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At G-7, Biden and European leaders agree to finance Ukraine using Russian assets

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At G-7, Biden and European leaders agree to finance Ukraine using Russian assets

Key details of the financing arrangement still need to be agreed, but the leaders, meeting at a summit of the Group of Seven major advanced economies, hope it will shore up Ukraine’s finances as it fights against the two-year-old Russian invasion.

Separately, Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky are expected to unveil a bilateral security agreement that seeks to establish a long-term U.S. commitment to military aid for the embattled country.

The steps by G-7 leaders at the summit in southern Italy represent the latest effort by Western allies to signal their commitment to supporting Ukraine’s defense with arms and funding, despite political divisions within the U.S. and Europe creating uncertainty about the longevity of that support.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has redoubled the military pressure on Ukraine in recent months, exploiting the sputtering flow of Western military aid to badly damage Ukraine’s energy grid with missile attacks and expanding Russia’s ground offensive in eastern Ukraine.

G-7 leaders aimed to announce the framework of an agreement to use the investment returns, mainly interest payments, generated from roughly $300 billion in Russian sovereign assets that the U.S. and Europe froze after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Most of the Russian central bank assets are held in Europe.

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The plan seeks to create a new financial instrument to provide Kyiv with years’ worth of expected profits on Russian assets.

U.S. and French officials said they hope the disbursements can start flowing to Ukraine by the end of the year.

A senior Biden administration official said G-7 leaders had a “political agreement at the highest levels for this deal. And it is $50 billion…that will be committed.”

Zelensky, one of several world leaders invited to join the three-day summit at a luxury resort in the Italian region of Puglia, was due to hold a joint news conference with Biden late on Thursday.

The U.S.-Ukraine security pact seeks to commit future administrations to work with Congress to provide funding and military support for Kyiv. It makes no new promises regarding Ukraine’s bid to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. White House officials acknowledge that future U.S. presidents could withdraw from the bilateral agreement, which isn’t a treaty and doesn’t require congressional approval. It also has no dollar amount of military funding attached.

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Ukraine has already signed a series of similar pacts with European and other countries, some of which have spelled out specific future support.

Former President Donald Trump, who faces Biden in November’s rematch election, has said he believes he could persuade Putin to negotiate an end to the war and has questioned why the U.S. has been sending billions of dollars worth of military and financial aid to Ukraine.

But Trump quietly consented to the passage of a short-term military-aid package for Ukraine and endorsed proposals by some Republicans to support Ukraine in the form of a loan.

White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan told reporters Thursday that the security agreement with Ukraine was a “real marker of our commitment, not just for this month, this year, but for many years to support Ukraine, both in defending against Russian aggression and in deterring future aggression so that Ukraine can be a sovereign, viable, thriving democracy.”

Sullivan told reporters traveling aboard Air Force One Wednesday that it would send Russia “a signal of our resolve. If Vladimir Putin thinks that he can outlast the coalition supporting Ukraine, he’s wrong. He just cannot wait us out.”

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Ukraine desperately needs continued financial support. A separate loan package from the European Union worth 50 billion euros, equivalent to around $54 billion, is intended to help shore up Kviv’s ability to pay for basic government services, salaries and pensions through 2027.

In addition, the World Bank estimated in February that Ukraine’s reconstruction costs after the war will total close to $500 billion.

The planned $50 billion in financing for Kyiv backed by Russian assets must still overcome differences between Washington and European capitals on the technical details of how to structure the funding and how the risk on the loans should be shared.

European officials have said in recent days they envisage much of the funding would flow via existing EU programs for Ukraine. They also want the U.S. to help guarantee the loan so that if profits from the Russian assets stop flowing in, Europe won’t have to foot the bill alone.

The EU wants the loan to pay mainly for military aid for Ukraine, in line with a previous agreement it made on how to use the windfall profits, which are expected to total around $3 billion to $4 billion a year. The EU also wants to make sure their companies win some of the contracts for the civilian or military work that Ukraine spends the money on.

