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Inside the Turmoil at the V.A. Mental Health System Under Trump

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Inside the Turmoil at the V.A. Mental Health System Under Trump

Late in February, as the Trump administration ramped up its quest to transform the federal government, a psychiatrist who treats veterans was directed to her new workstation — and was incredulous.

She was required, under a new return-to-office policy, to conduct virtual psychotherapy with her patients from one of 13 cubicles in a large open office space, the kind of setup used for call centers. Other staff might overhear the sessions, or appear on the patient’s screen as they passed on their way to the bathroom and break room.

The psychiatrist was stunned. Her patients suffered from disorders like schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. Treating them from her home office, it had taken many months to earn their trust. This new arrangement, she said, violated a core ethical tenet of mental health care: the guarantee of privacy.

When the doctor asked how she was expected to safeguard patient privacy, a supervisor suggested she purchase privacy screens and a white noise machine. “I’m ready to walk away if it comes to it,” she wrote to her manager, in a text message shared with The New York Times. “I get it,” the manager replied. “Many of us are ready to walk away.”

Scenes like this have been unfolding in Veterans Affairs facilities across the country in recent weeks, as therapy and other mental health services have been thrown into turmoil amid the dramatic changes ordered by President Trump and pushed by Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency.

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Among the most consequential orders is the requirement that thousands of mental health providers, including many who were hired for fully remote positions, now work full time from federal office space. This is a jarring policy reversal for the V.A., which pioneered the practice of virtual health care two decades ago as a way to reach isolated veterans, long before the pandemic made telehealth the preferred mode of treatment for many Americans.

As the first wave of providers reports to offices where there is simply not enough room to accommodate them, many found no way to ensure patient privacy, health workers said. Some have filed complaints, warning that the arrangement violates ethics regulations and medical privacy laws. At the same time, layoffs of at least 1,900 probationary employees are thinning out already stressed services that assist veterans who are homeless or suicidal.

In more than three dozen interviews, current and recently terminated mental health workers at the V.A. described a period of rapid, chaotic behind-the-scenes change. Many agreed to speak on the condition of anonymity because they want to continue to serve veterans, and feared retribution from the Trump administration.

Clinicians warn that the changes will degrade mental health treatment at the V.A., which already has severe staffing shortages. Some expect to see a mass exodus of sought-after specialists, like psychiatrists and psychologists. They expect wait times to increase, and veterans to eventually seek treatment outside the agency.

“Psychotherapy is a very private endeavor,” said Ira Kedson, a psychologist at the Coatesville V.A. Medical Center in Pennsylvania and president of AFGE local 310. “It’s supposed to be a safe place, where people can talk about their deepest, darkest fears and issues.” Veterans, he said, trust that what they tell therapists is confidential.

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“If they can’t trust us to do that, I think that a sizable number of them will withdraw from treatment,” he said.

A Veterans Affairs spokesman, Peter Kasperowicz, dismissed the contention that a crowded working environment would compromise patient privacy as “nonsensical,” saying that the V.A. “will make accommodations as needed so employees have enough space to work and comply with industry standards for privacy.”

“Veterans are now at the center of everything V.A. does,” Mr. Kasperowicz added. “Under President Trump, V.A. is no longer a place where the status quo for employees is to simply phone it in from home.” Anna Kelly, a White House spokeswoman, said the president’s return-to-office order was “ensuring that all Americans benefit from more efficient services, especially our veterans.”

The DOGE cuts have already sparked chaos and confusion within the sprawling agency, which provides care to more than nine million veterans. The Trump administration has said it plans to eliminate 80,000 V.A. jobs, and a first round of terminations has halted some research studies and slashed support staff.

The cuts drive at a sensitive constituency for Mr. Trump, who has campaigned on improving services at the V.A. In Mr. Trump’s first term, the agency expanded remote work as a way to reach veterans who are socially isolated and living in rural areas, who are at an elevated risk for suicide. Now those services are likely to be sharply reduced.

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“The end of remote work is essentially the same as cutting mental health services,” said a clinician at a mental health center hub in Kansas, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “These remote docs aren’t moving and they have other options if they are forced to drive to some office however many miles away every day to see their patient virtually from there.”

Veterans, too, are expressing anxiety. Sandra Fenelon, 33, said she had a rocky transition back to civilian life after leaving the Navy in 2022. “I just constantly felt like I am at war,” said Ms. Fenelon, who lives in New York and is training to become a pharmacist.

It took a year, working with a V.A. psychologist, until she felt safe enough to begin sharing the troubling things she had seen on deployment, things that, she said, “people on the outside would never understand.”

