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Reporter: Backtracking on tariffs … “I think the word would be flexible. You have to be flexible. I did a 90-day pause for the people that didn’t retaliate.” Reporter: … while doubling down on deportations. “Those monsters can now be hunted down and expelled from this country with speed, force and efficiency.” Reporter: It’s been a volatile week in Washington. “These are real consequences for the American people. This is amateur hour, and it needs to stop.” Reporter: As two of Trump’s signature policies were tested by the markets and the courts, from The New York Times, this is The Roundtable. I’m Zolan Kanno-Youngs with Hamed Aleaziz and Jonathan Swan. All right. So, guys, I feel like a lot has happened this week and especially on two, on these two issues that we’re going to be talking about: tariffs and immigration. So, Hamed, you are an expert on immigration policy, and so much of the policies that we’re talking about goes even further than what we saw in the first Trump term, right? What do you think is the reason for that? I feel like they believe they have a mandate from the American public to carry out a mass deportation campaign. They look at the poll numbers. They see that Americans were not pleased with the way the Biden administration was handling immigration, and they support deportation. So, I think that makes them feel like, OK, this is our time to throw everything against the wall. And at the same time, you have leadership like the D.H.S. secretary, Kristi Noem, who’s very aggressive. The first go-around, we had, obviously Kirstjen Nielsen and John Kelly. These were people who were, compared to other Trump officials, more restrained. And later on, they had career officials running the Department of Homeland Security as well. This go-around, Kristi Noem is willing to do whatever – “To go to a prison in El Salvador while there’s deportees there.” Exactly. “And essentially do a photo op there.” Exactly. “Do not come to our country illegally. You will be removed, and you will be prosecuted. But know that this facility is one of the tools in our toolkit that we will use if you commit crimes against the American people.” Go on ICE raids with ICE agents wearing the tactical gear, carrying weapons. This is something that we’ve never seen before. And I think that’s the main difference, is now the leadership in place is willing to take it. You mentioned the career officials. Is this by design, Jonathan, that you now have a cast around Trump that’s less likely to push back on some of these policies? Very much so. When he left office in 2021, his biggest regret from the first term was who he hired. Just think about it from Trump’s perspective. Term one, comes in, businessman never been in government. Doesn’t really know what he’s doing. Picks a bunch of people who he’s never really met before. A lot of them were Washington establishment-type figures who fundamentally disagreed with him on economics, foreign policy, national security, a number of issues. Trump resents that. He makes a bunch of decisions that he’s later quite angry that he allowed these advisers to talk him into X, Y and Z. So for a second term, he doesn’t want that. He wants to do it his way. And just think about it from his perspective. Everyone has told him you’ll never be president again. You’re finished after Jan. 6. He gets indicted in four different jurisdictions. He gets criminally convicted, he gets shot, and then he becomes president again. Can you imagine the level of confidence that you take into the White House, someone who’s already extremely self-confident? The ability of Trump to overcome all of that, I think, has supercharged his confidence. He has no opposition. Congress is not really – you could hardly describe it as a separate branch. I mean, it is basically Trump staffers. The leadership certainly is doing exactly what Trump wants. He’s not going to get impeached. He’s also immune. The Supreme Court has conferred broad immunity upon him. It’s total impunity and unaccountability. So, Jonathan, if my friend comes up to me at a bar and asks me like, what just happened with this tariff saga with the president, what would you what should I say? Was it a capitulation? What do you think made him freeze, it right? When I think of Trump this Trump term, I think of somebody who hasn’t backed down in some instances and continued to charge forward. What made him in this instance, you and our colleagues on the White House team have been reporting a lot about this. I was having a conversation like a couple of months ago with our colleague Tom Friedman on the opinion desk, and he said, I don’t really believe in politics anymore. But I believe in physics. And I would tweak that quote slightly to say, I believe in the bond markets. OK? Like, Donald Trump was staring down a potential financial panic. “People were jumping a little bit out of line. They were getting yippy, you know? They were getting a little bit yippy, a little bit afraid.” All the signals were highly alarming to his team. There was basically a loss of confidence in America and a sense that this could really spiral out of control into a full-blown crisis. I mean, $10 trillion was wiped out of the stock market. You know, that’s a bit of pain to endure. But Donald Trump doesn’t want to be the person held responsible for a recession. That’s what drove this decision. It was a fear-driven decision. All his aides are now out there saying this was the strategy all along, the plan all along. “This was his strategy all along.” “This was not a walk-back. This was not something that