to an additional 1.5 million visitors through a mix of year-round programming of various sizes and major events.
- A projected annual direct economic output of $1.2 billion across Cuyahoga County, as well as create nearly 5,400 permanent jobs.
- Total annual spending at bars, restaurants, and hotels downtown is projected to increase by about $11 million over what is generated today by the activity at Huntington Bank Field.
That was followed up last week with a team-led interview with Lance Evans, lead architect of HKS, the firm chosen to design the domed stadium.
Evans hit all the right notes, especially by appealing to fans when he discussed the approach to creating the Dawg Pound in a new stadium:
“You’ve got to start with the Dawg Pound and the idea that it is a celebrated item. When we were listening to the fan base about what they wanted in the building, number one was to restore the power of the fans of the Dawg Pound. And so, we’ve created essentially a wall, a vertical wall of fans for the Dawg Pound. We have brought them as close as we can to the players and to the end zone. We’re going to have the visiting team run out right beside them. It is going to be a raucous wall of electricity, and we’re excited about that. That informed the decisions, like really the seating bowl was informed, the whole design of it, around this idea of catering to the kind of fandom of Brown’s nation, which is palpable.”
Finally, the Browns have been conducting surveys to gauge interest in the idea of the domed stadium project. While some local media have made a big deal out of the surveys, they appear to be filled with the standard type of questions that are commonly used when undertaking a project of this magnitude, such as how important the addition of restaurants and bars is to the project, how often the survey respondent would visit the area on non-game days, and the like.
One interesting element of the surveys comes in a series of questions that lay out some potential price points for season tickets, including amenities like unlimited food and drink, or priority access to other events. The prices are not the actual prices, but are shown solely for “research purposes.”
No matter what the results of the survey say – either for or against the domed stadium – there is nothing compelling either side of the debate to act on the results, so it is probably a good idea to not get too worked up about their existence.
There are two areas that deserve some attention, both of which come from the government side of the debate.
The first comes from Cleveland City Council President Blaine Griffin, who confirmed last week that the city plans to use the state’s Modell Law to try and keep the Browns downtown. Griffin is joined in that fight by Cuyahoga County Executive Chris Ronayne.
The city first floated the idea of using the law, which requires owners of professional sports teams that play in a taxpayer-supported stadium to give at least six months’ notice before leaving and must give the city or local investors an opportunity to buy the team, in October.
While nothing official has happened, the city has hired the law firm of Jones Day to reportedly act as outside counsel as the city works on its response to the team’s position that the law is unconstitutional, according to NEOtrans blog.
Ronayne also continues to lead the fight to keep the Browns downtown as opposed to using public money for the Brook Park site, as the told NEOtrans:
“Cuyahoga County cannot afford to subsidize the creation of a second downtown with taxpayer dollars. I continue to ask for the downtown stadium renovation plan to be shared publicly and for the Cleveland Browns to come back to the negotiating table with the city of Cleveland to build off of the billions of dollars of investments already made in the downtown core.”
The second comes from the Statehouse in Columbus, where lawmakers closed out their year by giving the Cincinnati Bengals a tax break on their upcoming $120 million renovation of Paycor Stadium.
As part of an amendment to House Bill 315, the Bengals can exempt themselves from around $9.3 million in sales taxes if Governor Mike DeWine approves the proposal.
Ultimately it is a lot of posturing between the Bengals and Hamilton County officials, which you can read more about here. As it relates to the Browns and their plans, it is still unclear how the amendment could potentially impact a new or renovated stadium project, but it is something to keep an eye on in the coming months.
While the 2024 regular season is winding down, the battle over where the Browns will call home is far from over. As always, it is important to remember that the Browns current lease does not expire until after the 2028 season, so they are not going anywhere. And even if they eventually do land in Brook Park, it is only a move to the suburbs so they will still be the Cleveland Browns.
Cleveland, OH
MLB notes: Carlos Santana sold his Cleveland area house. A day later, the Guardians invited him home
The house in Bratenahl, Ohio, a suburb of Cleveland, had special meaning for Carlos Santana and his wife, Brittany. It was the first home Santana, a native of the Dominican Republic, purchased in the United States, back in 2012 after he signed his first multi-year deal. All four of the Santanas’ children were born in the Cleveland area.
Sentiment, though, goes only so far.