Now, Ms. Fenelon is worried that the tumult at the V.A. will prompt her therapist to leave before she is better. In her session this past week, she burst into tears. “I feel like I’m now forced to be put in a position where I have to start over with someone else,” she said in an interview. “How can I relate to a therapist who never worked with veterans?”

For a suicide prevention coordinator in California, mornings start with referrals from a crisis hotline. On a typical day, she said, she is given a list of 10 callers, but sometimes as many as 20 or 30. The work is so intense that, most days, there is no time for a lunch break or bathroom breaks.

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“My job is to build rapport, to figure out what I need to do to keep them alive. I let them know: ‘I’m worried about you, I’m going to send someone out to check on you,’” the coordinator said. “I tell them, ‘You served this country. You deserve better.’”

The team, which is responsible for covering some 800,000 veterans, was supposed to get three more social workers, but the new positions were canceled as a result of the administration’s hiring freeze, the coordinator said.

She said the stress around the staff reductions is intense, and fears it will cause her to miss something critical. “I’m so scared I’ll make a mistake,” she said. “I’m not sleeping well, and it’s hard to stay focused.”

Veterans are at sharply higher risk for suicide than the general population; in 2022, the suicide rate was 34.7 per 100,000, compared to 14.2 per 100,000 for the general population. A major factor in this is the availability of firearms, which were used in 73.5 percent of suicide deaths, according to the V.A.

In Denver, Bilal Torrens was just finishing a shift when he was notified by email that he was being terminated.

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His job, he said, was helping homeless veterans settle into life indoors after years of living on the street. During those early months, Mr. Torrens said, the men are often overwhelmed by the task of collecting benefits, managing medications, even shopping for groceries; he would sit with his clients while they filled out forms and paid bills.

The layoffs reduced the support staff at the homeless service center by a third. The burden will now shift onto social workers, who are already staggering under caseloads of dozens of veterans, he said.

“They’re not going to have enough time to serve any of the veterans properly, the way that they should be served and cared for,” Mr. Torrens said.

In Coatesville, Penn., mental health providers have been told they will conduct therapy with veterans from several large office spaces, sitting with their laptops at tables, said Dr. Kedson. The spaces are familiar, he said — but they have never before been used for patient care.

“That would sound like you’re seeing them from a call center, because you’d be in a room with a bunch of people who are all talking at the same time,” Dr. Kedson said. “The veterans who are going to be in that position, I suspect they will feel very much like their privacy is being violated.”

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So far, only supervisory clinicians have been affected by the return-to-office policy; unionized workers will be expected to report to the office in the coming weeks.

Dr. Kedson said clinicians have warned that the orders compromise patient privacy, but he has seen little response from the agency’s leadership. “They’re doing it because these are the marching orders coming out of the current administration,” he said. “People are trying to make something that is really untenable work.”

Dr. Lynn F. Bufka, head of practice at the American Psychological Association, said the “longstanding presumed practice for the delivery of psychotherapy” requires a private location, like a room with a door and soundproofing outside the room.

She said HIPAA, the health privacy law, allows for “incidental disclosures” of patient information if they cannot be reasonably prevented — a threshold that she said the V.A. risks not meeting. In this case, she said, the privacy risk could be prevented “by simply not requiring psychologists to return to the office until private spaces are available.”

Several V.A. mental health clinicians told The Times they were interviewing for new jobs or had submitted their resignations. Their departures risk exacerbating already severe staffing shortages at the V.A., outlined in a report last year from its inspector general’s office.

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“Everybody is afraid, from the top down,” said Matthew Hunnicutt, 62, a social worker who retired in late February after nearly 15 years, much of it in supervisory positions, at the Jesse Brown V.A. Medical Center in Chicago.

When staff were ordered to shut down diversity initiatives, Mr. Hunnicutt decided to speed up his retirement, feeling that “everything I had done was just wiped away.” He said care at the V.A. had been improved during his time there, with better community outreach, shorter wait times and same-day mental health appointments.

“Just to have it be destroyed like this is extreme,” he said.

Alain Delaquérière and Kirsten Noyes contributed research.

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Will Her Daughter Be Safe at Pali High as It Rebuilds From LA Wildfires?

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Will Her Daughter Be Safe at Pali High as It Rebuilds From LA Wildfires?

One morning just before Christmas, Michelle stood in a Thrifty-Wash, watching her seven loads of laundry tumble and spin. The machine at the Airbnb had broken and flooded the place. It had been a blessing, in a way — Michelle needed this time alone to think.

