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Florida Scoured Math Textbooks for ‘Prohibited Topics.’ Next Up: Social Studies.

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Florida Scoured Math Textbooks for ‘Prohibited Topics.’ Next Up: Social Studies.

The nitty-gritty technique of reviewing and approving college textbooks has sometimes been an administrative affair, drawing the eye of training specialists, publishing executives and state bureaucrats.

However in Florida, textbooks have grow to be sizzling politics, a part of Gov. Ron DeSantis’s marketing campaign in opposition to what he describes as “woke indoctrination” in public colleges, significantly with regards to race and gender. Final yr, his administration made a splash when it rejected dozens of math textbooks, citing “prohibited subjects.”

Now, the state is reviewing curriculum in what is probably probably the most contentious topic in training: social research.

In the previous couple of months, as a part of the evaluation course of, a small military of state specialists, lecturers, mother and father and political activists have combed 1000’s of pages of textual content — not solely evaluating educational content material, but in addition flagging something that might trace, as an illustration, at important race idea.

A distinguished conservative training group, whose members volunteered to evaluation textbooks, objected to a slew of them, accusing publishers of “selling their bias.” At the least two publishers declined to take part altogether.

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And in an indication of how fraught the political panorama has grow to be, one writer created a number of variations of its social research materials, softening or eliminating references to race — even within the story of Rosa Parks — because it sought to achieve approval in Florida.

“Usually, a state adoption is a fairly boring course of that just a few of us care about, however there are lots of people watching this as a result of the stakes are so excessive,” stated Jeff Livingston, a former publishing govt who’s now an training advisor.

It’s unclear which social research textbooks might be authorized in Florida, or how the chosen supplies may deal with problems with race in historical past. The state is predicted to announce its textbook choices within the coming weeks.

The Florida Division of Training, which mandates the educating of Black historical past, emphasised that the necessities had been lately expanded, together with to make sure college students understood “the ramifications of prejudice, racism and stereotyping on particular person freedoms.”

However Mr. DeSantis, a prime Republican 2024 presidential prospect, additionally signed a regulation final yr referred to as the Cease W.O.Okay.E. Act, which prohibits instruction that might compel college students to really feel duty, guilt or anguish for what different members of their race did previously, amongst different limits.

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The state’s pointers for evaluating textbooks targets “important race idea,” a graduate-level educational idea that not often seems in youthful grades however has grow to be a catchall to some conservatives; and “social emotional studying,” an strategy that tries to assist college students develop optimistic mind-sets and that’s considered by the DeSantis administration as extraneous to core lecturers.

Florida — together with California and Texas — is a significant marketplace for college textbook publishing, a $4.8 billion trade.

It’s amongst greater than a dozen states that approve textbooks, fairly than leaving choices solely to native college districts. Each few years, Florida critiques textbooks for a specific topic and places out an inventory that districts can select from. (Districts even have some discretion to decide on their very own supplies.)

As a result of state approval may be profitable, publishers have usually quietly catered to the largest markets, adjusting content material for his or her native wants and political leanings.

The Florida Residents Alliance, a conservative group, has urged the state to reject 28 of the 38 textbooks that its volunteers reviewed, together with greater than a dozen by McGraw Hill, a significant nationwide writer.

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The alliance, whose co-founders served on Mr. DeSantis’s training advisory staff throughout his transition to governor, has helped lead a sweeping effort to take away college library books deemed as inappropriate, together with many with L.G.B.T.Q. characters. It skilled dozens of volunteers to evaluation social research textbooks.

In a abstract of its findings submitted to the state final month, the group complained {that a} McGraw Hill fifth-grade textbook, for instance, talked about slavery 189 occasions inside just a few chapters alone. One other objection: An eighth-grade guide gave outsize consideration to the “adverse facet” of the therapy of Native People, whereas failing to provide a fuller account of their very own acts of violence, such because the Jamestown Bloodbath of 1622, through which Powhatan warriors killed greater than 300 English colonists.

In an announcement, McGraw Hill stated it was awaiting phrase about approvals. “We stay up for supporting Florida educators and college students as we’ve for a lot of a long time,” the corporate stated.

