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Colleges Know How Much You’re Willing to Pay. Here’s How.

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Colleges Know How Much You’re Willing to Pay. Here’s How.

Last month, four Republicans from the House and Senate sent letters to the presidents of Ivy League schools demanding years of data about how they decide what to charge.

These institutions, the letters said, “establish the industry standard for tuition pricing, creating an umbrella effect for all colleges and universities to justify higher tuition costs than they could otherwise charge in a competitive market.”

In fact, no more than a few dozen other schools can command Ivy League prices from a high percentage of their students and their families. Every other private institution — and most public ones — compete brutally on price up until the May 1 reply date each year (and sometimes afterward). The average tuition discount among private colleges is now over 56 percent for first-time, full-time students.

Those discounts — which often come in the form of merit scholarships — can make a six-figure difference in what families pay over four years. This aid is different and often less predictable than the need-based kind that depends on a family’s income and assets.

The driving force behind college pricing is not some evil genius at Harvard or Penn. Instead, it’s a series of algorithms developed quietly over decades by consulting firms operating just out of sight. The two biggest — EAB and Ruffalo Noel Levitz, or RNL — are owned by private equity firms.

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To understand how all this happened — and how things really work today, for families and the financiers hoping to make money off this opaque system — we need to turn the clock back 50 years to when an unlikely character took over the admissions department at Boston College and upended everything.

Jack Maguire attended Boston College as an undergraduate and stuck around for a Ph.D. in physics. Not long after earning the degree, he took up a post as an assistant professor in 1968.

Today, Boston College has a $4.1 billion endowment and rejects 87.5 percent of applicants. But when Mr. Maguire started working there, it was a struggling commuter school running a deficit.

A young physics professor was an unlikely person to turn to when the college was having trouble finding a new dean of admission. Still, the school asked Mr. Maguire, now 85, to take a look. “They couldn’t find anyone else,” he said in a recent interview.

Calling on him made a certain amount of sense. He was on the schools committee in Lexington, Mass., where he lived, so he was plugged into one community feeding students to the college.

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When Mr. Maguire examined the college’s data, he smelled opportunity. What if the school gave out precision-guided discounts based on the quality of the applicant even more than it did based on what students could afford? Turns out, when you do that, more of the above-average students say yes to the offer.

As new patterns emerged, Mr. Maguire fed data into computers. The machines had additional suggestions. Experiment and iterate, repeat until solvent.

Word of Mr. Maguire’s results spread quickly in the clubby world of admissions. In 1983, having helped turn Boston College around, he and his wife, Linda Cox Maguire — then the director of admissions at nearby Simmons College, now Simmons University — started their own consulting firm, Maguire Associates.

When Boston University was contemplating what might happen to market demand if it did away with its N.C.A.A. football team, Maguire Associates found that applicants were more likely to have attended an opera than a game. Goodbye, football.

Within 10 years of the founding of Maguire Associates, the predecessor firms for Ruffalo Noel Levitz and EAB were getting off the ground. They did what Mr. Maguire had done at Boston College, but they developed other tools, too, and became soup-to-nuts school whisperers.

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One or both can help a college buy hundreds of thousands of names of teenagers who have taken the ACT or SAT, market to them across various media, improve retention once they arrive on campus and raise money from alumni more effectively.

For many years, the firms described the Maguire-esque part of their offerings as “financial aid leveraging.” Eventually, worried that the term might evoke images of the firms using money as a crowbar to wedge themselves into teenagers’ brains and parents’ pocketbooks, they rebranded their service as the more benign “financial aid optimization.”

Maguire Associates never grew anywhere near as big as EAB and RNL, and those two juggernauts have not been shy about the zealousness with which they made their industry more like the Wall Street firms that invest in them.

“I actually think of financial aid optimization as a form of arbitrage,” Madeleine Rhyneer, whom EAB refers to as its “dean” of enrollment management, said on a company podcast about how admissions offices “actually” work. “Really, it is. It’s like working in the financial markets.”

EAB provided a more tempered framing of its work in a statement from Ms. Rhyneer. “EAB partners with a variety of schools to help them fulfill their missions and educate broader populations of students,” she said. “In today’s rapidly evolving higher education landscape, that means engagement and scholarship strategies that raise awareness about college options and make college accessible to as many students as possible.”

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This work is a relatively small chunk of both firms’ revenues, but it’s the thing that raises parental eyebrows the highest.

Politicians have noticed, too. Those letters last month suggested that “nonpublic algorithms for admissions and financial aid” could indicate that the schools are able to “engage in algorithmic collusion.”