the bond markets were cratering and you were worried about it.” Total garbage. Total. Yeah. Like, let’s be, like, let’s be respectful of our audience. Completely absurd. This was forced upon them by really serious concerns about financial panic. “I haven’t spoken to the president since. .. “So the trade representative hasn’t spoken to the president of the United States about a global reordering of trade.” “Yes, I have. And I’m in a hearing with you, sir. …” “But yet he announced it on a tweet. WTF?” I saw various Democrats pointing to Trump’s Truth Social post in the morning where he seemed to say, paraphrasing, but now is the time to buy. We had a bunch of different Democrats saying, accusing the administration of market manipulation. “We need to get to the bottom of the possible stock manipulation that is unfolding.” “I think we need a full, independent investigation into who was trading, who made money, who knew what and when they knew it.” I wonder if this moment could be one that also prompts the Democrats to sort of coalesce around a unified message, because they’ve kind of been picking their punches thus far. It seems like they’ve been cautious thus far. What do you think? Yeah, I still await evidence that the Democrats can get their act together. If there’s ever an opportunity, it’s the economy. And when you talk to a lot of Democratic strategists, their analysis, a lot of mainstream Democratic strategists, their analysis of the election was we lost the debate on immigration. We lost the cultural debate. But they all acknowledged that if prices stay high, if the economy is wobbly, if families are feeling stressed, that this is a real danger zone for Donald Trump. And remember, it’s true that many Americans don’t own stocks, but a lot of people are invested in the stock market through their 401(k)s, and there was, again, the reason Donald Trump made this decision is this could have bled into the real economy. If the economy is one issue that the president, you could argue, won the election on, the other is immigration here. So do you think like this expansion that we’re seeing is an effort to sort of make good on political promises, or is there something more there in terms of the motive? I think they’re trying to make people feel uncomfortable. I think they are not so far, they have not conducted a mass deportation campaign. The numbers that were promised during the campaign have not been realized and are not on track to be realized. How do you get there? You get people to feel uncomfortable and decide to leave on their own accord. That’s why you’ve seen lately them talk about self-deportation repeatedly, right. You see them say, don’t make us come to your home and arrest you. Leave , leave by yourself. And this is a message that Tom Homan is spreading. This is a message that the D.H.S. secretary, Kristi Noem, is spreading. “So we will help you buy your plane ticket and your travel documents so that you can go today.” That is potentially their only way of getting to those high numbers. One thing we haven’t talked about yet is the administration’s use of this wartime authority to continue to try to deport Venezuelans with little to no due process. This law we’re talking about, the Alien Enemies Act, we’ve had some back and forth with the courts here. But I think one thing is clear is this administration is not going to shy away or back down from using this policy at this point. They’re still determined to continue to use this, right? Definitely. I think this is something that they’ve been planning to use for a while, and they feel like the path has been laid for them to continue to use it. And it helps a lot. Ultimately, it’s very helpful to deport people without little, without much due process, because that due process bogs down the system and makes it harder to get those deportation numbers up. Are you hearing from anyone on the inside who’s uncomfortable with what they’re seeing, rattled by what they’re seeing thus far? Definitely. It feels like for folks that I’ve talked to a sense of, you know, what’s next. What else are we going to be asked to do. What was surprising to me was seeing him target college students. These students who have protested on campuses, pro-Gaza protesters that the Trump administration targeted, picked up. And these were people who were here with green cards, visas, and they were thrown into ICE detention. And the administration right now is arguing that we need to remove them because it serves foreign policy of the United States. This is something I had never heard of before. And one thing that’s much different this time, I would say as well, is the general attack on federal employees is also on D.H.S., the D.H.S. secretary has talked about repeatedly that they will root out leaks. And one way to do that is to polygraph people. That didn’t happen the first Trump administration. And at the same time, there’s a real fear around losing their jobs, people losing their jobs through the general reduction in force that Elon Musk and others has pushed. So you have a really, a bad culture right now at the department. People feeling uneasy on all levels. Is that culture, that same sort of anxious vibe, inside, is that shared by some of the president’s economic advisers or is it just full loyalty? Scott Bessent, the Treasury secretary, was not thrilled, to say the least, about the tariff roll-out last week and the aggressiveness and the breadth of the tariffs. I mean, even a person like Howard Lutnick, the Commerce secretary, who publicly is a cheerleader for the tariffs, privately was arguing strenuously for more exemptions. So