The Florida Residents Alliance is pushing the state so as to add curriculum from Hillsdale School, a small Christian college in Michigan that’s lively in conservative politics.

Hillsdale has drawn admiration from the DeSantis administration, however its Okay-12 historical past and civics supplies, which emphasize main sources, are supposed to information lecturers — not be a textbook for college students. The curriculum was not included in Florida’s official evaluation, and the state didn’t touch upon the group’s suggestions.

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Of the practically 20 publishers who utilized in Florida, one main participant was not on the record: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, or HMH.

HMH, which received approval for social research textbooks throughout Florida’s final evaluation six years in the past, was among the many publishers whose math textbooks had been initially rejected final yr for “prohibited subjects” and different unsolicited methods, akin to important race idea or social emotional studying. (The textbooks had been later authorized after what HMH described as minor revisions.)

The corporate stated in an announcement that it didn’t compete in Florida this yr due to “enterprise priorities” and that the mathematics textbook rejections and Florida’s laws round race weren’t components in its choice.

“For aggressive causes, we don’t share our strategic decision-making course of,” the corporate stated.

The corporate, although, is pursuing social research bids in different states, together with South Carolina, North Carolina and New Mexico.

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One other beforehand authorized writer, Discovery Training, additionally selected to not take part this yr. The corporate didn’t reply to requests for remark.

In an try and cater to Florida, at the very least one writer made important modifications to its supplies, strolling again or omitting references to race, even in its telling of the Rosa Parks story.

The writer, Research Weekly, largely serves youthful college students, with a give attention to science and social research, and its curriculum — quick classes in weekly pamphlets — is utilized in 45,000 colleges throughout the nation, based on its web site. Its social research supplies are utilized in Florida elementary colleges right now.

The New York Instances in contrast three variations of the corporate’s Rosa Parks story, meant for first graders: a present lesson used now in Florida, an preliminary model created for the state textbook evaluation and a second up to date model.

A few of the materials was supplied by the Florida Freedom to Learn Undertaking, a progressive mother or father group that has fought guide ban efforts within the state, and confirmed by The Instances.

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Within the present lesson on Rosa Parks, segregation is clearly defined: “The regulation stated African People had to surrender their seats on the bus if a white particular person wished to sit down down.”

However within the preliminary model created for the textbook evaluation, race is talked about not directly.

“She was advised to maneuver to a special seat due to the colour of her pores and skin,” the lesson stated.

Within the up to date model, race isn’t talked about in any respect.

“She was advised to maneuver to a special seat,” the lesson stated, with out a proof of segregation.

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It’s unclear which of the brand new variations was formally submitted for evaluation. The second model — which doesn’t point out race — was out there on the writer’s web site till final week.

Research Weekly made related modifications to a fourth-grade lesson about segregation legal guidelines that arose after the Civil Warfare.

Within the preliminary model for the textbook evaluation, the textual content routinely refers to African People, explaining how they had been affected by the legal guidelines. The second model eliminates practically all direct mentions of race, saying that it was unlawful for “males of sure teams” to be unemployed and that “sure teams of individuals” had been prevented from serving on a jury.

With these modifications, it’s unclear if Research Weekly is an outlier, or if different publishers might also have curbed their supplies.

The Florida Division of Training prompt that Research Weekly had overreached. Any writer that “avoids the subject of race when educating the Civil Rights motion, slavery, segregation, and so forth. wouldn’t be adhering to Florida regulation,” the division stated in an announcement.

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However Research Weekly stated it was attempting to comply with Florida’s requirements, together with the Cease W.O.Okay.E. Act.

“All publishers are anticipated to design a curriculum that aligns with” these necessities, John McCurdy, the corporate’s chief govt, stated in an e mail.

The corporate’s curriculum is now not into consideration by the state.

After questions from The Instances, the corporate eliminated its second, scrubbed-down model of the curriculum from its web site final week and stated that it had withdrawn from the state’s evaluation.

The Florida Division of Training stated it had already rejected the writer, citing a bureaucratic snafu within the firm’s submission.

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The corporate should still attempt to win over particular person Florida districts. It has now gone again to its first model of the brand new curriculum — the one that claims Rosa Parks was advised to maneuver her seat “due to the colour of her pores and skin.”