The optimization process begins with the hoovering up of more data about teenagers and their families than one might think possible.

The process starts with demographic, socioeconomic, geographic, academic, curricular and extracurricular information — anything and everything you tell a school when requesting information or applying.

Once a school has a good-sized target list, the pitches begin. Families know this routine; one mother in Ohio sent me a 63-pound box of all the mail her daughter received from collegiate suitors.

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If the targeted individuals show interest, then the consultants offer colleges tools to track teenagers’ digital interactions with clients in real time.

Brian Zucker, 68, founder and chief executive of Human Capital Research Corporation, has been competing with EAB and RNL for years. He and his colleagues refer to this real-time data as footprints in the sand.

“It changes minute by minute,” he said. “It’s texts, visits, clicks, opens, number of seconds on a particular webpage using a particular URL, monitoring forms, of which there are many.”

EAB, in a presentation called “Strategic Use of Grant Aid 101,” discusses up to 200 variables that schools can use when setting an individual admitted student’s price, drawing from data on over 350 clients and 1.5 billion “student interactions.” RNL has over 1,900 clients feeding the tweaking of its various models, from financial aid to fund-raising.

“You have to know how to manage these data and aggregate them, because if they’re presented as individual variables, they just look like vomit,” Mr. Zucker said. “Any individual click doesn’t mean diddly.”

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The output from the data gathering often manifests as a matrix, according to Brad Pochard, a former vice president of enrollment management at Furman University who is now an adviser to Moore College Data, which helps colleges sort and view large amounts of information. Imagine two axes — one that measures ability to pay and another that rates academic accomplishment.

There might be 40 or more “cells” in the matrix, with a different price for each one.

So a school makes an opening bid. For lower-income families, it might refer to the discount off the school’s list price as need-based aid. Or for a more affluent family, it could call the discount a “presidential scholarship” — or anything, really, that it thinks will get in a student’s head and sway their decision.

But it is only an opening bid, and each year, more families realize that and delay coming to a decision until days before the deadline, when they ask for a better deal. Often, they get one.

At College of Charleston, a public university in South Carolina, just 12 percent of admitted students to the Class of 2028 said yes to its offers of admission.

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Larger public schools in the state, like the University of South Carolina and Clemson, have big rah-rah energy and are fearsome competitors. But they can lack intimacy, and they’re not in one of the most beautiful cities in America.

College of Charleston brought in EAB to help market those advantages. It has paid the firm roughly $500,000 per year for its help (and for all the names on its prospect lists).

At various points each year, new names and the data on those individuals become available from the entities that administer the SAT and ACT.

“We have developed systems and processes (including round the clock shift work) that ensures our partners are consistently first in the inbox and in the mailbox,” the company said in a written pitch to College of Charleston, which I obtained through a public records request.

One of the best ways for a public school to maximize revenue is to attract more students paying out-of-state tuition. The playbook goes something like this:

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1) Buy a pile of names of students from appropriately affluent ZIP codes and pitch them relentlessly with a gripping case for going far from home.

2) Upgrade the admissions staff, adding people with corporate sales experience, as the College of Charleston did.

3) Set a high tuition price, creating the perception of value.

4) To make prospects feel especially exalted, offer a fat academic scholarship — but not so much that they aren’t still paying more than in-state students.

“We shifted from awarding top scholars to those who were not receiving merit-based scholarships, and that helped increase our yield quite a bit,” said College of Charleston’s president, Andrew T. Hsu.

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That quote comes from a Q&A that appeared on EAB’s website last August, then disappeared around the time I contacted the college to ask about it. A College of Charleston spokesman said that the school requested the removal because the quote made it seem like it was an either-or proposition. The best students still do get merit aid, he said.

So how does the school decide how much to award and to whom?

“There’s a limit to how much I think I can go into detail,” Jimmie Foster Jr., the vice president of enrollment planning at College of Charleston, said when I pressed the question in an interview. Better to keep that sort of thing out of the hands of competitors, after all. EAB hasn’t helped the school with financial aid optimization, so it couldn’t say either.

Whatever the pricing strategy, the financial results have been impressive. For out-of-state students in one recent year, the school offered three times the discount off the list price per student compared with what South Carolina students received while still extracting double the net price from those out-of-state students.

In the space of five years, the school has gone from having three outside states each send it 75 or more first-year students to nine outside states doing so.

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According to the school’s 2024-25 common data set, the statistic-stuffed form that colleges and universities send to U.S. News & World Report and other such entities, 1,127 of the 1,249 students in the first-year class who could afford to pay the full price (including both in-state and out-of-state students), received grants. The average annual amount was $12,572.