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Washington had been pushing for a loan to be made by a special purpose vehicle managed by the World Bank, with the U.S. and its G-7 partners supplying the money upfront. The U.S. is concerned that the flow of profits from frozen Russian assets could be halted in Europe if Hungary, whose leader Viktor Orban has long had close relations with Moscow, vetoes the continued EU sanctioning of Russian assets. Authorization for the asset freeze and other EU sanctions must be renewed every six months.

European officials have said resolving the technical details could take many weeks. Sullivan said G-7 leaders planned to set a clear timetable for experts to agree on details.

Noemie Bisserbe contributed to this article.

Write to Ken Thomas at ken.thomas@wsj.com and Laurence Norman at laurence.norman@wsj.com

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Africa’s climate finance rules are growing, but they’re weakly enforced – new research

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Africa’s climate finance rules are growing, but they’re weakly enforced – new research

Climate change is no longer just about melting ice or hotter summers. It is also a financial problem. Droughts, floods, storms and heatwaves damage crops, factories and infrastructure. At the same time, the global push to cut greenhouse gas emissions creates risks for countries that depend on oil, gas or coal.

These pressures can destabilise entire financial systems, especially in regions already facing economic fragility. Africa is a prime example.

Although the continent contributes less than 5% of global carbon emissions, it is among the most vulnerable. In Mozambique, repeated cyclones have destroyed homes, roads and farms, forcing banks and insurers to absorb heavy losses. Kenya has experienced severe droughts that hurt agriculture, reducing farmers’ ability to repay loans. In north Africa, heatwaves strain electricity grids and increase water scarcity.

These physical risks are compounded by “transition risks”, like declining revenues from fossil fuel exports or higher borrowing costs as investors worry about climate instability. Together, they make climate governance through financial policies both urgent and complex. Without these policies, financial systems risk being caught off guard by climate shocks and the transition away from fossil fuels.

This is where climate-related financial policies come in. They provide the tools for banks, insurers and regulators to manage risks, support investment in greener sectors and strengthen financial stability.

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Regulators and banks across Africa have started to adopt climate-related financial policies. These range from rules that require banks to consider climate risks, to disclosure standards, green lending guidelines, and green bond frameworks. These tools are being tested in several countries. But their scope and enforcement vary widely across the continent.

My research compiles the first continent-wide database of climate-related financial policies in Africa and examines how differences in these policies – and in how binding they are – affect financial stability and the ability to mobilise private investment for green projects.

A new study I conducted reviewed more than two decades of policies (2000–2025) across African countries. It found stark differences.

South Africa has developed the most comprehensive framework, with policies across all categories. Kenya and Morocco are also active, particularly in disclosure and risk-management rules. In contrast, many countries in central and west Africa have introduced only a few voluntary measures.

Why does this matter? Voluntary rules can help raise awareness and encourage change, but on their own they often do not go far enough. Binding measures, on the other hand, tend to create stronger incentives and steadier progress. So far, however, most African climate-related financial policies remain voluntary. This leaves climate risk as something to consider rather than a firm requirement.

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Uneven landscape

In Africa, the 2015 Paris Agreement marked a clear turning point. Around that time, policy activity increased noticeably, suggesting that international agreements and standards could help create momentum and visibility for climate action. The expansion of climate-related financial policies was also shaped by domestic priorities and by pressure from international investors and development partners.

But since the late 2010s, progress has slowed. Limited resources, overlapping institutional responsibilities and fragmented coordination have made it difficult to sustain the earlier pace of reform.

Looking across the continent, four broad patterns have emerged.

A few countries, such as South Africa, have developed comprehensive frameworks. These include:

  • disclosure rules (requirements for banks and companies to report how climate risks affect them)

  • stress tests (simulations of extreme climate or transition scenarios to see whether banks would remain resilient).

Others, including Kenya and Morocco, are steadily expanding their policy mix, even if institutional capacity is still developing.