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Education

Can You Create a Diverse College Class Without Affirmative Action?

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Can You Create a Diverse College Class Without Affirmative Action?

After the Supreme Court effectively ended affirmative action in 2023, many selective colleges said they still prized racial diversity and planned to pursue it. But how might they do that?

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To grasp the challenge, let’s look at one oversimplified illustration. These 10,000 dots represent the standardized test scores of a class of high school seniors nationwide, arranged by their parents’ income.

On average, students from families with more resources tend to do better on measures like the SAT.

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Black and Hispanic students, who tend to be poorer and have less access to opportunity, often do worse.

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If selective colleges admitted students by score alone — using, say, a 1300 cutoff — the pool would not be very diverse, by race or class.

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Six percent of this hypothetical admitted class are low-income students, and 10 percent are Black or Hispanic.

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Affirmative action policies helped colleges admit more Black and Hispanic students.

But admissions preferences based on race are no longer legal. To create a more diverse class, colleges could …

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… move that cutoff line …

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… or change the slope of it …

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… or rethink it entirely.

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“Low-income” refers to students in the bottom quarter of parent income distributions.

Selective colleges and universities can no longer use race-based preferences in admissions to create a more diverse student body. But what if they gave a break instead to lower-income students? Or those from high-poverty schools? Or those who do relatively well academically despite challenges all around them?

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To explore those questions — and how much racial diversity is possible without “race-conscious” admissions — the Upshot worked with Sean Reardon, a professor at Stanford, and Demetra Kalogrides, a senior researcher there, to model four alternatives to affirmative action.

The scenarios shown here are based on the real-life academic and demographic characteristics of the high school class of 2013 in America, the most recent tracked over time by a large nationally representative survey. We used this data set, further adjusted to reflect the rising diversity of students in the decade since, to simulate a representative class of 10,000 high school seniors. We then modeled their admissions prospects to the group of colleges (Barron’s Tier 1 schools) that rank as the most selective in the country — and that have also been most affected by the Supreme Court’s ruling.

Throughout, we use SAT scores as a simplified measure of academic merit (after test scores fell out of favor with many colleges during the pandemic, several of the most selective schools have recently returned to requiring them).

Our models simplify the complex and often opaque ways that selective colleges craft admissions (we also reserve no seats for athletes on scholarship or legacy students). But even a stripped-down exercise shows why some approaches to admissions would probably yield more diversity than others, by both race and class.

Let’s start with the simplest model and build from there:

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Scenario 1 of 4: A preference for poorer students

Here again is our simulated class of 10,000 high school seniors, further identified by race.

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Only some apply to the most selective colleges, a relatively small tier of about 80 schools like Stanford, Penn and N.Y.U.

Here’s where the admissions policies kick in. First, we admit 500 students, roughly in line with admissions rates at selective colleges.

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Now let’s give a 150-point SAT boost to the lowest-income students.

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Use the buttons to explore what happens in this scenario as well as the ones below.

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In this scenario, we give a moderate boost to applicants on a sliding scale according to their parents’ income: from an extra 150 points for students from the poorest families, to 0 points for students from the richest ones. This creates the slope of the cutoff line you see above.

Because each of our scenarios admits a fixed class of 500 students, the results are zero-sum: As some students are newly admitted, others who might have been admitted under different policies no longer are. The magnitude of that effect — and whom it touches — differs depending on the criteria.

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In this case, as more low-income students are admitted, some high-income students with SAT scores just above 1300 no longer get in. That trade-off creates significantly more economic diversity, as this table shows:

Change in admitted class in Scenario 1

Percentage point shifts in admitted student demographics, compared with test-only admissions

Show shares

Race Bottom 25% 25th–
50th
50th–
75th
Top
25%
White
Asian
Black
Hispanic
Other

Figures are rounded. Other includes American Indian, Alaska Native and multi-racial students.

The share of admitted students from the top income quartile falls by about 12 percentage points.

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But the shifts toward racial diversity are modest. The Black student share rises by just one percentage point. Why? Black families are over-represented among poorer households in America, but in terms of total numbers, there are still many more poorer white households.