yeah, 100 percen, there are disagreements and tensions on the team. But nobody’s arguing for no tariffs. No one who’s working for Donald Trump at this point is like, Oh you know what? Maybe we could talk him out of this tariff thing. It’s like, no, no, that ship has sailed. So it’s arguments that are about the level of the tariffs, the breadth of the tariffs, the targeting, et cetera. No one’s saying, sir, we shouldn’t do tariffs. So if that’s the feel from his economic advisers, Jonathan, I know one thing you’ve been tracking too is the response from the business community when it comes to these tariffs, whether it’s some private law firms, the private sector too. What’s the business community’s reaction been so far to this saga? Well, I mean, they hate the tariffs, of course. But if you’re a C.E.O. with any perception or intelligence, you realize that attacking Donald Trump publicly, while it might be principled, is probably not going to get you a good outcome. And what we’ve seen taking, setting tariffs aside for a second, I mean, this parade of business people offering him money, Jeff Bezos, Mark Zuckerberg, it’s pretty clear that they’re all worried about him targeting them. And the Trump people weaponized this very effectively. They monetize it, actually. It’s not just that Trump collects the million-dollar check for his inauguration. His people will then hit them up again, phone call and say, hey, it’d be real nice if you gave us $10 million for our PAC. I mean, it’s just basically saying, hey, guys, you might want to give us some money. I mean, the law firms is just brazen and Trump. I mean, Trump’s very proud of it, which is basically, we are going to go after you unless you promise us – the number keeps going up, I think it’s now like 100 million, $125 million worth of pro bono work to support our causes. “So I have a lot of legal fees I could give to you people, but, and we might as well use them. Hopefully I won’t need that many legal fees or that much. I may.” I mean, this is astonishing. What’s astonishing, just in terms of comparing this to term one, I mean, I remember the word resistance getting thrown around so much, remember law firms filing lawsuits. To see it to this level, where now you’re seeing this money go out. But it’s something else on the thing we’re working on, myself and a number of my colleagues is: term one, his retribution was haphazard. It was often informal, off the cuff. A lot of it was done secretively. Now it’s just, it’s streamlined. It’s formalized. It comes in the form of public presidential decrees. He signed executive orders directing his government to examine the activities of two of his critics who used to work in his administration, Chris Krebs and Miles Taylor, former D.H.S. official, too. He just named them. Just named them. It’s very out in the open, and the message to his critics and his adversaries is, you could be next. All of these pre-emptive capitulations that you see, it’s just how can I get out in front of this. How can I not be next. How much of that is a motive behind his tariffs. Does Donald Trump also just like the action of threatening tariffs, hanging it over nations and watching to see what they’ll do. As we talk about retribution, as we talk about Trump asserting his power over these various aspects of society, just how much of the tariffs are actually about him kind of wanting to see these countries come to the White House begging? I think two things can be true. I think it’s indisputably true, Trump says it himself, you can see how much he’s enjoying, he says they’re all kissing my ass. They’re all coming and begging – real quote, by the way “I’m telling you, these countries are calling us up, kissing my ass. They are. They are dying to make a deal. Please please, sir. Make a deal. I’ll do anything. I’ll do anything, sir.” He literally said that on the record. And he loves this, I call it a begging economy that he’s kind of created. But it’s also true that he’s been talking about tariffs for 40 years. And it’s an issue he actually does have a belief in, a deep belief in and a pretty consistent belief in, which is unusual for Donald Trump in that he believes that foreign nations have been ripping America off. America has been led by stupid people who’ve squandered American wealth, squandered American jobs. And he sees tariffs as this almost magic solution for – there’s no problem that can’t be solved with a good tariff. If it’s that central to his identity, going back to his business days, too, is he listening to anybody on it? It’s not that he’s not listening to anyone. Obviously, what they saw in the markets caused him to have a pretty dramatic reversal. But it took the blinking red lights for him to pull back. What about on immigration? Who does the president listen to? We, us three talk about this a lot. Let’s tell folks who are the inner circle that can really advise the president on immigration? Well, I think Tom Homan is a key figure. This is somebody that President Trump has talked about fondly for years. During the first Trump administration, President Trump was talking about him repeatedly when Mr Homan was running ICE. He sees him as one of the loyal figures in the administration. And he’s the, I think he sees Homan as somebody who knows his stuff, who’s a lawman, who’s been in federal law enforcement for decades and believes in the Trump policies, in cracking down, in mass deportations. Who else, who else in terms is the president…. Stephen Miller is the architect. Yeah, he’s the architect. And he has the longest exposure to Trump on this issue. I mean, when Stephen Miller came onto