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What Is the H-1B Visa Program and Why Are Trump Backers Feuding Over It?

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What Is the H-1B Visa Program and Why Are Trump Backers Feuding Over It?

As President Trump embarked on a sweeping crackdown on immigration upon his return to office this week, he left unresolved a rift that surfaced last month among some of his most influential supporters about the role of skilled foreign workers in the U.S. labor market.

The split over the H-1B visa program, which allows skilled workers like software engineers to work in the United States, has pitted hard-line immigration opponents against some of Mr. Trump’s most prominent backers in the tech industry, who say they rely on the program because they can’t find enough qualified American workers.

It’s unclear where Mr. Trump will land. He pledged in his first term to discontinue H-1B visas, but last month he called it “a great program.”

Congress passed legislation creating the H-1B program in 1990, as a labor shortage loomed. When President George Bush signed it into law, he said the program would “encourage the immigration of exceptionally talented people, such as scientists, engineers and educators.”

Employers use the visas — which are valid for three years and can be extended — to hire foreign workers with specialized skills, mainly in science and technology, to fill openings for which American workers with similar abilities cannot be found.

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Employers submit a petition to the government on behalf of a foreign worker they want to hire, describing the job and the qualifications of the person selected to fill it.

The H-1B program confers temporary status in the United States, not residency. However, many employers sponsor workers with H-1B visas for a green card, which puts them on the path to U.S. citizenship.

Congress makes 65,000 H-1B visas available each year for workers with a bachelor’s degree or equivalent, and 20,000 more for those with a master’s degree or higher. Universities and research organizations are exempt from those caps.

Many of the workers who have received the visas are software engineers, computer programmers and others in the technology industry. Amazon, Google, Meta, Microsoft, Apple and I.B.M. were among the companies that employed the most H-1B visa holders last year, according to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.

But it’s not just a Silicon Valley story. H-1B recipients work in other professions, including education, health care and manufacturing.

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There is no cap for each country, and a vast majority — between about two-thirds and just over three-quarters — of recipients come from one: India.

Employers must attest that they have searched for qualified domestic candidates, and that an H-1B worker will not adversely affect the wages and working conditions of American workers.

The program requires employers to pay H-1B workers, at a minimum, either the average wage for the job and the city where it is based, or the average wage of American-born workers doing the same job. Companies are prohibited from paying H-1B workers less than other workers with similar skills and qualifications. Still, about 60 percent of the positions paid “well below” the local median wage for the occupation in 2019, according to the Economic Policy Institute, citing the Labor Department’s “broad discretion” to set H-1B wage levels.

Critics say employers often use H-1B visas to hire workers who are willing to accept lower salaries than Americans, and there have been episodes in which the program has been used to bring in immigrants to do jobs that American workers had been doing.

In 2015, about 250 technology workers at Walt Disney World near Orlando, Fla., were told that they were being laid off, and that they would have to train their replacements — H-1B visa holders who had been brought in by an outsourcing firm based in India. Similar episodes that year affected employees of Toys “R” Us and the New York Life Insurance Company. However, some studies have shown that the visa program helps foster innovation and growth, leading to more jobs, including for U.S.-born workers.

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A rift erupted among Republicans in December about how much tolerance, if any, the incoming Trump administration should have for immigrants brought into the country on H-1B visas.

Elon Musk, a former H-1B holder, wrote on X that the expertise U.S. companies need “simply does not exist in America in sufficient quantity.” Mr. Musk’s electric-car company, Tesla, obtained 724 of the visas this year.

Vivek Ramaswamy, the former Republican presidential candidate who recently quit a government cost-cutting initiative that Mr. Trump had asked him to lead alongside Mr. Musk, blamed American culture for creating people ill-suited for skilled tech positions.

Among those on the other side of the debate were Laura Loomer, the far-right activist, and Stephen K. Bannon, a longtime Trump confidant. Mr. Bannon hosted influencers and researchers on his popular “War Room” podcast in December who critiqued “big tech oligarchs” for supporting the H-1B program.

In 2020, Mr. Trump signed an executive order temporarily suspending new H-1B visas, which he had said should go to “only the most skilled and highest-paid applicants and should never, ever be used to replace American workers.” After a federal judge struck that order down, the Trump administration tightened eligibility rules for the visas and required companies to pay higher salaries to H-1B holders. A federal judge also rejected some of those rules, including the salary requirement.

