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Opinion | Florida Edits History, the Ron DeSantis Way

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Opinion | Florida Edits History, the Ron DeSantis Way

To the Editor:

Re “Florida Re-edits a New Topic: Social Research” (entrance web page, March 17):

Gov. Ron DeSantis’s push to eradicate ugly truths from our historical past, whereas pretending to guard younger minds, is deceitful, cynical and manipulative, and can in truth hurt younger hearts and minds.

It’ll promote using denial, false narratives and different poorly adaptive coping mechanisms that may handicap youths as they face their futures.

Life is painful. That could be a basic fact of our existence. It is just by analyzing a real and correct historical past of our faults and errors that youths can change into geared up to make use of solely the healthiest coping abilities.

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Paul Rosenberg
Palm Seaside, Fla.
The author is a retired psychiatrist.

To the Editor:

Assaults on college curriculums emanating from Gov. Ron DeSantis and at the moment centered on social research underscore the hazard of such campaigns.

Financial intimidation results in self-censorship, and a few publishers in addition to legislators are complicit in distorting or obscuring the historic report. It’s a risk to training, and it reeks of hypocrisy.

Starting as a destructive response to political correctness, so-called anti-woke has come full circle to embody its personal alarming type of P.C.

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Diane Willen
Catonsville, Md.
The author is professor emerita of historical past at Georgia State College.

To the Editor:

We now have a brand new approach to promote books:

Banned in Florida.

Peter Bolton
Springfield, N.J.

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To the Editor:

Re “Credit score Card Factors Are Being Paid For by the Poor,” by Chenzi Xu and Jeffrey Reppucci (Opinion visitor essay, March 6):

It’s not solely the rich who profit from bank card rewards. The overwhelming majority (77 %) of lower-income cardholders have a rewards card, they usually use rewards for every thing from money again on the grocery retailer to miles for household holidays.

Retailers that settle for bank cards additionally profit via elevated gross sales and safety, decreased threat of fraud, and the diminished value of dealing with money and on-line funds.

Ms. Xu and Mr. Reppucci argue that the prices retailers pay to just accept bank cards make them increase costs, however their view is just not supported by the proof. After Congress capped service provider debit card charges, the Richmond Fed discovered that the majority retailers didn’t decrease costs, and researchers from Georgetown and the College of Pennsylvania discovered that capping the charges doubtless made shoppers worse off by rising account charges and lowering debit card rewards.

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These outcomes ought to come as no shock on condition that the advantages retailers obtain from accepting bank cards simply outweigh the prices.

Rob Nichols
Washington
The author is president and C.E.O. of the American Bankers Affiliation.

To the Editor:

Chenzi Xu and Jeffrey Reppucci are right once they level out that bank card perks favor the well-to-do and clients who select to pay with money are penalized, notably if the bank card charges the service provider is charged are baked into the pricing and all clients pay the identical no matter whether or not they select to pay with money or credit score.

Gasoline stations have lengthy addressed this discrepancy by charging one worth for money and a barely greater one (often about 10 cents extra per gallon) for credit score.

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Lately some retailers have begun introducing this twin pricing method: Clients who choose to pay with money get a reduction (usually between 2.5 and 4 % of the invoice, relying on the dimensions and kind of enterprise), or those that select to pay with credit score have the share added to their invoice.

This switch of prices from the service provider and the cash-paying buyer to the credit-paying buyer pretty locations the bank card value with the first beneficiary of the cardboard’s reward packages. The bank card person additionally advantages from the comfort of not having to hold money (or a checkbook) when procuring and a year-end report of purchases made.

Eli Sadownick
Manchester Township, N.J.

To the Editor:

I’ve a bank card that offers me reward factors for meals procuring. One other offers me factors for utilizing a significant retailer from which I buy requirements ceaselessly. I exploit the factors I get again to assist defray sudden bills (akin to a automotive restore). I don’t remain in resorts, fly first-class or store at Saks. In impact, the factors I earn enhance my revenue.

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Chenzi Xu and Jeffrey Reppucci could also be right that the value of products will increase as level packages proliferate, but there can also be many middle-class Individuals with bank cards like mine who lower your expenses thanks to those level schemes.

I oppose the Credit score Card Competitors Act, which seeks to advertise competitors amongst bank card corporations and decrease the interchange charges (I additionally suppose it’s unlikely to cross this Congress). However I may very well be circled if it may very well be demonstrated that middle-class Individuals like me would save extra money.

Aryeh Raucher
Ann Arbor, Mich.