the campaign in 2015, he traveled around with him, was a very small team, and he has been obsessed with immigration since he was a high school student. And the issue looms so large for him above every other issue. I mean, Stephen Miller is in charge of all domestic policy from the White House, deputy chief of staff in charge. That’s a difference from first time. He has broader power, much more power. But for Stephen Miller, every issue always links back to immigration. A lot of what he told us on the record then is what they’re exactly what they’re doing right now. And Trump trusts him. He’s got his ear. You could make a case that he is the most powerful, if not one of the most powerful unelected people in the country. I mean, he’s the most powerful unelected people in the country – 100 percent – and do you think he distinguishes between legal immigration and illegal immigration? He definitely distinguishes between them. But there are certain categories of immigrants that are legal, but Steven views as illegitimate. Steven Miller views like a temporary protected status or something like that. They would view them all generally as people who shouldn’t be in this country. The student visa, kind of I think, almost factors into that description, too, because one thing that we’ve heard a lot from Trump’s aides is, as this crackdown has gone on, they’ve said, look, a student visa is a privilege. It is a privilege that can be revoked. As, and we’re seeing it revoked when – Which is true – Obviously, like obviously true. No one’s suggesting what they’re doing is illegal, is it, on the student visa stuff? I suppose there’s a free speech component to it. Yeah, I mean, some of this is going to be tested in federal courts, is whether or not you can broadly say that you can take away somebody’s green card because the secretary of state says so. Yes, it’s true that you can revoke a student visa, that you can rescind a green card if you’re charged for a crime, a violent crime. But what we’re seeing here are also college students that have participated in protests, pro-Palestine, anti-Israel protests in some cases, and we lack evidence for a lot of these cases because the administration hasn’t presented it or provided it. It does seem to be a free speech issue. Here again, they’re citing another obscure statute that basically says that these folks engaged in activity that undermined U.S. foreign policy. Therefore, we will rescind your student visa, rescind your green card. That seems very broad to me. Activity that undermines foreign policy. They’ve argued antisemitism thus far. But are your sources telling you how much further they could take the use of that statute? I haven’t heard that yet, but I think you’re right, that that statute could be used broadly. And I think it’s important to think about this. The way they’re talking about these people is in the frame of threats, terror threats. These are people who are terrorist sympathizers, who are potentially liable to do damage to our country. But when it comes to this provision being used, we’ve never really seen this be used on a repeated basis like we’ve seen in the last few months. It’s completely new. Totally new. There have been a lot of local stories across the country about college students losing their visas. Outside of the context of what we heard a few weeks ago, where people were getting their visas revoked for protesting, this appears to be a broader effort where hundreds of students and campuses across the country are getting their visas revoked, and there is no clarity or transparency from the government on what this is all about. And what specifically is happening is something that really has not been answered yet, and it’s causing mass panic amongst international students. You’re talking beyond just the protests? Definitely beyond the protest, beyond the protest. This is where on campuses where there wasn’t a mass, mass protest happening, right. What we’re seeing in almost every state, I mean, we’re hearing about this every single day. I know we’re reporting nonstop. But appreciate you guys joining. Jonathan Swan, Hamed Aleaziz, thanks so much. Thanks for having us.
Opinion
The Editorial Board
a New
Definition of
Service
Bailey Baumbick knew she wanted to serve her country when she graduated from Notre Dame in 2021. Ms. Baumbick, a 26-year-old from Novi, Mich., didn’t enlist in the military, however. She enrolled in business school at the University of California, Berkeley.
Ms. Baumbick is part of a growing community in the Bay Area that aims to bring high-tech dynamism to the lumbering world of the military. After social media companies and countless lifestyle start-ups lost their luster in recent years, entrepreneurs are being drawn to defense tech by a mix of motivations: an influx of venture capital, a coolness factor and the start-up ethos, which Ms. Baumbick describes as “the relentless pursuit of building things.”
There’s also something deeper: old-fashioned patriotism, matched with a career that serves a greater purpose.
In college Ms. Baumbick watched her father, a Ford Motor Company executive, lead the company’s sprint to produce Covid-19 ventilators and personal protective equipment for front-line health care workers. “I’ve never been more inspired by how private sector industry can have so much impact for public sector good,” she said.
Ford’s interventions during the Covid-19 pandemic hark back to a time when public-private partnerships were commonplace. During World War II, leaders of America’s biggest companies, including Ford, halted business as usual to manufacture weapons for the war effort.