In other words, College of Charleston has good reason to believe that the vast majority of its most affluent students wouldn’t come without a hefty discount.

College of Charleston is not alone in giving scholarships to people who don’t need them.

It is, after all, the model Mr. Maguire helped pioneer at Boston College, a Jesuit university. Nobody looked over his shoulder back then questioning the ethics of big discounts for people who could afford full price, he told me last month.

He has never been silent about inequities in the system, though. In a 2003 interview in an industry journal, he suggested that Princeton, and the like, should hand over $100 million from its multibillion-dollar endowments to a college that has nothing and help it educate more struggling students.

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That hasn’t happened. But he’s not alone in considering the fate of the applicants who have the least money.

Eileen K. O’Leary spent 34 years in the financial aid trenches at Stonehill College, outside of Boston, before retiring in 2017. There, she purchased consulting services from Mr. Zucker.

Over time, she felt a growing amount of pressure to offer bigger discounts to more people who didn’t need them. After all, there were usually competitors down the road with a different consultant whispering in their ears, urging them to cut the price further. Then, more families realized they could play schools against one another.

“I was old school, and I thought financial aid was for improving access, but it no longer was,” she said. “It was a business model.”

If you’re a private equity firm, all of this looks a lot like a reason to invest in the consultancies.

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After all, most colleges can’t afford to hire their own algorithm-twirling data scientists, and one quick way to draw scrutiny from your boss or your board is if enrollment and revenue decline. American University’s first-year class last fall came up 350 people short of the school’s goal of 2,250 students, contributing to a revenue gap that was over $20 million.

The fact that American is a reasonably selective school is a reminder of just how hard it is to win over students if you’re not one of the Ivy League schools that elected representatives seem so obsessed with. Hiring a name-brand enrollment consulting firm and keeping it on retainer to manage the data flow now feels more like defense than offense.

The private equity firms that own EAB and RNL will make money, or not, based on several factors, including what they paid initially to buy the companies and what they received in dividends (if anything) along the way.

But the big score comes when they eventually sell the companies.

As the college enrollment industry becomes ever more data-driven, you can watch EAB and RNL in real time billing themselves more like tech operators than some kind of direct-mail sweatshop. They possess “enrollment intelligence assets” that they deploy on “immense data sets” using “new capabilities to perform advanced analysis.”

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Software companies come with larger valuations than consulting firms, after all.

In 2023, EAB introduced Appily, a consumer-facing college portal with a sunny vibe. At its heart, it’s matchmaking software. “Think about it as a dating app,” Tisleen Singh, an EAB director, said on a company podcast.

Students set up a profile or conduct a search, and schools can respond right away or invite people to virtual tours. They can also instantly offer admission — and a discount — without a formal application.

Swipe right and get a $50,000 merit aid award in no time flat! Appily does not actually match you with romantic prospects in your entering class though — at least not yet.

It’s a game effort, and EAB already claims three million Appily users. But neither EAB’s private equity owners nor RNL’s overlords have been able to sell their stakes, even though they have all been investors for several years. Some of them wouldn’t comment, and others didn’t reply to requests for comment.

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You can understand why. With many universities under fire from the Trump administration, EAB and RNL salespeople have to work even harder to get schools to part with their money. One thing that may help: If international students are afraid to come to the United States — or are not allowed to — the colleges will need more firepower and data savvy to fight for any applicants who still want to pursue higher education.

None of this is Jack Maguire’s problem anymore. By 2022, he and his wife were ready to plan for retirement. They sold their company to Carnegie, a marketing-focused consultancy backed by New Heritage Capital, a private equity firm.

Mr. Maguire, a longtime American Legion baseball coach who has had five former players signed to professional contracts, still gets out and throws batting practice. The couple recently returned from a trip through all the British Isles.

And by last year, New Heritage was done with being an enrollment whisperer, too. Another investment firm, Shamrock Capital, is now the money behind the ongoing efforts to extract one more dollar from one last family each and every spring.

Dylan Freedman contributed reporting.

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Education

Read Oklahoma Student Samantha Fulnecky’s Essay on Gender

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Read Oklahoma Student Samantha Fulnecky’s Essay on Gender

This article was very thought provoking and caused me to thoroughly evaluate the idea of gender and the role it plays in our society. The article discussed peers using teasing as a way to enforce gender norms. I do not necessarily see this as a problem. God made male and female and made us differently from each other on purpose and for a purpose. God is very intentional with what He makes, and I believe trying to change that would only do more harm. Gender roles and tendencies should not be considered “stereotypes”. Women naturally want to do womanly things because God created us with those womanly desires in our hearts. The same goes for men. God created men in the image of His courage and strength, and He created women in the image of His beauty. He intentionally created women differently than men and we should live our lives with that in mind.