For this reason, income is a relatively weak proxy for race in admissions. A preference for lower incomes produces just that: students with lower incomes, not necessarily a much larger share of Black or Hispanic students.

In this scenario, a total of 13 percent of students in the admitted class are Black or Hispanic. For context, Americans of high-school-graduation age today are about 38 percent Black or Hispanic.

It’s also worth emphasizing that we are modeling who gets admitted, not who enrolls. And Black and Hispanic students are less likely to take that additional step — enrolling in a selective college that might be expensive or far from home, even if they get in.

Scenario 2 of 4: Adding school poverty

In addition to a preference for low-income students, what if we added a preference for those who attend higher poverty schools?

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Admit students using …

This scenario takes the 150-point income preference in Scenario 1 and adds a second 150-point preference for students in higher-poverty schools, as measured by the share of students in that school receiving free or reduced-price lunch. A low-income student in a high-poverty school could get as much as a 300-point boost.

This produces even more economic diversity than the preference for parental income alone. And it further nudges up the share of admitted Black and Hispanic students.

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Change in admitted class in Scenario 2

Percentage point shifts in admitted student demographics, compared with test-only admissions

Show shares

Race Bottom 25% 25th–
50th
50th–
75th
Top
25%
White
Asian
Black
Hispanic
Other

Figures are rounded. Other includes American Indian, Alaska Native and multi-racial students.

We know that students with equally low family incomes differ from each other in many ways. For example, low-income Black and Hispanic students are more likely than low-income white and Asian students to live in high-poverty neighborhoods and attend high-poverty schools.

And so if one goal of an admissions policy is to account for the compound disadvantages minority students often face, it may help to pull in more information: not just about their parents’ incomes, but also about their households, schools and neighborhoods.

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Colleges could further hone a preference like this by pulling in more factors, including neighborhood poverty rates, parental education levels and parental wealth.

Do something like that, and “now you have a group of students who have overcome a lot more in life than the ones who have just been handed everything,” said Richard Kahlenberg, a researcher at the Progressive Policy Institute who has argued for this kind of robust class preference. He also served as an expert witness critiquing race-based admissions in the litigation that led to the Supreme Court decision.

Scenario 3 of 4: Finding the outliers

It’s possible to take the underlying idea in Scenario 2 and dial it up further, by identifying students who outperform their peers with similar disadvantages (or similar advantages).

Admit students using …

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Here, we’re not just giving a boost to students who come from disadvantage. We’re rewarding students who perform better academically than other students with similar backgrounds.

This strategy identifies, for example, a student who has an 1100 SAT score — but whose score is 250 points above the typical student who also goes to a high-poverty high school and who has low-income parents who didn’t attend college. This strategy also discounts some of the wealthiest students whose 1400 scores look less impressive when compared with their equally well-off peers.

Students who outperform their peers are academic outliers, and that may indicate something special about them: “We’re admitting students on the basis of striving: students whose academic achievement exceeded expectations based on the access to opportunity that they had,” said Zack Mabel, a Georgetown researcher who has modeled admissions scenarios similar in concept to this one.

Of the scenarios tested so far, this one does the most to produce both economic and racial diversity, compared with admitting students on test scores alone. It also produces significant shifts among high-income white students; their share of the admitted class is 27 percentage points lower than it would be in a test-only environment. The resulting average SAT score of the admitted class is also the lowest of the scenarios so far, at 1340.

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Change in admitted class in Scenario 3

Percentage point shifts in admitted student demographics, compared with test-only admissions

Show shares

Race Bottom 25% 25th–
50th
50th–
75th
Top
25%
White
Asian
Black
Hispanic
Other

Figures are rounded. Other includes American Indian, Alaska Native and multi-racial students.

To gauge how we’d expect students to perform in this scenario, we take into account their parental income, school poverty level and a socioeconomic index that includes parents’ education levels and occupations. We use that data to predict each student’s SAT score. Then we admit the students who outperformed those predictions by the largest margins (until we’ve admitted 500 of them).

A college that cares more about keeping a higher average SAT score could use a limited version of a preference like this one. A school that believes students who beat the odds in high school are likely to succeed in college could embrace a fuller version.