For much of the 20th century, the private and public sectors were tightly woven together. In 1980, nearly one in five Americans were veterans. By 2022, that figure had shrunk to one in 16. Through the 1980s, about 70 percent of the companies doing business with the Pentagon were also leaders in the broader U.S. economy. That’s down to less than 10 percent today. The shift away from widespread American participation in national security has left the Department of Defense isolated from two of the country’s great assets: its entrepreneurial spirit and technological expertise.
Recent changes in Silicon Valley are bringing down those walls. Venture capital is pouring money into defense tech; annual investment is up from $7 billion in 2015 to some $80 billion in 2025. The Pentagon needs to seize this opportunity, and find ways to accelerate its work with start-ups and skilled workers from the private sector. It should expand the definition of what it means to serve and provide more flexible options to those willing to step in.
The military will always need physically fit service members. But we are headed toward a future where software will play a bigger role in armed conflict than hardware, from unmanned drones and A.I.-driven targeting to highly engineered cyber weapons and space-based systems. These missions will be carried out by service members in temperature-controlled rooms rather than well armed troops braving the physical challenges of the front line.
For all the latent opportunity in Silicon Valley and beyond, the Trump administration has been uneven in embracing the moment. Stephen Feinberg, the deputy secretary of defense, is a Wall Street billionaire who is expanding the Pentagon’s ties with businesses. Pete Hegseth, the secretary of defense, his “warrior ethos” and exclusionary recruitment have set back the effort to build a military for the future of war.
America has the chance to reshape our armed forces for the conflicts ahead, and we have the rare good fortune of being able to do that in peacetime.
Elias Rosenfeld had been at Stanford for only a month and a half, but he already looked right at home at a recent job fair for students interested in pursuing defense tech, standing in a relaxed posture, wearing beaded bracelets and a sweater adorned with a single sunflower. Rather than use his time in Stanford’s prestigious business school to build a fintech app or wellness brand, Mr. Rosenfeld has set his sights on helping to rebuild the industrial base on which America’s military relies.
It’s a crucial mission for a country that is getting outbuilt by China, and Mr. Rosenfeld brings a unique commitment to it. Born in Venezuela, he came to the United States at age 6 and draws his patriotism from that country’s experience with tyranny and his Jewish heritage. “Without a strong, resilient America, I might not be here today,” Mr. Rosenfeld says. Working on industrial renewal, he says, is a way to “start delivering as a country so folks feel more inclined and passionate to be more patriotic.”
Not on Mr. Rosenfeld’s agenda: enlisting in the military. In an earlier era, he might have been tempted by a wider suite of options for service. In 1955 the U.S. government nearly doubled the maximum size of the military’s ready reserve forces, from 1.5 million to 2.9 million, in part by giving young men the chance to spend six months in active duty training. Today the U.S. ready reserve numbers just over a million.
Other countries provide a model for strengthening the reserves. In Sweden, the military selects the top 5 percent or so of 18-year-olds eligible to serve in the active military for up to 15 months, followed by membership in the reserve for 10 years. The model is so effective that recruits compete for spots, and according to The Wall Street Journal, “former conscripts are headhunted by the civil service and prized by tech companies.”
America’s leaders have argued for a generation that the military’s volunteer model is superior to conscription in delivering a well-prepared force. The challenge is maintaining recruiting and getting the right service members for every mission. There are some examples of the Pentagon successfully luring new, tech-savvy recruits. Since last year, top college students have been training to meet the government’s growing need for skilled cybersecurity professionals. The Cyber Service Academy, a scholarship-for-service program, covers the full cost of tuition and educational expenses in exchange for a period of civilian employment within the Defense Department upon graduation. Scholars work in full-time, cyber-related positions.
The best incentive for enlisting may have nothing to do with service, but the career opportunities that are promised after.
It was a foregone conclusion that Lee Kantowski would become an Army officer. One of his favorite high school teachers had served, and his hometown, Lawton, Okla., was a military town, a place where enlisting was commonplace. Mr. Kantowski attended West Point and, in the eight years after graduating, went on tours across the world. Now he’s getting an M.B.A. at U.C. Berkeley, co-founded a defense tech club with Ms. Baumbick there and works part-time at a start-up building guidance devices that turn dumb bombs into smart ones.
The military needs recruits like Mr. Kantowski who want to support defense in and out of uniform. Already, nearly one million people who work for the Department of Defense are civilians, supplemented by a similar number of contractors who straddle public and private sectors. Both paths could be expanded.