It is frustrating to me when I read articles like this and discussion posts from my classmates of so many people trying to conform to the same mundane opinion, so they do not step on people’s toes. I think that is a cowardly and insincere way to live. It is important to use the freedom of speech we have been given in this country, and I personally believe that eliminating gender in our society would be detrimental, as it pulls us farther from God’s original plan for humans. It is perfectly normal for kids to follow gender “stereotypes” because that is how God made us. The reason so many girls want to feel womanly and care for others in a motherly way is not because they feel pressured to fit into social norms. It is because God created and chose them to reflect His beauty and His compassion in that way. In Genesis, God says that it is not good for man to be alone, so He created a helper for man (which is a woman). Many people assume the word “helper” in this context to be condescending and offensive to women. However, the original word in Hebrew is “ezer kenegdo” and that directly translates to “helper equal to”. Additionally, God describes Himself in the Bible using “ezer kenegdo”, or “helper”, and He describes His

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Education

How Much Literary Trivia Do You Keep in Your Head?

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How Much Literary Trivia Do You Keep in Your Head?

Welcome to Lit Trivia, the Book Review’s regular quiz about books, authors and literary culture. This week’s challenge tests your memory of random facts and information you may have picked up, especially from reading book coverage from The Times in recent years. In the five multiple-choice questions below, tap or click on the answer you think is correct. After the last question, you’ll find links to the books if you’d like to do further reading.

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Are Trump’s Actions Unprecedented? We Asked Historians (Again).

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Are Trump’s Actions Unprecedented? We Asked Historians (Again).

Since the start of his second term, President Trump has cut budgets, made demands on public institutions, and attacked the media and speech in actions regularly called unprecedented.

In April, we asked presidential historians if they could come up with comparable examples in previous administrations — and to tell us when they couldn’t. You can read that earlier article here.

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We went back to the historians (and some political scientists) to help us categorize the administration’s actions and pronouncements that have happened since: whether they’re unprecedented, relatively common or somewhere in between.

No clear precedent

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President Trump has taken some actions that do not have a comparable historical example, according to historians.

Used the military to attack and kill suspected drug smugglers

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump has ordered the military to kill people aboard boats he says have been smuggling drugs, claiming the power to redefine drug trafficking as armed conflict.

IN THE PAST

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Historians said the closest parallels to Mr. Trump’s strikes in international waters were attacks on pirates — from Thomas Jefferson’s attacks on Barbary corsairs to Barack Obama’s use of military force against Somali pirates in 2009. But President Obama’s efforts were largely rescue missions; Jefferson was also responding to the capture of American ships.

“Since the 1970s, presidents have claimed the right to take military action, including murderous assaults, against nonstate actors who threaten the United States,” said Jeremi Suri, a professor at the University of Texas at Austin. However, he said, “the United States has generally not targeted drug smugglers in this way.”

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The U.S. has helped other governments in Central America to apprehend drug traffickers. No presidents have unilaterally killed alleged drug smugglers in international waters.

Manisha Sinha

Professor of American History, University of Connecticut

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No clear precedent

Cast doubt on vaccine efficacy and safety

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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With Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as health secretary, the Trump administration has begun to overhaul American vaccine policy. A vaccine skeptic, Mr. Kennedy replaced a vaccine advisory panel with handpicked members. The panel ended a decades-long recommendation to vaccinate babies against hepatitis B at birth. Mr. Kennedy also canceled hundreds of millions of dollars in grants and contracts to develop mRNA vaccines. Mr. Trump hailed Covid vaccines as a miracle during his first term but has since questioned whether they work, and Mr. Kennedy has called them “the deadliest vaccine ever made.”

IN THE PAST

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Previous presidents have typically promoted vaccines. The government has changed the vaccine schedule and pulled recommendations for vaccines before, including for a rotavirus gastroenteritis vaccine in the 1990s. And manufacturers have voluntarily withdrawn vaccines from the market. But no presidential administration has made such an effort to dismantle vaccine policy.

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Other presidents tried to expand vaccines. This goes all the way back to George Washington during the Revolutionary War, who mandated smallpox inoculations for his army.