Last Monday, thinking he would never play in Cleveland again, Santana instructed a realtor to put the house on the market. A buyer quickly emerged. On Thursday, Santana signed papers completing the sale. And on Friday, as luck would have it, guess who called for the first time?
The Guardians, of course.
Santana, 38, played for Cleveland from 2010 to ‘17, and again in 2019 and ‘20. That night, he met in his Tampa apartment with his agent, Ulises Cabrera of Octagon, until 2 a.m., weighing final offers. The Seattle Mariners, Santana’s team in 2022, sought to reunite with him virtually the entire offseason, and were pushing for a resolution. Santana said both New York teams, Detroit and Arizona also were in the mix, while San Diego and Texas had asked him to wait.
The Mariners, according to sources briefed on the discussions, offered Santana a one-year deal with a player option for a second season, an extraordinary bid for a first baseman entering his age-39 season. But even though Santana’s home in Bratenahl was gone, he could not stay away.
On Saturday morning, he flew to Cleveland to retrieve some personal belongings from the house. Later that day, he agreed to a one-year, $12 million contract with the Guardians, turning down more guaranteed money from the Mariners, according to a source. His return to Cleveland only became possible when the Guardians recognized they could trade first baseman Josh Naylor to the Diamondbacks, a deal that transpired the same day.
“I cannot believe it,” Santana said. “It’s crazy.”
The 2025 season will be Santana’s 16th in the majors. He is coming off a year in which he produced a .749 OPS with the Minnesota Twins, his highest since 2019, and won his first Gold Glove. If he passes his physical on Monday, his $12 million salary will more than double the $5.25 million he earned last season. His deal also includes $1 million in incentives.
The Mariners, Santana said, were his initial priority. Seattle star Julio Rodríguez is one of his best friends, and pushed for him to return. But Santana first joined the Cleveland organization at the 2008 deadline, in a trade from the Los Angeles Dodgers for third baseman Casey Blake. He is beloved in both the clubhouse and community, and it is not out of the question he will one day enter the team’s Hall of Fame.
“I’m so happy coming back,” Santana said. “Cleveland has my respect. The fan base is one of the best. The coaching staff, they know me. Sandy Alomar, I’ve known him for a long time. I know (top executives) Chris (Antonetti) and Mike Chernoff. I know the owner, (Paul) Dolan. I have very good relationships with everyone in the office, in the organization. They love me, and I love it. I’m very excited.”
Santana’s family lives mostly in Kansas City, where he played in 2021-22. He also keeps a residence in Tampa so he can train in the winter. Yet for more than a decade, he held onto the house in Bratenahl, declining to sell it even after signing a three-year, $60 million free-agent contract with the Philadelphia Phillies in Dec. 2017.
A year later, the Phillies dealt him to the Mariners, and 10 days after that the Mariners sent him back to Cleveland. That, too, was a wild story. Santana had been planing to rent the Ohio home to his good friend, Edwin Encarnación – until Seattle and Cleveland traded them for each other.
Now Santana needs to find a new place in Cleveland, but compared to his final 24 hours as a free agent, that task will be relatively simple. His whirlwind through the open market, following his spin through the housing market, ended in a place he never thought he would never again call home.
Explaining the Guardians’ latest moves
Both teams that reached the American League Championship Series will open the season with new first and second basemen. The New York Yankees are simply replacing departing free agents. The Guardians’ moves were more jarring, but typical of the roster roulette low-revenue teams play.
The trade of Andrés Giménez to the Toronto Blue Jays enabled the Guardians to escape the remaining five years and $96.5 million on the second baseman’s contract. The trade of Naylor to the Arizona Diamondbacks, in combination with the Santana agreement, left the Guardians with a similar one-year financial commitment at first base, plus right-hander Slade Cecconi and the No. 72 overall pick in the 2025 draft. Cleveland now holds the 27th, 66th, 70th and 72nd selections.
Naylor, 27, is 11 years younger than Santana, and almost certainly would have departed as a free agent at the end of the 2025 season. Santana, thanks in part to his Gold Glove defense, produced the higher fWAR last season (3.0-2.3). As one of the team’s most beloved players in recent memory, he again will be a strong presence in the clubhouse, if less emotional than Naylor.