To the Editor:

Re “Left With Few Choices, Biden Freely Approves Alaska Drilling Venture” (information article, March 14):

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The Biden administration and fossil gasoline corporations that need to drill for oil in Alaska’s Arctic wilderness overlook an necessary consideration: It makes no financial sense.

As civilization makes use of up increasingly more of the simply accessible oil reserves on the planet, now we have to make use of costlier and inefficient strategies to extract fossil fuels. Already, numerous fossil gasoline developments have been deserted as a result of the monetary, reputational and authorized prices of those initiatives outweigh their potential revenue.

On the similar time, photo voltaic and different clear vitality prices have dropped precipitously, making them low cost and accessible to most everybody. Add to that the environmental and local weather hurt, and it’s like arguing that smoking cigarettes is cheaper and higher in your well being than respiration clear air. We’re not shopping for it.

To the Editor:

Re “It’s Price Braying About” (Science Occasions, March 14):

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Thanks and kudos in your article concerning the donkey. An unequivocal sure!

A number of years in the past, I labored actually shoulder to shoulder with a donkey, planting bushes to halt the erosion in a deforested space in Brazil. He carried the seedlings; I planted. He obligingly stopped each few toes so I may retrieve them. He was light, intuitive and accommodating, understanding when to halt.

I’ve at all times favored donkeys for his or her individuality, work ethic and musculature. This expertise sealed my respect and admiration.

Paula Armbruster
New Haven, Conn.

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Video: Protesters Scuffle With Police During Pomona College Commencement

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Video: Protesters Scuffle With Police During Pomona College Commencement

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Protesters Scuffle With Police During Pomona College Commencement

Pro-Palestinian demonstrators tried to block access to Pomona College’s graduation ceremony on Sunday.

[chanting in call and response] Not another nickel, not another dime. No more money for Israel’s crime. Resistance is justified when people are occupied.

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Video: Police Use Pepper Spray on Protesters on G.W.U.’s Campus

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Video: Police Use Pepper Spray on Protesters on G.W.U.’s Campus

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Police Use Pepper Spray on Protesters on G.W.U.’s Campus

Police officers arrested 33 pro-Palestinian protesters and cleared a tent encampment on the campus of George Washingon University.

“The Metropolitan Police Department. If you are currently on George Washington University property, you are in violation of D.C. Code 22-3302, unlawful entry on property.” “Back up, dude, back up. You’re going to get locked up tonight — back up.” “Free, free Palestine.” “What the [expletive] are you doing?” [expletives] “I can’t stop — [expletives].”

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How Counterprotesters at U.C.L.A. Provoked Violence, Unchecked for Hours

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How Counterprotesters at U.C.L.A. Provoked Violence, Unchecked for Hours

A satellite image of the UCLA campus.

On Tuesday night, violence erupted at an encampment that pro-Palestinian protesters had set up on April 25.

The image is annotated to show the extent of the pro-Palestinian encampment, which takes up the width of the plaza between Powell Library and Royce Hall.

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The clashes began after counterprotesters tried to dismantle the encampment’s barricade. Pro-Palestinian protesters rushed to rebuild it, and violence ensued.

Arrows denote pro-Israeli counterprotesters moving towards the barricade at the edge of the encampment. Arrows show pro-Palestinian counterprotesters moving up against the same barricade.

Police arrived hours later, but they did not intervene immediately.

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An arrow denotes police arriving from the same direction as the counterprotesters and moving towards the barricade.

A New York Times examination of more than 100 videos from clashes at the University of California, Los Angeles, found that violence ebbed and flowed for nearly five hours, mostly with little or no police intervention. The violence had been instigated by dozens of people who are seen in videos counterprotesting the encampment.

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The videos showed counterprotesters attacking students in the pro-Palestinian encampment for several hours, including beating them with sticks, using chemical sprays and launching fireworks as weapons. As of Friday, no arrests had been made in connection with the attack.

To build a timeline of the events that night, The Times analyzed two livestreams, along with social media videos captured by journalists and witnesses.

The melee began when a group of counterprotesters started tearing away metal barriers that had been in place to cordon off pro-Palestinian protesters. Hours earlier, U.C.L.A. officials had declared the encampment illegal.

Security personnel hired by the university are seen in yellow vests standing to the side throughout the incident. A university spokesperson declined to comment on the security staff’s response.

Mel Buer/The Real News Network

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It is not clear how the counterprotest was organized or what allegiances people committing the violence had. The videos show many of the counterprotesters were wearing pro-Israel slogans on their clothing. Some counterprotesters blared music, including Israel’s national anthem, a Hebrew children’s song and “Harbu Darbu,” an Israeli song about the Israel Defense Forces’ campaign in Gaza.