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Remember that in this scenario and each of the preceding ones, we’ve considered only students who apply to highly selective colleges (the national study we use as a reference shows which students actually did). We have effectively ignored all of the students shown below who don’t apply, including some with pretty good grades and test scores:

Students who didn’t apply to top colleges

Next, let’s think about that group, too.

Scenario 4 of 4: Casting a wider net

What happens when colleges try to expand the applicant pool?

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Admit students using …

To create this scenario, we expanded the pool of applicants to selective colleges by modeling a recruiting strategy targeted at predominantly minority high schools.

First, we pull into the applicant pool all students of any race with SAT scores above 1000 at high schools where at least three-quarters of students are nonwhite. Then we rerun the preference for beating the odds from Scenario 3 with this larger applicant pool.

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This strategy most notably captures more Hispanic students, and it produces by far the biggest shift toward lower-income students. It broadly redistributes seats held in an SAT-only scenario by high-income white students and, to a lesser degree, high-income Asian ones.

Change in admitted class in Scenario 4

Percentage point shifts in admitted student demographics, compared with test-only admissions

Show shares

Race Bottom 25% 25th–
50th
50th–
75th
Top
25%
White
Asian
Black
Hispanic
Other

Figures are rounded. Other includes American Indian, Alaska Native and multi-racial students.

Although colleges can no longer employ racial preferences in admissions, several legal scholars said they believe schools can still consider race in recruiting strategies. The Supreme Court, in turning away another recent legal challenge, has also signaled — at least for now — that it’s permissible for colleges to pursue diversity as an end goal so long as racial preferences aren’t the means to achieve it.

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Of the scenarios we’ve shown, an expanded recruiting strategy requires the most work from colleges. But it’s also “the big overlooked gold mine here,” said Richard Sander, a law professor at U.C.L.A. who has worked on admissions strategies at the law school level.

Such a recruiting strategy would mean not just tweaking statistical preferences, but also building relationships with high school counselors, traveling to college fairs, and perhaps developing dual-enrollment courses that introduce high school students to college work.

This kind of outreach — “to me, it’s everything,” said Jill Orcutt, the global lead for consulting with the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions Officers. She was previously the associate vice chancellor for enrollment at U.C. Merced, the most diverse school in the University of California system.

Comparing our scenarios

In evaluating the impact of the scenarios shown here, we’ve compared each one with the SAT-only baseline in which colleges consider a form of academic merit and nothing else. But it’s also helpful to think about these scenarios in another way — in comparison to the world as it might look if affirmative action were still legal.

To make that comparison, we also created a model approximating the effects of affirmative action. We took the same 150-point boost we’ve used in earlier scenarios, and we applied it to Black and Hispanic students. Real-world affirmative action policies were more complicated than this. But studies have found that such policies gave Black and Hispanic students higher odds of admission equivalent to an SAT score boost of a few hundred points.

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Across all our models, Scenario 4 — rewarding students who are academic outliers given their life circumstances, while targeting a wider pool of recruits — comes the closest to creating the Black and Hispanic student shares you might get by giving a boost directly to those students:

Black and Hispanic students in each scenario

Alternatives to affirmative action

Other comparisons

Low-income students in each scenario

Alternatives to affirmative action

Other comparisons

“Low-income” refers to students in the bottom quarter of parent income distributions. Figures are rounded and show the share of students who are admitted in each of our models, under simplified assumptions.

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Notably, our simple affirmative action model produces far less economic diversity than all of these alternatives. That was also a frequent criticism of such policies: Yes, colleges used them to admit more Black and Hispanic students, but those were overwhelmingly middle- and upper-income students. In our affirmative action model, just 6 percent of admitted students come from the bottom quartile of the income distribution. That’s almost identical to the share of such students who were enrolled in the real world across these selective colleges, according to a 2017 report.

To be clear, our simplified affirmative action model also suggests selective colleges would admit a far higher share of Black and Hispanic students — nearly 34 percent — than were actually in the incoming class of 2022 (23 percent across this top tier of selective schools). That’s because our model captures the upper bound of what’s possible with such a strategy.