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In late December, Mr. Trump appeared to weigh in on the debate, saying he had often used the program as a businessman. “I’ve been a believer in H-1B,” he told The New York Post. “I have used it many times. It’s a great program.”

In fact, Mr. Trump appears to have used the H-1B visa program sparingly. He has been a frequent and longtime user of the similarly named H-2B visa program, which is for unskilled workers like gardeners and housekeepers, as well as the H-2A program, for agricultural workers. Those visas allow a worker to remain in the country for 10 months.

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Driverless disruption: Tech titans gird for robotaxi wars with new factory and territories

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Driverless disruption: Tech titans gird for robotaxi wars with new factory and territories

As three key players vie for dominance, the race to put driverless taxis on roads across the country is heating up.

Waymo, owned by Google’s parent company Alphabet, already offers paid autonomous rides in a handful of cities, including San Francisco and Los Angeles. Amazon’s robotaxi effort, known as Zoox, opened a new production facility in the Bay Area this week. The company has been testing its unique pill-shaped vehicles in California and Nevada since 2023.

Meanwhile, in Austin, Texas, Elon Musk just started testing driverless Teslas with the hopes of launching a commercial service soon. Musk unveiled a prototype for Tesla’s Cybercab late last year, touting his vision for an autonomous future and “an age of abundance.”

The arrival of self-driving tech could eventually affect society as much as the internet and smartphones did years ago, some experts predict. With Waymo leading the way and Tesla and Zoox trying to catch up quickly, a new status quo could be on the horizon, said Karl Brauer, an analyst with iSeeCars.com.

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“Tesla has tried to catch up, and Zoox is a more recent competitor that’s hoping to be a serious player,” he said. “Waymo has been slow and steady and, as a result, is winning the race.”

According to some industry insiders, the U.S. is about 15 years from seeing widespread use of robotaxis, Brauer said. While Waymo taxis have become a common sight in the cities where they operate, weather conditions and charging infrastructure still limit their expansion.

On Wednesday, Waymo expanded its service area in Los Angeles County, where its vehicles now roam an area of more than 120 square miles. The company also increased its service area in San Francisco, expanding access to suburbs and Silicon Valley.

Days after Waymo’s announcement, Zoox opened a 220,000-square-foot facility in Hayward, Calif., that the company says will be able to produce 10,000 robotaxis per year. Zoox is preparing to launch its public ride-hailing service in Las Vegas and San Francisco this year.

Unlike Waymo vehicles, which are retrofitted Jaguars, Zoox is developing a purpose-built taxi with no steering wheel or gas pedals.

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Zoox also has a manufacturing plant in Fremont, Calif., where the company develops its test fleets of retrofitted Toyota Highlanders. Tesla has a manufacturing facility in Fremont as well.

Musk has promised for years to deliver autonomous vehicles and a robust ride-hailing service. Lawmakers in Austin requested this week that he delay the rollout of his service in the city.

Tesla, Zoox and Waymo are the three remaining major U.S. companies in what was once a more crowded field, Brauer said. General Motors’ autonomous taxi company Cruise suspended operations in 2023 after one of its vehicles struck and dragged a pedestrian in San Francisco. Last year, Uber and Cruise announced a partnership that could put Cruise vehicles back on the road.

A company called Argo AI, backed by Ford and Volkswagen, was also developing driverless technology until it shut down in 2022.

The continued expansion of robotaxis depends on safe and successful testing, Brauer said. There have been several incidents related to Tesla’s Full Self-Drive mode, a technology currently available but still in development. Waymo has issued recalls of some of its vehicles on multiple occasions.

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“If there’s a tragic result for any of these three companies during the testing and development process, it would likely slow down the entire industry,” Brauer said.

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Protesters are chasing federal agents out of L.A. County hotels: ‘A small victory’

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Protesters are chasing federal agents out of L.A. County hotels: ‘A small victory’

At Pasadena’s AC Hotel earlier this month, dozens of protesters gathered in an effort to confront federal agents who had arrived in town amid demonstrations against the Trump administration’s mass deportation effort.