A rotating-door approach carries some risk to military cohesion and readiness. The armed services are not just another job: Soldiers are asked to put themselves in danger’s way, even outside combat zones. America still needs men and women who are willing to sign up for traditional tours of duty.
The Reserve Officers’ Training Corps serves as the largest source of commissioned officers for the U.S. military. For more than five decades, R.O.T.C. has paid for students to pursue degree programs — accompanied by military drills and exercises — and then complete three to 10 years of required service after graduation. In 1960 alone, Stanford and M.I.T. each graduated about 100 R.O.T.C. members. Today, that figure is less than 20 combined. The Army has recently closed or reorganized programs at 84 campuses and may cut funding over the next decade.
This is exactly the wrong call. R.O.T.C. programs should be strengthened and expanded, not closed or merged.
It remains true that the volunteer force has become a jobs program for many Americans looking for a ladder to prosperity. It’s an aspect of service often more compelling to enlistees than the desire to fight for their country. In the era of artificial intelligence and expected job displacement, enlistment could easily grow.
Most military benefits have never been more appealing, with signing and retention bonuses, tax-free housing and food allowances, subsidized mortgages, low-cost health care, universal pre-K, tuition assistance and pensions. The Department of Defense and Congress need to find ways to bolster these benefits and their delivery, where service members often find gaps.
Standardizing post-service counseling and mentorship could help. Expanding job training programs like Skillbridge, which pairs transitioning service members with private sector internships, could also improve job prospects. JPMorgan has hired some 20,000 veterans across the country since creating an Office of Military & Veterans Affairs in 2011; it has also helped create a coalition of 300 companies dedicated to hiring vets.
When veterans land in promising companies — or start their own — it’s not just good for them. It’s also good for America. Rylan Hamilton and Austin Gray, two Navy veterans, started Blue Water Autonomy last year with the goal of building long-range drone ships that could help the military expand its maritime presence without the costs, risks and labor demands of deploying American sailors.
Mr. Gray, a former naval intelligence officer who worked in a drone factory in Ukraine, said Blue Water’s vessels will one day do everything from ferrying cargo to carrying out intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance missions. This summer, the company raised $50 million to construct a fully autonomous ship stretching 150 feet long.
Before dawn on a Wednesday morning in October, military packs filled with supplies and American flags sat piled on a dewy field near the edge of Stanford University’s campus. Some of the over 900 attendees at a conference on defense tech gathered around an active-duty soldier studying at the school. The glare of his head lamp broke through the darkness as he rallied the group of students, founders, veterans and investors for a “sweat equity” workout.
“Somewhere, a platoon worked out at 0630 to start their day,” he said. “This conference is all about supporting folks like them, so we are going to start our day the same way.” The group set off for Memorial Church at the center of campus, sharing the load of heavy packs, flags and equipment along the way.
That attitude is a big change for the Bay Area, not just from the days of 1960s hippie sit-ins but also from the early days of the tech revolution, when Silicon Valley was seen as a bastion of government-wary coders and peaceniks. Now it’s open for business with the Defense Department. “The excitement is there, the concern is there, the passion is there and the knowledge is there,” says Ms. Baumbick.
There are some risks to tying America’s military more closely to the tech-heavy private sector. Companies don’t always act in the country’s national interest. Elon Musk infamously limited the Ukrainian military’s access to its Starlink satellites, preventing them being used to help in a battle with Russian forces in 2022. Private companies are also easier for adversaries to penetrate and influence than the government.
Yet in order to prevent wars, or win them, we must learn to manage the risks of overlap between civilian and military spheres. The private sector’s newly rekindled interest in the world of defense is a generational chance to build the military that Americans need.
Portraits by Aleksey Kondratyev for The New York Times; Carlos Osorio/Associated Press; Mike Segar/Reuters; Maddy Pryor/Princeton University; Kevin Wicherski/Blue Water Autonomy; Aleksey Kondratyev for The New York Times (2).
The editorial board is a group of opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstanding values. It is separate from the newsroom.
Published Dec. 12, 2025
new video loaded: One Hundred Schoolchildren Released After Abduction in Nigeria
transcript
transcript
“Medical checkup will be very, very critical for them. And then if anything is discovered, any laboratory investigation is conducted and something is discovered, definitely they will need health care.” My excitement is that we have these children, 100 of them, and by the grace of God, we are expecting the remaining half to be released very soon.”
By Jamie Leventhal
December 8, 2025
new video loaded: Testing Wool Coats In a Walk-in Fridge

November 24, 2025
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