Robert Watson

Professor of History, Lynn University

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No clear precedent

Asked states to gerrymander to add more seats for his party

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump and his aides have pushed for lawmakers across the country to redraw maps in favor of Republicans.

IN THE PAST

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This has not been done publicly, though an adviser to George W. Bush, Karl Rove, was reported to have lobbied state legislators to redistrict in 2003.

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No previous president has done this so overtly, but gerrymandering for political advantage has been a basic tool of political parties since the earliest years of the republic.

Kendrick Clements

Professor, University of South Carolina

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No clear precedent

Owned a company that received a major investment from a sovereign state

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

Earlier this year, a state-controlled United Arab Emirates firm used $2 billion of cryptocurrency issued by World Liberty Financial — a start-up owned by the Trump family — to invest in a crypto exchange. That effectively serves as a huge deposit for World Liberty, which can then generate returns in the tens of millions of dollars each year.

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IN THE PAST

Historians said there was no comparable example.

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Past presidents took pains to put their holdings in a blind trust or to divest entirely from identifiable individual companies.

Andrew Rudalevige

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Professor of Government, Bowdoin College

No clear precedent

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Tried to remove a member of the Federal Reserve Board

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump tried to fire a Federal Reserve governor, Lisa Cook, accusing her of mortgage fraud. (The Supreme Court stopped the firing until it could hear arguments in January, and she maintains her innocence.) It’s part of a broader, stated effort to gain more influence over the board.

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IN THE PAST

Presidents have fought with the Fed before; under President Harry Truman, the head of the Board of Governors resigned amid a disagreement with the administration. But no president has directly fired a Federal Reserve official.

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A clip from a New York Times article in March 1951 about the resignation of the head of the Fed’s Board of Governors. TimesMachine

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They have often put pressure on the Fed, but I don’t know of any president who has claimed the power to fire a sitting governor and tried to carry it out.

David Greenberg

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Professor of History, Rutgers University

No clear precedent

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Ended data collection efforts across government

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The Trump administration has stopped or plans to stop collecting data on environmental disasters, climate change, food insecurity, emissions from polluters and more.

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IN THE PAST

No president has stopped data collection at such a scale.

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There have been other presidents who have appointed people as heads of agencies but who opposed the missions of those agencies. But that is a far cry from eliminating the government’s longstanding practices of producing reliable data, on nearly everything of concern to the public and for which the government is responsible.

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Michael Gerhardt

Professor of Jurisprudence, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Law School

No clear precedent

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Ordered a review of public museums to align with administration views

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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The White House told the Smithsonian Institution — a museum group founded and funded by the federal government — that it would have 120 days to change any content that the administration found problematic in “tone, historical framing and alignment with American ideals.”

IN THE PAST

There’s no comparison for such a broad and public demand on the nation’s museums, historians said.

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There have been instances of perceived pressure, or limited influence. A former Smithsonian administrator claimed that the National Museum of Natural History toned down an exhibit on climate change during the George W. Bush administration. And it was reported that the Nixon administration told what is now the National Museum of American History to close an exhibit on voting rights ahead of a ball that was part of Nixon’s second inauguration.

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No clear precedent

Cast doubt on official Bureau of Labor Statistics jobs numbers

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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President Trump claimed without evidence that weak job numbers from the Bureau of Labor Statistics were “rigged” and fired the agency’s commissioner.

IN THE PAST

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No president has done this publicly and so directly in the years the Bureau of Labor has been collecting and publishing data. (Since the late 1800s.) Ronald Reagan once said a framing of B.L.S. data was misleading, but didn’t question the data itself. Richard Nixon’s administration made some changes to how B.L.S. reported monthly data. But when he threw doubt on the B.L.S., it was in private conversation. (It was eventually revealed that he had blamed Jewish people working at the agency for unfavorable statistics.)

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Presidents have always spun bad numbers; few have declared war on arithmetic itself.

Alexis Coe

Presidential historian and senior fellow at New America

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No clear precedent

Sought damages from the Justice Department for federal investigations into him

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump is reported to have demanded that the Justice Department pay him $230 million in compensation for past investigations into his actions.

IN THE PAST

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There’s no real comparison, historians say. Andrew Jackson was once fined for suspending habeas corpus; he lobbied Congress for a refund. But that lobbying took place after his presidency, said Matthew Warshauer, professor of history at Central Connecticut State University. (It was successful.)

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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In several cases, Mr. Trump’s actions are precedented, but there are details that make them different: scale, context, motivation or results.

The following are events in which our scholars did not always agree on the extent of a precedent.