Cecconi, 25, was the 33rd overall pick out of the University of Miami in the 2020 draft, but has yet to establish himself in the majors, finishing last season with a 6.66 ERA in 77 innings. The Guardians are not sure whether he will start or relieve but believe he might benefit from working with their pitching group and competing in better pitchers’ parks than he did at Triple-A Reno and in Arizona. According to Statcast’s Park Factor, Chase Field was the second-most run-friendly environment in the majors last season, behind only Coors Field.
The Guardians have spent much of their offseason adding pitching, previously re-signing free-agent right-hander Shane Bieber to a two-year, $26 million contract, and acquiring righty Luis L. Ortiz as well as pitching prospects Josh Hartle and Michael Kennedy for infielder Spencer Horwitz. They also traded relievers Eli Morgan to the Chicago Cubs and Nick Sandlin to the Toronto Blue Jays.
Marlins flirting with CBA trouble
In early December, Evan Drellich and I detailed how the A’s need to add significant payroll this winter or else risk a grievance from the Major League Baseball Players Association. The Miami Marlins, who continued to tear down their roster Sunday with their trade of left-hander Jesús Luzardo to the Philadelphia Phillies, are treading on perhaps even more perilous ground.
Baseball’s collective bargaining agreement requires teams to carry a luxury-tax payroll more than one and a half times the amount they receive from local revenue sharing. A club in violation doesn’t automatically receive punishment but puts itself at greater risk of penalty if the union files a grievance.
The Marlins, like the A’s, are expected to be among the highest revenue-sharing recipients next year at roughly $70 million, if not more. Using that $70 million estimate, the Marlins’ luxury-tax payroll by the end of the season would need to be $105 million. Per FanGraphs, they currently are at $83 million. The A’s, following their additions of right-hander Luis Severino, lefty Jeffrey Springs and third baseman Gio Urshela, are at $90 million.
What’s amazing about the Marlins’ luxury-tax number is that approximately 45 percent of it is unrelated to their current roster. Two players no longer on the team’s 40-man, outfielder Avisaíl García and righty Woo-Suk Go, account for $15.25 million. Through 2027, the Marlins also are getting hit with a $3 million annual charge as part of their Giancarlo Stanton trade with the New York Yankees. And, like all teams, they are charged $17.5 million for player benefits and $1.67 million for their share of the pre-arbitration bonus pool.
Since the deadline, the Marlins have traded Luzardo, closer Tanner Scott, infielders Jake Burger, Jazz Chisholm Jr. and Josh Bell, left-hander Trevor Rogers, outfielder Bryan De La Cruz and relievers A.J. Puk, JT Chargois and Huascar Brazoban. The next to go, provided he makes a strong recovery from Tommy John surgery in the first half, should be right-hander Sandy Alcántara, whose 2025 salary is $17.3 million.
Wouldn’t it be something if the Marlins had to keep Alcántara because their luxury-tax payroll was too low? The average annual value of Alcántara’s five-year contract — the number used for luxury-tax calculations — is $11.2 million. Shedding the prorated portion of that amount at the deadline would drop the team’s luxury-tax number by roughly another $3.7 million.
Can’t wait to see how the Marlins raise payroll, with owner Bruce Sherman kicking and screaming. Like the A’s, they have little choice but to spend.
The Sandoval deal: A record of sorts
While no official records are kept, left-hander Patrick Sandoval’s two-year, $18.25 million deal with the Boston Red Sox is believed to be the largest guarantee ever awarded to a player who was non-tendered.
The Milwaukee Brewers retained righty Brandon Woodruff on a two-year, $17.5 million contract prior to 2024. The Chicago Cubs signed first baseman/outfielder Cody Bellinger to a one-year, $17.5 million deal — the highest AAV for a non-tender — prior to 2023.
With salaries for starting pitchers soaring, the curious part of the Los Angeles Angels’ decision to part with Sandoval is that they could have retained him over the next two seasons for perhaps $6 million less than he ended up getting from the Red Sox.
Sandoval, 28, projected to earn $5.9 million in arbitration in 2025, per MLB Trade Rumors. He is not expected to return from Tommy John surgery before the second half, so his raise in 2026 would have been minimal.
Perhaps Angels owner Arte Moreno didn’t want to pay a player who was hurt, something he has done regularly with Mike Trout and Anthony Rendon at higher salaries. Perhaps Moreno and general manager Perry Minasian are hellbent on winning this upcoming season and wanted to use the $6 million for other pursuits.