Some schools that were already heavily investing in expanded recruiting, like Johns Hopkins, were actually close to or even above this number. Other selective colleges that devoted more seats to legacy students and fewer resources to minority recruiting or financial aid had much lower shares. Our model, in its simplicity, effectively treats all of these varied schools as if they act in unison.

The scenarios illustrated here can’t predict what will happen next — this is a model after all, if one based on real demographics. But this exercise reveals some broad lessons that probably translate to the real world: Income by itself is a weak stand-in for race. Neighborhood and school-level data can help identify minority students. And the potential of any admissions strategy is limited without casting a wider recruiting net.

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The questions affecting each admissions parameter are also murky. Does more economic diversity replace some of what colleges lose with less racial diversity? Should students be evaluated in the context of all their disadvantages? How much should colleges yield on lower measures of academic merit to gain the advantages of a diverse campus?

Individual colleges will answer these questions in different ways. And they will do so considering factors, including financial aid and legacy admissions, that are more complex than the ones we modeled. But they’ll also have access to a lot more data than we do about each prospective student in trying to fine-tune what comes next. We will soon see what they do with it.

About this project

The data behind these admissions scenarios comes from the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009, which tracked a nationally representative cohort of over 23,000 U.S. high school students, starting in the ninth grade in 2009. The data collected over time includes high school transcripts, standardized test scores, Advanced Placement exam results, parents’ socioeconomic status and the colleges that students applied to and attended.

In models built with Sean Reardon and Demetra Kalogrides at Stanford, we illustrate 10,000 simulated students, constructed to resemble the demographic and academic makeup of the HSLS cohort in its senior year, 2013. We further weight that group to adjust for the racial diversity of ninth-grade students in America in 2019-20, using the Common Core of Data (for public school students) and the Private School Universe Survey (for private school students). Because we begin our simulations with students in U.S. high schools, our modeled admissions outcomes do not include international students, and we exclude international students from comparisons to the actual enrolled class of 2022 across selective colleges.

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We constructed standardized test scores for each simulated student using 1) reported SAT scores 2) ACT scores converted to an SAT scale (in cases where an SAT score was not reported) 3) a predicted SAT score constructed using a standardized test given to HSLS study participants, their family income, family socioeconomic status, Advanced Placement courses taken and exams passed, and their high school characteristics.

We used SAT scores for ease of interpretation. But many college admissions offices are moving away from them. And so we also modeled the scenarios here using an academic merit index combining GPAs, Advanced Placement exam results and standardized test scores. Those models produced broadly similar results to the ones shown here.

Our models simulate admissions to Barron’s Tier 1 schools. In their simplicity, our models do not consider students admitted with legacy status or athletic scholarships, and they do not take into account the likely availability of financial aid.

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Video: College Students Celebrate Free Tuition Announcement

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Video: College Students Celebrate Free Tuition Announcement

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College Students Celebrate Free Tuition Announcement

Footage released by the Albert Einstein College of Medicine shows Dr. Ruth Gottesman announcing that the school will be tuition-free after she made a $1 billion gift.

I’m happy to share with you that starting in August this year, the Albert Einstein College of Medicine will be tuition-free. [cheering]

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Video: Biden Announces Student Loan Forgiveness for 150,000 Borrowers

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Video: Biden Announces Student Loan Forgiveness for 150,000 Borrowers

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Biden Announces Student Loan Forgiveness for 150,000 Borrowers

The plan will cancel $1.2 billion in debt for people enrolled in the SAVE repayment program, who took out $12,000 or less and have made payments for at least 10 years.

Folks, I’m happy to have been able to forgive these loans because when we realize and relieve Americans of their student debt, they’re free to chase their dreams. I’m proud to announce our SAVE plan. We are immediately canceling the debt, loans for over 150,000 borrowers, nearly six months ahead of schedule. I promise you, I’m never going to stop fighting for hard working American families. So if you qualify, you’ll be hearing from me shortly. Thousands of people per month – about 25,000 a month or every two months – will be paid in a 50,000 basis but are eligible for relief. And they’ll be getting a letter from me letting them know they’re qualified. And when they get that letter, your debt is going to be forgiven.

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