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Sent the National Guard to cities

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump has expanded the role of the National Guard, deploying its troops to cities as part of a stated federal crackdown on crime. In several cases, governors or local officials have sued to block the deployments.

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IN THE PAST

Presidents have deployed the National Guard to cities numerous times, including to protect civil rights advocates marching from Selma to Montgomery in Alabama; to enforce Brown v. Board of Education in Little Rock, Ark.; in response to the 1992 Los Angeles riots; to quell a riot in Detroit in 1943; and to help Hurricane Andrew relief efforts in Florida.

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But in most cases, unlike President Trump, presidents deployed the National Guard at the request of, or with the cooperation of, state lawmakers. (That was not the case when presidents used the National Guard to support integration in Arkansas and protect civil rights activists in Alabama.)

A California National Guard unit deployed in Los Angeles during the 1992 riots. Joe Marquette/Associated Press

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With the exception of using troops to protect American citizens during the height of civil rights reform, American presidents have typically respected the authority of states and only mobilized troops at the request of state lawmakers.

Nicole L. Anslover

Associate Professor of History, Florida Atlantic University

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Directed the attorney general to investigate or prosecute political rivals

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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President Trump has pushed Attorney General Pam Bondi and his Justice Department to investigate or seek criminal charges against his perceived enemies, including George Soros, the billionaire Democratic donor; the former F.B.I. director James B. Comey; and the New York attorney general Letitia James.

IN THE PAST

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Nixon also tried to use the federal government — including the Department of Justice — to go after his “enemies list” through investigations and other legal harassment. One memo from his White House counsel describes “how we can use the available federal machinery to screw our political enemies.”

But “it was on a limited case-by-case basis, and many of his own appointees and federal workers thwarted his illegalities,” said Robert Watson, a professor of history at Lynn University.

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A clip from a New York Times article in June 1973 about President Nixon’s list of political enemies. TimesMachine

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Nixon tried to act in secrecy and deny his vendettas.

Jeremi Suri

Professor of History and Public Affairs, University of Texas at Austin

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Carried out large-scale immigration raids

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

Federal agents have conducted immigration enforcement raids in several Democrat-led cities, arresting and detaining thousands in Washington, Chicago, Los Angeles and Charlotte, N.C., among others.

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IN THE PAST

Eisenhower carried out deportations of illegal immigrants, known at the time as “Operation Wetback.” These targeted Mexican migrants, and they were more focused on agricultural border areas than major cities.

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Mexican nationals seized for deportation in Southern California in 1954. Associated Press, via Alamy

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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Arranged for a government stake in a U.S. company

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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The Trump administration allowed Japan’s Nippon Steel to take over U.S. Steel in exchange for a “golden share” giving the White House a permanent say in the company’s business. (The Trump administration has also purchased shares or options in other private companies involved in minerals, nuclear energy and semiconductors.)

IN THE PAST

The U.S. government received shares of auto companies while bailing them out during the Great Recession in 2009, but it sold those within a few years to recoup some of the money it had spent.

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The Trump effort has centered on national security concerns. Prior administrations have taken control of the private sector briefly during wartime, but those were not ongoing ownership stakes.

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I can’t think of an example when companies were forced to pay premiums of this sort to the U.S. government — even giving federal actors formal long-term decision-making authority for corporate behavior — as a cost of doing business.

Andrew Rudalevige

Professor of Government, Bowdoin College

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Carried out a major demolition and renovation of the White House

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The Trump administration took down the East Wing of the White House to build a 90,000-square-foot ballroom.

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IN THE PAST

The White House went through a demolition and renovation under President Truman, when the building was in danger of physical collapse.

Other presidents have made renovations — including significant expansions — but historians could not name another demolition of a major part of the building.

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The gutted interior of the White House during a 1950 renovation under President Harry Truman. The White House, via Associated Press

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Struck a deal with drug companies to sell prescriptions at lower prices and set up an online drugstore with the president’s name

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump has tried to lower prescription drug prices through two primary channels: He has made deals with numerous major drugmakers (including Pfizer, AstraZeneca and Eli Lilly) to sell drugs to Medicaid at lower prices; and he has committed to starting TrumpRx, a portal through which patients can buy drugs directly from drugmakers.

IN THE PAST

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Previous presidents have tried various strategies to make prescription drugs more affordable, including negotiating with industry. (Most recently, the Biden administration brought drugmakers to the negotiating table.)

A marketplace with the president’s name on it is new.