The night before, Los Angeles Unified School District officials had hosted a Zoom webinar for parents, in which they had promised to present all the evidence that campus was safe. Michelle had gone in with high hopes, maybe even optimism. Afterward, she called it “the Zoom from hell.”

The officials had opened the meeting by announcing that Pali High’s students would go back to campus at the end of January. Michelle had peered at the screen, squinting to make sense of their color-coded maps, charts and checklists as district officials and their third-party contractors used wonky terms to describe what sounded to Michelle like rudimentary decontamination methods: “visual inspections,” “glove tests,” “subjective evaluations for smoke odor” and the copious use of wet wipes.

The “Environmental Concerns” WhatsApp group began pinging with live commentary. “It’s like they’re all hanging out with my insurance company,” one mother typed. “Transparency my a$$,” wrote another.

During the question-and-answer portion, parents flooded the submission box: Why weren’t the porous ceiling tiles removed? (“We did our best to remove any surface contaminants that we could see visually,” one contractor replied.) Did they realize that lithium had been detected in smoke-damaged homes near the school? (“Lithium, we determined, was not going to be a high-priority metal for us,” another contractor explained.) And why hadn’t they tested for benzene, carbon tetrachloride or perchloroethylene — some of which had been found in other Palisades buildings after the fires?

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Michelle had a hunch she knew the answer, but she assumed no official would ever admit it. Then the project manager for one of the contractors came on the screen.

“There are hundreds — literally — of different compounds that could be produced during a fire,” he said, “and there are analytical methods that can be very, very precise in sampling for those.” But the problem, he said, was that it “lacks specificity in what we can actually deal with … ”

Michelle had shaken her head in disbelief. The project manager interrupted himself. “That was the wrong way to put that,” he muttered.

This morning, Michelle had waked to some parents on the “Environmental Concerns” chat talking about putting their kids in virtual learning. Others were hoping to transfer. Michelle was fantasizing about protesting the return to campus, even dreaming up the picket signs: “Lead should only be in pencils,” or maybe, “Test on the school, not on the kids.”

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Experimental obesity drug outperforms traditional weight-loss treatments in early research

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Experimental obesity drug outperforms traditional weight-loss treatments in early research

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

A new weight-loss drug variation is showing promise in early trials.

Research from the Institute for Diabetes and Obesity at Helmholtz Munich in Germany, published in the journal Nature, tested an experimental obesity and diabetes drug called GLP-1-GIP-Lani.

The drug combines GLP-1 and GIP — two natural hormones that help regulate appetite and blood sugar, similar to popular weight-loss drugs like Ozempic — with PPAR activity, which may improve insulin sensitivity, inflammation, fat metabolism and liver health.

‘NEXT OZEMPIC’ AIMS TO DELIVER 30% WEIGHT LOSS WITH FEWER SIDE EFFECTS

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The team of researchers, led by Professor Timo D. Muller at Helmoltz Munich, called the drug a quintuple agonist, as it targets five receptor systems.

In a press release, Muller described the drug as a “Trojan horse”: the incretin component — hormones that help regulate blood sugar and appetite — allows it to enter target cells, and once inside, the PPAR “cargo” activates to help the body better use insulin, process fat and reduce inflammation.

The researchers hope the “Trojan horse” effect will allow for lower dosing and fewer side effects. (iStock)

This allows for the dosage of the drug to be lower, which could reduce side effects.

“A major advantage is the amount,” Muller said. “Because the second component is not administered separately and systemically, but ‘travels along’ with the incretin part, it can be used at a dose that is orders of magnitude lower.”

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NEW WEIGHT-LOSS SHOT SHOWS MAJOR FAT REDUCTION, BUT EXPERTS URGE CAUTION

The study tested the drug combination in mouse models, including mice with diabetes-induced obesity, insulin resistance and genetic obesity.

In these mice, the compound was found to lower body weight, food intake, fat mass, blood sugar and insulin-related problems more than GLP-1 and GIP alone. It also outperformed semaglutide.

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The researchers reported that typical gastrointestinal side effects were similar to those seen with existing therapies.

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“We see a principle with strong effects in the animal model — now the task is to optimize the approach for humans and move it toward the clinic,” Muller said in the release.

The preclinical study was conducted in mouse models and cannot yet be applied to humans. (iStock)

Dr. Peter Balazs, MD, a hormone and weight-loss specialist practicing in New York and New Jersey, said the drug is designed to target obesity and insulin resistance “at multiple key sites simultaneously, including the brain, pancreas and metabolic tissues.”

