Business
'I want you to be my agent.' What to know about Trump's ties with Hollywood power player Ari Emanuel
Last month, President-elect Donald Trump entered a sold-out Madison Square Garden to attend the mixed martial arts extravaganza UFC 309. Kid Rock’s “American Bad Ass” played and the crowd erupted in cheers, chanting “USA! USA!”
The incoming 47th president was flanked by UFC president Dana White and a cortege of Trumpworld insiders tapped for the new administration, including Elon Musk, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Tulsi Gabbard.
Also present was Hollywood mogul Ari Emanuel, head of the Endeavor Group and the CEO of UFC’s parent company, TKO.
Inside the arena, Trump approached the Octagon-side “promoters table” where White and UFC commentator Joe Rogan sit and where he was seen briefly chatting with Emanuel.
Their meeting at the UFC bout was the second time the pair had spoken since Trump’s 2024 presidential run, said a person close to Emanuel who was not authorized to comment. Emanuel, Trump’s former agent, called him last summer after he was shot at a campaign rally to ask how he was doing, and Trump appreciated the call, said the source.
As Hollywood begins to grapple with how to navigate Trumpworld 2.0, few are better positioned to navigate the new administration than Emanuel.
The brash power player has staunch Democratic bona fides: He has hosted fundraisers for the party and donated to a number of its candidates over the years. During this presidential cycle he gave nearly $1 million to Kamala Harris’ PAC and campaign. And his brother Rahm was President Obama’s first chief of staff, later the mayor of Chicago and Biden’s ambassador to Japan.
Nonetheless, Ari Emanuel has cultivated multifaceted ties to Trump and many of his associates over the years, among them Elon Musk, UFC’s White and WWE’s Vince McMahon. One of William Morris Endeavor’s literary agents represented Vice President-elect JD Vance when he sold his 2016 bestselling memoir, “Hillbilly Elegy” (Emanuel interviewed Vance at an employee book club series in 2018 in Cleveland).
Emanuel, who has publicly castigated Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and blasted President Biden and his aides for not dropping out of the presidential race earlier, says that he will not be shy about voicing his concerns to Trump, telling The Times, “If I really disagree with something that I think he would do, I will definitely pick up the phone.”
‘The King of Hollywood’
Back in 2010, Emanuel became Trump’s agent, just months after the Hollywood power broker engineered a stunning takeover of the famed William Morris Agency. The New York real estate developer turned reality TV star was hosting “Celebrity Apprentice,” and he called Emanuel as he played golf during his firm’s annual off-site in Palm Springs.
“Ari, this is Donald Trump. Did you make that Conan deal? I want you to be my agent,” Trump told him, according to someone close to Emanuel.
The NBC show was flagging in the ratings — despite Trump insisting otherwise — and he wanted what he always craved: a better deal.
Endeavor had extracted some major concessions from NBC after the network axed Conan O’Brien as host of “The Tonight Show,” including a $32.5-million payout.
The deal caught Trump’s attention and he wanted the man he’d taken to calling “the King of Hollywood” representing him.
Five years later, Trump announced his first run for president. After he called Mexicans “rapists” who brought drugs and crime into the country, NBC cut ties with him. Trump bought out NBC’s interest in the Miss Universe Organization and then sold Miss Universe to Emanuel’s Endeavor for an undisclosed sum. In November 2016, Trump was elected the 45th president of the United States.
Although Emanuel has not represented Trump since the latter announced his first candidacy, he was photographed meeting Trump at his golf club in Bedminster, N.J., after the 2016 election. Emanuel has downplayed the visit to those around him.
Three years later, Emanuel’s name surfaced in a trove of some 100 documents from Trump’s transition that was leaked to the political news site Axios, indicating he had been vetted for an unspecified role in the administration. A spokesperson for Endeavor declined to comment at the time.
Trump, who has called Emanuel “a very good friend of mine,” said at the start of his first administration: “Even though he’s not political, he’s political. He gets it.”
Elon Musk: The Trump whisperer
Elon Musk has increasingly become one of Trump’s most influential advisors.