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An excerpt from a speech on health care given by President Lyndon Johnson to Congress in 1968. TimesMachine

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Earlier efforts to cut drug costs — Bill Clinton’s aborted price-control proposals, George W. Bush’s Medicare Part D expansion, Barack Obama’s negotiation push under the Affordable Care Act — were policy fights, not product launches.

Alexis Coe

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Presidential historian and senior fellow at New America

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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Pulled back public infrastructure grants in mostly blue states

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The Trump administration has frozen and terminated grants for infrastructure that were largely set to be in districts that vote Democratic, and the president has bragged about it. “A lot of good can come down from shutdowns,” Mr. Trump said in October. “We can get rid of a lot of things that we didn’t want, and they’d be Democrat things.” (Some Republican districts have also lost projects.)

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IN THE PAST

Pulling back funds already allocated is unusual, scholars told The Times. Presidents have often directed government benefits to key constituencies and favored states and districts, but not in such a public and direct manner.

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When Nixon’s administration made large cuts to military bases in the early 1970s, states in the Northeast were hit the hardest, leading to speculation that politics played a role.

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Presidents have always played politics with public monies, although often as discreetly as possible.

Stephen F. Knott

Emeritus Professor of National Security Affairs, United States Naval War College

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Signed large cuts to health care programs into law

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The sprawling policy bill pushed by the president and passed by Republicans in July contained more than $1.1 trillion in cuts to health care programs, including roughly $900 billion in cuts to Medicaid — about 11 percent of projected spending on the program over a decade.

IN THE PAST

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Under President Reagan, Congress reduced Medicaid and Medicare spending. Medicaid cuts in the early 1980s totaled $1 billion each year, around 5 percent of annual Medicaid spending. The cuts came in the form of smaller payments to states, which then cut services. (People forced off welfare rolls by Reagan’s administration often lost Medicaid benefits, too.) George W. Bush signed into law policy changes that made smaller reductions in Medicaid spending.

The Affordable Care Act, signed by President Obama in 2010, included more than $700 billion in reductions to Medicare, though the bill increased spending on health care overall.

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A protest of the Reagan administration’s proposed cuts to Medicare in 1982 in Helena, Mont. George Lane/Associated Press

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Since the beginning of federal health care programs in the 1930s, policymakers have been more likely to expand than cut such programs.

Kendrick Clements

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Professor, University of South Carolina

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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Auctioned face-to-face access

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

Mr. Trump invited people who spent the most on his personal cryptocurrency to a White House gala dinner.

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IN THE PAST

Many presidents have rewarded their major donors with special privileges. (Bill Clinton gave some top donors meals, outings and overnight stays; major fund-raisers also stayed overnight in George W. Bush’s White House; and inaugurations have long been a way for donors to get close to the president.) But Mr. Trump, not his campaign, personally benefited from the crypto investments.

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The standards of White House conduct related to maintaining proper distance from acts of bribery, perceived or real, have demonstrably deteriorated over the years. In 1958, White House chief of staff Sherman Adams was forced to resign from the Eisenhower administration because he had accepted a vicuña overcoat and a rug from a Boston businessman under investigation by the Federal Trade Commission.

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Russell Riley

Professor of Ethics and Institutions, University of Virginia’s Miller Center

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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Attacked the media, including suing newspapers

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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President Trump has directed defamation lawsuits against The Wall Street Journal and The Times. He has also sued Paramount (before starting his second term) over a Kamala Harris interview; blocked reporters from parts of the White House where they’ve been allowed for decades; threatened to pull broadcasters’ licences over late-night hosts he dislikes; imposed restrictions on military reporters; and persuaded Congress to cut funding for public media.

IN THE PAST

No other sitting president has specifically filed a defamation lawsuit against a newspaper. (Theodore Roosevelt did sue a small-town newspaper for libel for accusations of drunkenness, but only after leaving office.)

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There is, however, a long history of attempts by presidential administrations to pressure the news media over critical coverage. Abraham Lincoln shut down pro-Confederacy newspapers during the Civil War and arrested their editors; in World War I, the government charged some journalists who opposed the war under the Espionage Act; the Nixon administration tried to stop the publication of the Pentagon Papers. Nixon also listed journalists on his “enemies list” and ordered wiretaps of reporters.

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On July 1, 1971, The Times resumed publication of its series of articles based on the secret Pentagon papers, after it was given the green light by the U.S. Supreme Court. Jim Wells/Associated Press

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White House grumping about critical coverage is an age-old feature of the Washington community. But rarely has this gone beyond a sharp elbow in the press room or maybe a back-channel call to the publisher to yelp.