As counterprotesters tossed away metal barricades, one of them was seen trying to strike a person near the encampment, and another threw a piece of wood into it — some of the first signs of violence.

Attacks on the encampment continued for nearly three hours before police arrived.

Counterprotesters shot fireworks toward the encampment at least six times, according to videos analyzed by The Times. One of them went off inside, causing protesters to scream. Another exploded at the edge of the encampment. One was thrown in the direction of a group of protesters who were carrying an injured person out of the encampment.

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Mel Buer/The Real News Network

Some counterprotesters sprayed chemicals both into the encampment and directly at people’s faces.

Sean Beckner-Carmitchel via Reuters

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At times, counterprotesters swarmed individuals — sometimes a group descended on a single person. They could be seen punching, kicking and attacking people with makeshift weapons, including sticks, traffic cones and wooden boards.

StringersHub via Associated Press, Sergio Olmos/Calmatters

In one video, protesters sheltering inside the encampment can be heard yelling, “Do not engage! Hold the line!”

In some instances, protesters in the encampment are seen fighting back, using chemical spray on counterprotesters trying to tear down barricades or swiping at them with sticks.

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Except for a brief attempt to capture a loudspeaker used by counterprotesters, and water bottles being tossed out of the encampment, none of the videos analyzed by The Times show any clear instance of encampment protesters initiating confrontations with counterprotesters beyond defending the barricades.

Shortly before 1 a.m. — more than two hours after the violence erupted — a spokesperson with the mayor’s office posted a statement that said U.C.L.A officials had called the Los Angeles Police Department for help and they were responding “immediately.”

Officers from a separate law enforcement agency — the California Highway Patrol — began assembling nearby, at about 1:45 a.m. Riot police with the L.A.P.D. joined them a few minutes later. Counterprotesters applauded their arrival, chanting “U.S.A., U.S.A., U.S.A.!”

Just four minutes after the officers arrived, counterprotesters attacked a man standing dozens of feet from the officers.

Twenty minutes after police arrive, a video shows a counterprotester spraying a chemical toward the encampment during a scuffle over a metal barricade. Another counterprotester can be seen punching someone in the head near the encampment after swinging a plank at barricades.

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Fifteen minutes later, while those in the encampment chanted “Free, free Palestine,” counterprotesters organized a rush toward the barricades. During the rush, a counterprotester pulls away a metal barricade from a woman, yelling “You stand no chance, old lady.”

Throughout the intermittent violence, officers were captured on video standing about 300 feet away from the area for roughly an hour, without stepping in.

It was not until 2:42 a.m. that officers began to move toward the encampment, after which counterprotesters dispersed and the night’s violence between the two camps mostly subsided.

The L.A.P.D. and the California Highway Patrol did not answer questions from The Times about their responses on Tuesday night, deferring to U.C.L.A.

While declining to answer specific questions, a university spokesperson provided a statement to The Times from Mary Osako, U.C.L.A.’s vice chancellor of strategic communications: “We are carefully examining our security processes from that night and are grateful to U.C. President Michael Drake for also calling for an investigation. We are grateful that the fire department and medical personnel were on the scene that night.”

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L.A.P.D. officers were seen putting on protective gear and walking toward the barricade around 2:50 a.m. They stood in between the encampment and the counterprotest group, and the counterprotesters began dispersing.

While police continued to stand outside the encampment, a video filmed at 3:32 a.m. shows a man who was walking away from the scene being attacked by a counterprotester, then dragged and pummeled by others. An editor at the U.C.L.A. student newspaper, the Daily Bruin, told The Times the man was a journalist at the paper, and that they were walking with other student journalists who had been covering the violence. The editor said she had also been punched and sprayed in the eyes with a chemical.

On Wednesday, U.C.L.A.’s chancellor, Gene Block, issued a statement calling the actions by “instigators” who attacked the encampment unacceptable. A spokesperson for California Gov. Gavin Newsom criticized campus law enforcement’s delayed response and said it demands answers.

Los Angeles Jewish and Muslim organizations also condemned the attacks. Hussam Ayloush, the director of the Greater Los Angeles Area office of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, called on the California attorney general to investigate the lack of police response. The Jewish Federation Los Angeles blamed U.C.L.A. officials for creating an unsafe environment over months and said the officials had “been systemically slow to respond when law enforcement is desperately needed.”

Fifteen people were reportedly injured in the attack, according to a letter sent by the president of the University of California system to the board of regents.

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The night after the attack began, law enforcement warned pro-Palestinian demonstrators to leave the encampment or be arrested. By early Thursday morning, police had dismantled the encampment and arrested more than 200 people from the encampment.

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