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“This is a novel mechanism because it’s not just relying on a higher dose of an existing drug,” he told Fox News Digital in an interview.

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“Current GLP-1 medications are highly effective appetite suppressants, while this quintuple agonist seems to function both as an ‘appetite brake’ and a metabolic engine,” he added.

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While traditional GLP-1s primarily reduce appetite, slow gastric emptying and increase insulin secretion, this quintuple agonist “appears to do all of the above” while also “directly improving insulin sensitivity in the liver and muscle, reducing inflammation in adipose tissue and remodeling lipid metabolism,” the expert confirmed.

While traditional GLP-1s primarily reduce appetite, slow gastric emptying and increase insulin secretion, this quintuple agonist “appears to do all of the above,” an expert said. (iStock)

“The result may be greater weight loss through a combination of caloric restriction, enhanced fat oxidation and potentially increased central energy expenditure,” Balazs said.

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Although the drug provides a “promising direction for the future,” Balazs noted that the study was conducted only on mouse models and there is no human safety or efficacy data, which means the drug cannot yet be recommended for clinical use.

“Additionally, it was conducted over a relatively short period of time, so we cannot draw conclusions about long-term effects,” he added.

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With a Friend in Trump, the Tobacco Industry Secures a Lucrative Win

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With a Friend in Trump, the Tobacco Industry Secures a Lucrative Win

Over lunch at his golf club in Jupiter, Fla., on the first Saturday of May, President Trump got an earful from a group of tobacco executives and lobbyists unhappy with the way the Food and Drug Administration was regulating their industry.

Eventually Mr. Trump had heard enough. He interrupted the conversation to call Dr. Marty Makary, the F.D.A. commissioner.

No answer.

Furious, the president then dialed Dr. Makary’s boss, Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., and another top health official, Dr. Mehmet Oz, the head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. He complained to them about the F.D.A.’s regulation of e-cigarettes, according to three people briefed on the meeting who were not authorized to discuss it.

The message was received. Less than one week later, the executives got what they wanted.

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On Friday, the F.D.A. issued new guidance that could pave the way for major tobacco companies to begin selling flavored vapes and to snare a chunk of the $6 billion e-cigarette market away from illegal Chinese competitors. The new policy bypassed the F.D.A.’s regular rule-making process.

In the intervening week, Dr. Makary continued to argue against approving flavored vapes as support from Mr. Kennedy and others collapsed around him. Health and Human Services Department staff began to draft the new plan, according to two people familiar with the events.

On Tuesday, Dr. Makary resigned, telling associates he could not in good conscience remain the head of an agency that backed such a policy.

Though there is no definitive evidence linking the new guidance to donations or lobbying, the episode represented a clear pivot in the federal government’s longtime approach to the tobacco industry.

Since the 1990s, when states extracted vast payments and other concessions from the major cigarette companies in a nationwide legal settlement, Big Tobacco has been in retreat. Cigarette sales have plummeted, and regulations have mounted as consumers and administrations from both parties embraced public health consensus about the dangers of smoking and nicotine addiction.

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Mr. Trump’s first administration initially continued the trend, proposing further restrictions on cigarettes and moving to outlaw flavored vapes over concerns that their rising popularity threatened the health of a generation of adolescents.

But since then, Mr. Trump has enthusiastically welcomed the financial support of the tobacco industry and has courted e-cigarette users as a political constituency.

The new vaping guidance highlights Mr. Trump’s willingness to use his executive authority to prioritize the causes of major corporate donors over public health concerns, taxpayer interests and the judgment of experts, sometimes including those in his own administration.

The president has developed a close relationship with tobacco companies including Altria and Reynolds American, which have donated millions of dollars to his political groups and projects, including his proposed White House ballroom. Their executives attended the lunch at the president’s golf club.

The Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the F.D.A., referred requests for comment to the White House.

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Kush Desai, a White House spokesman, said in a statement that Mr. Trump has pushed to expand access to vapes to help Americans trying to quit smoking.

“The only guiding factor behind the Trump administration’s health policymaking is gold standard science,” Mr. Desai said.

Reynolds American and Altria did not respond to questions about their lobbying or the conversation at the lunch.

It was attended by Jeff Raborn, a top executive at Reynolds, and Phil Park and Todd Walker of Altria, according to the people familiar with the meeting. Also attending were Brian Ballard and Rich Haselwood, lobbyists for the firm Ballard Partners, which represents Reynolds and helped marshal a sophisticated and expensive influence campaign that culminated in the new vaping guidance. Mr. Ballard is a top fund-raiser for Mr. Trump. Mr. Haselwood had been an in-house lobbyist at Reynolds before joining Ballard Partners this year.