(Evan Vucci / Associated Press)
Over the years, Emanuel’s relationship with Elon Musk took shape, and its contours deepened as the uber-agent transformed Endeavor from a talent agency into a global sports and entertainment powerhouse. In March 2021, a month before Endeavor went public on the New York Stock Exchange, Musk was tapped to join the company’s board (he resigned in 2022).
That same year, Musk was among a clutch of intimates (along with Brian Grazer and Larry David) who attended Emanuel’s 60th birthday party at Ivy on the Shore in Santa Monica. In the summer of 2022, when Emanuel married fashion designer Sarah Staudinger, Musk joined a select group of A-listers (Mark Wahlberg, David Zaslav) invited to their wedding in St. Tropez, France. Months later Musk was photographed yachting off the coast of Greece with the newlyweds.
Behind the scenes, Emanuel has played a quiet role in some of Musk’s notable businesses.
When Musk attempted to back out of his $44-billion takeover of Twitter in 2022, causing a rift with its board, Emanuel reached out to Egon Durban, a Twitter board member and co-CEO of private equity firm Silver Lake, then Endeavor’s largest shareholder.
Emanuel urged the company to “find a solution” to the legal battle ahead of the scheduled trial. Musk and the board ultimately sealed the deal and the billionaire took the social platform private, later renaming it X.
As Emanuel played peace broker between Musk and the Twitter board, he sent Musk a three-paragraph proposal on the encrypted text platform Signal offering to run Twitter with Endeavor for a fee of $100 million, saying he would cut costs, create a better culture and manage relationships with advertisers and marketers.
Emanuel’s overture, unearthed in Walter Isaacson’s flattering biography of the Tesla mogul, never moved forward.
Jared Birchall, Musk’s right-hand man, called it “the most insulting, demeaning, insane message.”
The scuttled offer apparently did little to ruffle feathers. In January 2023, Axios revealed that Endeavor had acquired a small stake in X. As for Emanuel, he has been spotted around town driving a glossy black Cybertruck.
Dana White: Trump’s strongman champion
UFC President Dana White has long championed Trump.
(Getty Images)
In 2016, the same year that Endeavor acquired the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) for more than $4 billion, its president, Dana White, a bombastic former mixed martial arts (MMA) manager, took the stage at the Republican National Convention in Cleveland and gave a fulsome endorsement of the GOP presidential nominee. “I’ve been in the fight business my whole life,” he said, and Trump, he noted, was a “fighter.”
Trump had thrown White a lifeline years ago. In 2000, New Jersey legalized MMA and Trump reached out to White offering to hold fights at his now-defunct Trump Taj Mahal casino and hotel in Atlantic City. Trump himself showed up for events, raising UFC’s profile.
Since then, White has been one of Trump’s staunchest supporters outside of politics. He has invited Trump to UFC events even as Trump faced a spate of criminal, civil and other legal challenges.
As White became known as MAGA’s frontman, he and Emanuel forged a successful business partnership turning the UFC into the world’s largest MMA promotion.
“Now with Ari, he and I end up being perfect partners together. It’s really cool,” White told the website MMA Fighting. “You think of a guy like Ari, if you watch ‘Entourage’ — Ari Emanuel has no ego when he deals in business and he’s a f—king killer and I love that about him too.”
Emanuel has heaped praise on White too, crediting him with helping to save Endeavor’s sprawling empire during the pandemic.
White implemented an aggressive plan to continue to hold fight events on Yas Island in the United Arab Emirates, dubbed “Fight Island.”
The Emanuel-White alliance reached its apex last fall when Endeavor officially merged UFC and World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE) into TKO Group Holdings, a publicly traded $21.4-billion fighting sports and entertainment giant.
Vince and Linda McMahon: Trump’s fight squad
For years before he acquired TKO, Ari Emanuel represented WWE led by Vince McMahon, left, with his wife, Linda McMahon, who was Trump’s Small Business Administration head.
(Jessica Hill / Associated Press)
Emanuel has deep connections with another figure who has close ties to Trump: Vince McMahon.
Last April on CNBC, Emanuel sat next to McMahon and announced the UFC-WWE merger, insisting that McMahon was a driving force and paramount to the deal.