Pasadena Mayor Victor Gordo was among those present on June 7 as demonstrators holding signs with “ICE out of Pasadena” and other messages chased federal vehicles out of the luxury hotel’s parking garage, cheering and recording it all on their cellphones.

The mayor said the protest forced the agents to leave the place they were using for local accommodations during their L.A. operations, which involved protecting federal buildings downtown.

“Word got out that there were Homeland Security vehicles parked at the hotel,” Gordo told The Times. “People wanted to express their 1st Amendment rights and they did so in a lawful, nonviolent and respectful manner.”

After hours of noisy rallying, the hotel staff asked the feds to pack up their things and go, according to Gordo. By sunset, uniformed agents from the Federal Protective Service, part of the Department of Homeland Security, were seen walking out of the hotel with their bags stacked on a luggage cart in a video of the incident that went viral online. Their vehicles were escorted out of the garage by local police as protesters trailed behind.

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Hotels have emerged as hot spots for confrontations between community members and immigration agents. Federal agencies, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, sometimes rent blocks of rooms in places where agents are dispatched for major operations.

Hotels have emerged as hot spots for confrontations between community members and immigration agents.

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

The showdown in Pasadena was one of several recent instances of protesters coming together at hotels across the Los Angeles region to put pressure on their proprietors to offer no quarter to federal personnel during the Trump administration’s crackdown. The businesses, which rely on immigrant workers for cleaning and maintenance, have been cast into an awkward position — one that requires balancing politics with protecting their employees.

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From Whittier to Hawaiian Gardens to Brea, concerned citizens have repeatedly taken to social media and whisper networks to share locations where they have spotted who they believe are federal agents. And people have followed up on such information by staging protests outside hotels in communities including Long Beach, Downey and Glendale.

Employees at the AC Hotel Pasadena referred inquiries to a spokeswoman, who did not immediately provide a comment. It was back to business as usual Tuesday afternoon at the Marriott property, which opened earlier this year. A man on a plush couch worked on his laptop, a woman sipped a beer at the bar and staff milled about.

Gordo said he had confirmed that there are no longer any Homeland Security agents staying at the property.

The Homeland Security press office did not immediately provide comment, and agencies under the department’s umbrella, including ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, did not respond to inquires.

Protesters have been arrested this month for allegedly interfering with federal officers, and federal agencies have expressed concerns about the repercussions of people “doxxing” agents by sharing their locations and other personal information online.

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“People are out there taking photos of the names, their faces and posting them online with death threats to their family and themselves,” Reuters reported acting ICE chief Todd Lyons said last week.

A Pasadena police cruiser and uniformed police officers block the entrance to a hotel

Pasadena police block the entrance to the Hotel Dena in Pasadena last week.

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

The crowd-sourced effort to spread information about where federal agents are holed up plays out mostly online.

In some instances, the unverified reports come from people who work at the hotels. Other times, hotel guests or area residents see suspected agents outside or in the lobby, or walk through parking lots in search of federal vehicles.

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During the first days after the L.A. enforcement effort began, it was fairly easy to tell where agents were staying by looking for vehicles with agency logos. But it appears that they have caught on to the surveillance tactics of those who would like to see them go home.

On Monday, a Times reporter visited 13 hotels in three Southland counties — from Westchester to Garden Grove to Ontario — where federal immigration agents recently had been rumored to be staying, according to social media posts and alerts on apps and websites dedicated to tracking ICE activity. No vehicles in any of the hotels’ parking lots bore clear visual indications that they were federal agents’ cars, vans or trucks.

At five hotels, employees approached by The Times declined to comment. At three, employees agreed to speak but declined to give their names, citing corporate policies. Two of them said in brief interviews that they were not sure whether agents were staying on the premises. A third, who works at a chain hotel in Anaheim, said he had seen who he believed were ICE agents at the property last week, but they were no longer staying there.

Hotel workers showing support for protestors reflected in a window

Workers at the Hilton Pasadena show support for community members taking part in a June 12 protest.

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

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“They didn’t bother anyone,” said the man, who declined to provide his name out of fear of reprisal from his employer or immigration authorities. “There were maybe, like, a dozen of them. It was a little concerning.”