A spokesman for Ballard Partners declined to comment.

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While public health experts consider e-cigarettes a less harmful alternative to tobacco-burning cigarettes, the new guidance circumvents a scientific review process the F.D.A. had previously defended up to the Supreme Court. The disregarded procedures were meant to ensure approval of only those products shown in studies to help cigarette smokers transition to vapes without attracting a new generation of nicotine users.

The guidance also could allow higher nicotine levels in nicotine pouches. It includes a pledge to prioritize efforts to stop the import of illegal foreign vapes, an idea that has bipartisan support in Congress.

Taken together, the policy changes could help companies like Altria and Reynolds gain market share considered central to the survival of the industry.

The market for vapes and nicotine pouches, like Zyn, is about 30 million people in the United States, on par with the number of cigarette smokers. While the nicotine pouch market is rapidly growing, cigarettes still account for about $50.8 billion, or nearly 70 percent of the annual tobacco sales in the United States, according to a Goldman Sachs research report. Vape sales have lagged amid competition from illicit products.

In recent years, the F.D.A. has moved glacially to approve e-cigarettes, authorizing only those in tobacco or menthol flavors, including some sold by Reynolds and Altria. Unapproved Chinese vapes have poured into the United States, feeding a thriving illicit market with flavors like peach slush and watermelon ice. Last year, industry executives have said, illicit fruit-flavored vapes made up 60 percent of the e-cigarette market.

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When Mr. Trump mounted his bid to return to the White House, some in the tobacco industry went all in, hoping he would loosen regulations on vapes and abandon plans by the Biden administration to ban menthol cigarettes and crack down on other cigarette sales.

Mr. Trump in some ways makes for an unlikely savior for the tobacco industry. He has never smoked, but he pledged during his 2024 campaign to “save vaping again.”

Through a subsidiary, Reynolds, which is the biggest seller of menthol cigarettes, donated $10 million to a super PAC backing Mr. Trump’s campaign, according to campaign finance filings. There is no public record of the subsidiary donating to groups supporting Mr. Biden or the campaign of former Vice President Kamala Harris.

Mr. Ballard, whose firm has been paid more than $4.4 million by Reynolds since the beginning of 2017, arranged for Mr. Trump to have dinner during the campaign with Reynolds executives in New York, according to a person familiar with the interactions. The executives urged Mr. Trump to oppose the menthol cigarette ban and expressed concern about Chinese vapes.

Reynolds executives including Mr. Raborn and Mr. Haselwood were such a presence around the campaign that Mr. Trump took to calling them “my tobacco guys,” according to the person familiar with the interactions and a book coauthored by a New York Times reporter and published last year.

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When Mr. Trump won, the rest of the industry jockeyed to show support.

Altria donated $1 million to his inaugural committee; the Vapor Technology Association donated $1.25 million; and a subsidiary of Philip Morris donated $500,000.

On Mr. Trump’s second full day in office, his administration withdrew the proposed ban on menthol cigarettes, an initiative the Biden administration had already mostly abandoned. Mr. Trump’s team also set aside a Biden-era proposal to sharply restrict nicotine in cigarettes, an effort meant to speed the transition away from a product known to be deadly.

In applauding the withdrawal of the menthol ban, Billy Gifford, the chief executive of Altria, told investors on an April 2025 earnings call that “we’re hopeful that that activity and momentum continues.”

The courtship intensified.

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Reynolds pitched in another $3 million to a different Trump-backed super PAC, while Altria and Juul each donated $1 million.

And Reynolds and Altria each donated to the effort to raise private funds to build a new White House ballroom. Mr. Raborn of Reynolds and Mr. Walker of Altria were invited to a dinner at the White House in October for donors who gave $2.5 million or more, as was Mr. Ballard.

Tadeu Marroco, the chief executive of British American Tobacco, which owns Reynolds American, predicted to investors earlier this year that the Trump administration would clamp down on illegal vapes, saying “it’s very encouraging, the signs that the new administration is giving to address that.”

The companies’ lobbying strategy also has reached into the states, where they are pushing for so-called “registry laws” — of which there are now more than a dozen including in Florida, Virginia and Pennsylvania. Many of those laws restrict e-cigarette sales to only vapes on a list from the F.D.A.

The guidance released last week said it would create such a list.

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Sheryl Gay Stolberg contributed reporting.

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