The Angels tried to trade Sandoval before the non-tender deadline, according to a rival executive who spoke with them. But the industry effectively called their bluff, daring them to offer Sandoval a contract. They did not.
Rangers bullpen: A work in progress
Slowly but surely, the Texas Rangers are rebuilding their bullpen.
Four of the Rangers’ six most frequently used relievers last season — David Robertson, José Leclerc, Kirby Yates and José Ureña — are free agents, as is Andrew Chafin, who arrived at the deadline. The team has responded by signing free-agent left-hander Hoby Milner to a one-year, $2.5 million contract, righty Jacob Webb to a one-year, $1.25 million deal and — in a move that could prove to be a steal — acquiring lefty Robert Garcia from the Washington Nationals on Sunday for first baseman Nathaniel Lowe.
Garcia, 28, finished with a 4.22 ERA in 59 2/3 innings last season, but his 29.9 percent strikeout rate and 6.4 percent walk rate contributed to a much lower expected ERA — 2.53, according to Statcast. He has five years of club control remaining as opposed to two for Lowe, who is projected to earn $10.7 million in arbitration this season with another raise coming through the process in 2026.
Re-signing Yates remains a priority for the Rangers. The team quickly identified a left-handed hitter to replace Lowe, reaching an agreement Sunday with free agent designated hitter Joc Pederson, according to league sources briefed on the discussions.
Around the horn
• Is it possible the availability of St. Louis Cardinals third baseman Nolan Arenado is clogging the market for free agent Alex Bregman?
The Cardinals, in their negotiations with the Houston Astros on an Arenado trade, were willing to include $5 million per season, leaving the Astros with approximately a three-year, $49 million commitment, sources briefed on the talks told The Athletic’s Katie Woo. Deferrals would have further lowered the present-day value of the Astros’ obligation if Arenado had not blocked the deal.
Arenado, who will play next season at 34, is three years older than Bregman. His OPS the past three seasons has dropped from .891 to .774 to .719. Bregman’s has fallen from .820 to .804 to .768. A team could bet on Arenado bouncing back, rationalizing he would be a better gamble than Bregman at a guarantee that could approach or exceed $200 million.
• A rival executive makes a good point about the Red Sox potentially pursuing either Bregman or Arenado:
If the Sox wish to move Rafael Devers off third base, why bother pursuing an external option when numerous internal options are available, or soon will be?
Those options include Trevor Story, who is under contract through 2027, as well as two prospects — Marcelo Mayer, who could wind up at shortstop or third; and Kristian Campbell, who seems more likely to land at second.
Of course, prospects are prospects, and Bregman, in particular, brings a special leadership intangible. But the Sox ranked ninth in the majors in runs last season. Their greater need remains pitching.
• First baseman Christian Walker, in moving from Chase Field to Houston’s renamed Daikin Park, is leaving the second-most run-friendly environment last season for the seventh.
Walker is so consistent, it shouldn’t affect him. His OPS+ the past three seasons was 25 percent above league average, 22 percent above and 21 percent above.
(Top photo of Carlos Santana with Cleveland in 2020: Ron Schwane/Getty Images)
Cleveland, OH
Santa and first responders making their rounds at several Cleveland area hospitals
CLEVELAND, Ohio (WOIO) On Monday night Dec. 23 patients and staff at UH Cleveland Medical Center, UH Seidman Cancer Center, and UH Rainbow Babies & Children’s Hospital will be treated to a special parade of lights that includes the big man himself.
The fifth annual Operation Santa’s Sleigh is a statewide event organized by Light Ohio Blue and Light Ohio Red to spread the holiday spirit to hospital caregivers and patients.
The Cleveland Parade will also visit the Cleveland Clinic, The Louis Stokes VA Medical Center, and the Ronald McDonald House.
Seven other caravans will also be held at locations around Ohio.
More than 40 local first responders and public safety vehicles, complete with holiday lights and decorations, will be participating in the Cleveland area parade, including Santa himself!
Santa’s itinerary is as follows:
The parade steps off at 8:15 p.m.
• Arrive at UH Drive, slowly passing Lerner Tower and UH Seidman Cancer Center
• Turning right on Euclid Avenue, right on Cornell Road, right on Circle Drive
• Right on Adelbert Road, slowly passing UH Rainbow Babies & Children’s Hospital
Copyright 2024 WOIO. All rights reserved.
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