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Some, such as Nigeria and Egypt, are moderately active, with a focus on disclosure rules and green bonds. (Those are bonds whose proceeds are earmarked to finance environmentally friendly projects such as renewable energy, clean transport or climate-resilient infrastructure.)

Finally, many countries in central and west Africa have introduced only a limited number of measures, often voluntary in nature.

This uneven landscape has important consequences.

The net effect

In fossil fuel-dependent economies such as South Africa, Egypt and Algeria, the shift away from coal, oil and gas could generate significant transition risks. These include:

  • financial instability, for example when asset values in carbon-intensive sectors fall sharply or credit exposures deteriorate

  • stranded assets, where fossil fuel infrastructure and reserves lose their economic value before the end of their expected life because they can no longer be used or are no longer profitable under stricter climate policies.

Addressing these challenges may require policies that combine investment in new, low-carbon sectors with targeted support for affected workers, communities and households.

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Climate finance affects people directly. When droughts lead to loan defaults, local banks are strained. Insurance companies facing repeated payouts after floods may raise premiums. Pension funds invested in fossil fuels risk devaluations as these assets lose value. Climate-related financial policies therefore matter not only for regulators and markets, but also for jobs, savings, and everyday livelihoods.

At the same time, there are opportunities.

Firstly, expanding access to green bonds and sustainability-linked loans can channel private finance into renewable energy, clean transport, or resilient infrastructure.

Secondly, stronger disclosure rules can improve transparency and investor confidence.

Thirdly, regional harmonisation through common reporting standards, for example, would reduce fragmentation. This would make it easier for Africa to attract global climate finance.

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Looking ahead

International forums such as the UN climate conferences (COP) and the G20 have helped to push this agenda forward, mainly by setting expectations rather than hard rules. These initiatives create pressure and guidance. But they remain soft law. Turning them into binding, enforceable rules still depends on decisions taken by national regulators and governments.

International partners such as the African Development Bank and the African Union could support coordination by promoting continental standards that define what counts as a green investment. Donors and multilateral lenders may also provide technical expertise and financial support to countries with weaker systems, helping them move from voluntary guidelines toward more enforceable rules.

South Africa, already a regional leader, could share its experience with stress testing and green finance frameworks.

Africa also has the potential to position itself as a hub for renewable energy and sustainable finance. With vast solar and wind resources, expanding urban centres, and an increasingly digital financial sector, the continent could leapfrog towards a greener future if investment and regulation advance together.

Success stories in Kenya’s sustainable banking practices and Morocco’s renewable energy expansion show that progress is possible when financial systems adapt.

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What happens next will matter greatly. By expanding and enforcing climate-related financial rules, Africa can reduce its vulnerability to climate shocks while unlocking opportunities in green finance and renewable energy.

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Finance

'There Could Be A Whole Other Life He's Living' 'The Ramsey Show' Host Says After Wife Finds $209K Debt Behind Her Back

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'There Could Be A Whole Other Life He's Living' 'The Ramsey Show' Host Says After Wife Finds 9K Debt Behind Her Back
A hidden financial discovery exposed the scale of debt inside a long-running marriage. Anne, a caller from Pittsburgh, reached out to “The Ramsey Show” for guidance after uncovering $209,000 in credit card balances. Married for 19 years and now in her 50s, she said the balances accumulated without her knowledge. She said her husband managed nearly all household finances. Anne added that her name was not on the primary bank account. She had no online access, and both personal and business expense
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Will Trump’s US$200 Billion MBS Purchase Directive Reshape Federal National Mortgage Association’s (FNMA) Core Narrative?

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Will Trump’s US0 Billion MBS Purchase Directive Reshape Federal National Mortgage Association’s (FNMA) Core Narrative?
In early January 2026, President Donald Trump directed government representatives, widely understood to include Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, to purchase US$200 billion in mortgage-backed securities to push mortgage rates and monthly payments lower. Beyond its housing affordability goal, the move highlights how heavily the administration is leaning on government-sponsored enterprises like Fannie Mae to influence credit conditions and the mortgage market’s structure. With this large-scale…
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