Workers such as him have been subjected to political whiplash in recent days. Last week, President Trump wrote on Truth Social that “Our great Farmers and people in the Hotel and Leisure business have been stating that our very aggressive policy on immigration is taking very good, long time workers away from them.” That same day, a senior ICE official sent guidance to regional ICE officials directing them to avoid raiding farms, hotels and restaurants and instead emphasize other targets.

The development gave hotel employees hope that they were out of the crosshairs. But the Trump administration quickly reversed course, saying this week that there is now no reprieve for hotel workers and others who Trump had praised just days earlier.

Andrew Mark, a pastor at Pasadena Covenant Church, also addressed the crowd at the June 7 rally outside the AC Hotel. He said in an interview that he was impressed — but not surprised — that the community came together and forced change.

“There’s a deep pride in Pasadena. So I think that for agents to be staying in a hotel here, you feel … a sense that we don’t want this to be a place where they can stage and go out and target people,” he said. “The fact that they were based in a hotel in our community was unsettling.”

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On Tuesday, Manuel Vicente sat behind his makeshift desk in a soundproof room at the Pasadena Community Job Center, which helps connect day laborers with employment opportunities. As director of Radio Jornalera, he creates audio and video content to help migrant workers, including content that informs them of the rights they have during encounters with immigration enforcement agents.

Vicente said he believes the successful protest at the AC Hotel Pasadena is an example of a saying he likes to quote, “Pueblo salva el pueblo,” or “Only the people save the people.”

“When they were kicked out of the hotel, everybody was excited,” he said. “It was a small victory, but our efforts made a difference. We need to be together to protect our community, to protect our workers.”

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Blumhouse acquires 50% stake in 'Saw' franchise

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Blumhouse acquires 50% stake in 'Saw' franchise

Horror production company Blumhouse has acquired a 50% stake in the long-running “Saw” franchise, buying the rights owned by producers Oren Koules and Mark Burg, the firm said Wednesday.

Santa Monica-based Lionsgate will continue to own 50% of the franchise, retain all domestic distribution rights for new feature films and still distribute worldwide for the library films. Los Angeles-based investment firm Content Partners has also acquired a stake in the library as part of the transaction, alongside Burg’s retained share, Blumhouse said.

Financial details were not disclosed.

Blumhouse will take the lead on international distribution for new feature films and will discuss global release strategies with Lionsgate on a film-by-film basis.

Blumhouse Chief Executive Jason Blum described the deal in a statement as “a strategic investment in one of the most recognizable and successful genre properties of the last two decades.” The 10-film franchise began in 2004 and has grossed more than a billion dollars in worldwide box office revenue.

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“The Saw franchise has defined a generation of horror, and its cultural impact continues to grow,” he said.

With this deal, the franchise returns to filmmaker James Wan, who directed the first “Saw” film. Wan’s production company, Atomic Monster, merged with Blumhouse last year.

“Over the course of ten chilling and thrilling ‘Saw’ films, Oren and Mark have been outstanding partners, producers and stewards of this billion-dollar franchise,” Adam Fogelson, chair of the Lionsgate Motion Picture Group, said in a statement. “As they pass the baton to James — whose direction started it all — and to Jason and the team at Blumhouse, Billy couldn’t be in more gifted or twisted hands. Game on.”

The deal was the brainchild of Lionsgate Chief Executive Jon Feltheimer and Blum, according to a person familiar with the matter not authorized to comment.

The original “Saw” from 2004 was part of a wave of particularly gruesome horror movies that came to be derisively described as “torture porn.” Other examples included Eli Roth’s “Hostel.”

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Horror franchise revivals have proved to be lucrative endeavors as of late, with hits including New Line’s “Final Destination Bloodlines.” The horror genre has been one of the most reliable at drawing fans to theaters in recent years, especially since the COVID-19 pandemic.

The most recent “Saw” film, 2023’s “Saw X,” grossed $53.6 million domestically and $58.6 million internationally for a global haul of $112.2 million, according to Box Office Mojo.

“With the success of the tenth film, this felt like the right time to pass the baton,” Koules said in a statement. “I’m incredibly proud of what we’ve built with Lionsgate over the past 20 years and deeply grateful to the fans who’ve been with us since the beginning.”

Burg cited the recent death of Lionsgate film executive and executive producer Jason Constantine as part of his decision to move on, saying in a statement that it was time to “tell new stories.”

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