Russell Riley

Professor of Ethics and Institutions, University of Virginia’s Miller Center

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Not uncommon

A few of Mr. Trump’s moves are, if not standard practice, still actions that other U.S. presidents have taken in recent decades.

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Put on a military parade

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

In June, President Trump presided over a procession of troops, weaponry and military vehicles in Washington in commemoration of the Army’s 250th birthday and his own 79th.

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IN THE PAST

Large-scale military parades aren’t uncommon, though they often happen during or at the close of a war. Among other examples, George H.W. Bush held a large military parade in 1991 after the Persian Gulf War, and John F. Kennedy hosted one during his inaugural in 1961, at the height of the Cold War.

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Soldiers of the allied coalition carried their national flags past President George H.W. Bush during the National Victory Parade in Washington in 1991. Ron Edmonds/Associated Press

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Not uncommon

Established fast-track visas for wealthy immigrants

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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The president has launched a program that is intended to allow people to buy legal residency in the U.S. with a $1 million “contribution” to the U.S. government.

IN THE PAST

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The U.S. has long had a program that allows entrance to wealthy immigrants: the EB-5 program, for people willing to invest $1 million (less in some circumstances) in a business that would hire Americans. President Trump’s program is new in style — it’s called the “gold card” — but not in function.

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Bill Clinton created the Immigrant Investor Pilot Program, with Obama extending the idea to the Regional Center Pilot Program. It’s actually not a new thing what President Trump is doing.

Thomas Balcerski

Presidential Historian, Eastern Connecticut State University

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Not uncommon

Helped broker an agreement for a cease-fire in Gaza, and an exchange of hostages and prisoners

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The administration’s deal between Hamas and Israel in October — which Jared Kushner, Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, helped broker — resulted in a cease-fire and the release of the remaining Israeli hostages and hundreds of Palestinian prisoners.

IN THE PAST

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It’s common for American presidents to step in and help negotiate deals between Israel and Arab nations; President Biden negotiated a cease-fire and prisoner exchange, though the deal fell apart.

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President Trump should be applauded for his effort in the Mideast. This is his greatest foreign policy achievement so far.

Wilbur C. Rich

Emeritus Professor of Political Science, Wellesley College

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President Bill Clinton with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel and Yasser Arafat of the Palestine Liberation Organization at the signing ceremony for the 1993 Oslo Accords. Paul Hosefros/The New York Times

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Not uncommon

Pulled back United Nations funding

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump has withdrawn or frozen U.S. funding for several agencies within the U.N., including the World Health Organization and the Human Rights Council.

IN THE PAST

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The Reagan administration, claiming mismanagement at the U.N., withheld funds in the 1980s. George W. Bush withheld money from the U.N.’s Population Fund over concerns about abortion and other family planning issues.

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A clip from a New York Times article in July 2002. TimesMachine

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The anti-U.N. rhetoric has been part of the Republican political discourse for some time.

Manisha Sinha

Professor of American History, University of Connecticut

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Not uncommon

Attacked Iran’s nuclear facilities

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump ordered an attack on three key nuclear sites in Iran in June, without seeking congressional authorization.

IN THE PAST

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Though Mr. Trump was the first to bomb Iranian nuclear sites, previous administrations have engaged in sabotage of Iranian nuclear systems — including the George W. Bush and Obama administrations’ development and use of the computer worm Stuxnet. (That was a destructive program that targeted centrifuges and delayed Tehran’s ability to make nuclear weapons.)

More broadly, presidents have long taken military actions without congressional sign-off.

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About the data

For this project, we reached out to dozens of historians and political scientists, including some participants of C-SPAN’s Presidential Historians Survey. We asked them to provide us with relevant precedent to specific Trump actions, if there were any, and to describe how those precedents were and were not similar to what Mr. Trump has done.

We received responses from 36 experts. In addition to those we quoted, we used notes and research from: Andrew Bacevich, Paul Brandus, Vernon Burton, Jeffrey Engel, Michael A. Genovese, Harold Holzer, Chandler James, Scott Kaufman, Thomas J. Knock, Douglas L. Kriner, Allan Lichtman, Bruce Miroff, Barbara Perry, Gary Richardson, Robert Schmuhl, Craig Shirley, Brooks Simpson, Robert Strong, Tevi Troy, Mark K. Updegrove, Ted Widmer, B. Dan Wood and David B. Woolner.

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We categorized actions based on the overall responses, along with additional reporting and research.

Justin Vaughn and Brandon Rottinghaus of the Presidential Greatness Project assisted in establishing a list of historians and constructing the initial survey.

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