McMahon was named executive chairman of the newly created TKO Group Holdings as a condition of the deal, according to SEC filings.
McMahon boasted that the new company was a “live sports and entertainment powerhouse with a collective fan base of more than a billion people.”
Emanuel had a long-standing relationship with McMahon. They met in the late 1990s, soon after Emanuel launched his own talent agency. He convinced McMahon to let Endeavor represent the WWE for endorsement opportunities and media rights.
By then, McMahon had already developed close ties to Trump.
During the 1980s, Trump became a WWE fixture and the two men grew friendly. Trump hosted WrestleMania extravaganzas at his hotels and made numerous appearances at matches. In 2013, Trump was inducted into the WWE’s Hall of Fame.
In 2007 and ’09, WWE made payments of $4 million and $1 million, respectively, to the Trump Foundation, according to the foundation’s tax filings. The foundation was dissolved by court order in 2018 after the New York attorney general found that it had illegally used charitable funds for political purposes.
McMahon exited TKO in January after former WWE employee Janel Grant, sued the company, McMahon and the former head of talent relations alleging sexual assault, trafficking and emotional abuse. This followed previously disclosed revelations that McMahon had paid millions in hush money to multiple women to quash allegations of sexual misconduct between 2006 and 2022. McMahon has denied the accusations of wrongdoing.
The allegations triggered investigations by the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Department of Justice, raising questions as to how or if the Trump DOJ will handle the government probes.
Emanuel has periodically stayed in touch with McMahon, who is no longer involved in the running of TKO and WWE.
The McMahon family appears to be in good standing with Trump.
In 2017, Trump named McMahon’s estranged wife, Linda, to run the Small Business Administration. Two years later, she resigned to become chairwoman of America First Action, a pro-Trump super-PAC; more recently, she co-headed his transition team. Last month, Trump nominated McMahon to serve in his cabinet as his education secretary.
Business
Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan
Nike is cutting about 1,400 jobs in its operations division, mostly from its technology department, the company said Thursday.
In a note to employees, Venkatesh Alagirisamy, the chief operating officer of Nike, said that management was nearly done reorganizing the business for its turnaround plan, and that the goal was to operate with “more speed, simplicity and precision.”
“This is not a new direction,” Mr. Alagirisamy told employees. “It is the next phase of the work already underway.”
Nike, the world’s largest sportswear company, is trying to recover after missteps led to a prolonged sales slump, in which the brand leaned into lifestyle products and away from performance shoes and apparel. Elliott Hill, the chief executive, has worked to realign the company around sports and speed up product development to create more breakthrough innovations.
In March, Nike told investors that it expected sales to fall this year, with growth in North America offset by poor performance in Asia, where the brand is struggling to rejuvenate sales in China. Executives said at the time that more volatility brought on by the war in the Middle East and rising oil prices might continue to affect its business.
The reorganization has involved cuts across many parts of the organization, including at its headquarters in Beaverton, Ore. Nike slashed some corporate staff last year and eliminated nearly 800 jobs at distribution centers in January.
“You never want to have to go through any sort of layoffs, but to re-center the company, we’re doing some of that,” Mr. Hill said in an interview earlier this year.
Mr. Alagirisamy told employees that Nike was reshaping its technology team and centering employees at its headquarters and a tech center in Bengaluru, India. The layoffs will affect workers across North America, Europe and Asia.
The cuts will also affect staffing in Nike’s factories for Air, the company’s proprietary cushioning system. Employees who work on the supply chain for raw materials will also experience changes as staff is integrated into footwear and apparel teams.
Nike’s Converse brand, which has struggled for years to revive sales, will move some of its engineering resources closer to the factories they support, the company said.
Mr. Alagirisamy said the moves were necessary to optimize Nike’s supply chain, deploy technology faster and bolster relationships with suppliers.
Business
Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes
A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.
The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.
The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.
The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.
It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.
However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.
Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.
Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.
“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.
In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”
The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.
“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.
Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.
Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.
Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.
The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.
But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.
Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.
A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.
“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .
Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.
Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.
Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.
Business
How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner
Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.
Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.
But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.
Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.
While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.
“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.
It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”
Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.
“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.
The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.
Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.
Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”
Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.
Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.
“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”
For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.
“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”
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