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Fed cuts interest rates again, but Trump's victory makes future path much murkier

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Fed cuts interest rates again, but Trump's victory makes future path much murkier

The Federal Reserve cut interest rates for a second straight time Thursday in an effort to keep the economy sailing along by easing the high borrowing costs it engineered to fight inflation. But going forward the Fed’s rate path looks very uncertain as policymakers must contend with a big new unknown: the policies and politics of a second Trump presidential term.

Thursday’s quarter-percentage-point reduction in the Fed’s benchmark rate was expected. It comes on the heels of a half-point cut in September, when the central bank pivoted to loosen monetary policy after having held its key rate at a two-decade high of 5.33% for months to throttle back inflation.

“The economy is strong overall,” said Jerome H. Powell, the Fed’s chair, at a news conference after a two-day meeting. “The labor market has cooled from its formerly overheated state and remains solid. Inflation has eased substantially.”

Although inflation remains a bit higher than the Fed’s 2% target, prices have come down sharply from their highs in 2022. Fed officials had previously signaled Thursday’s rate cut and another one in December, followed by several more next year.

The Fed eventually wants to get to a point where interest rates are neither stimulating nor restricting the economy, as they are now. That’s seen as happening with a rate of about 3%.

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“We’re trying to steer between the risk of moving too quickly and perhaps undermining our progress on inflation or moving too slowly and allowing the labor market to weaken too much,” Powell said. “We’re trying to be on a middle path where we can maintain the strength in the labor market while also enabling further progress on inflation.”

But with Trump’s victory, the Fed’s balancing act may get a lot harder.

Economists see risks on two fronts: If Trump follows through on his campaign promises to lower taxes, levy across-the-board tariffs on foreign goods and undertake mass deportations, thereby shrinking the labor supply, he could spur economic growth but also reignite inflation in the process, forcing the Fed to pull back on its rate-cutting plans.

The prospect of stronger growth, especially for corporations, was largely behind the huge rally on Wall Street after Trump’s sweeping win. The Dow, which surged more than 1,500 points Wednesday, or up 3.6%, closed unchanged. The broader Standard & Poor’s 500 index extended its gains, rising 0.74%; and the Nasdaq climbed 1.5%.

But even as the Fed has lowered rates, mortgage rates have edged a bit higher recently, along with long-term bond yields, reflecting what some see as expectations for higher inflation and interest rates down the road. If that trend continues, it could further complicate Fed decisions, especially because housing costs seem to be a top concern for people.

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“The rise in long-term rates and mortgages is kind of offsetting some of the oomph of the Fed’s rate cuts,” said Ryan Sweet, chief U.S. economist at Oxford Economics.

“We’re watching that,” Powell said when asked about higher long-term bond yields, which move in tandem with mortgage rates. But, he added, “it’s too early to say where they settle. If they’re persistent and they’re material, we’ll certainly take them into account.”

The second risk is the politics of a reelected president who has often challenged the traditional independence of the central bank and the mainstream economics of Powell.

In Trump’s first term, he at times publicly hectored Powell and his advisors pushed him to resign, though it was Trump who appointed him. The Fed and financial markets consider the central bank’s independence sacrosanct for sound economic policymaking.

Without commenting on Trump, Rodney Ramcharan, a former Fed economist who is now professor of finance and business economics at USC’s Marshall School of Business, said that “a feature of authoritarian governments is an erosion of norms and institutions.” And he noted that political pressure could be applied in public or privately.

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“He likes low interest rates,” Christopher Rupkey, chief economist at Fwdbonds, an economic and market research firm in New York, said of Trump. “There could be more jawboning to get rates lower and to get stronger growth.”

And if he doesn’t get what he wants, Rupkey said, Trump could replace Powell when his term expires in May 2026. “One of the wild card factors is, he gets someone in there that would be amenable to pushing rates even lower.”

Powell has long insisted that the Fed makes its decision without consideration of politics. Asked on Thursday whether he would resign if president-elect Trump asked him to, Powell replied, “No.”

For now, analysts expect the Fed to stay on its rate-cutting course, shaving another quarter of a percentage point from its main interest rate at its December meeting.

But since Trump’s sweeping victory, odds have increased that Fed officials will pause next month or early next year as they wait to see what a second Trump administration might mean for fiscal policies and the economy.

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Powell said that the Fed’s decisions will continue to be data driven and that it’s too early to say how the economy might evolve.

“In the near term, the election will have no effects on our policy decisions,” he said. “Here, we don’t know what the timing and substance of any policy changes will be. We therefore don’t know what the effects on the economy will be, specifically whether and to what extent those policies would matter in the achievement for our goal variables, maximum employment and price stability.

“We don’t guess, we don’t speculate and we don’t assume,” he said.

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Video: Federal Reserve Lowers Interest Rates

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Video: Federal Reserve Lowers Interest Rates

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Federal Reserve Lowers Interest Rates

Jerome H. Powell, the Fed chair, said that the Fed’s immediate path would not be impacted by Donald J. Trump’s win.

The economy is strong overall and has made significant progress toward our goals over the past two years. The labor market has cooled from its formerly overheated state and remains solid. Inflation has eased substantially from a peak of 7 percent to 2.1 percent as of September. We are committed to maintaining our economy’s strength by supporting maximum employment and returning inflation to our 2 percent goal. Today, the F.O.M.C. decided to take another step in reducing the degree of policy restraint by lowering our policy interest rate by a quarter percentage point. We continue to be confident that with an appropriate recalibration of our policy stance, strength in the economy and the labor market can be maintained, with inflation moving sustainably down to 2 percent. In the near term, the election will have no effects on our policy decisions.

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EV maker Rivian falls short of revenue projections for third quarter

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EV maker Rivian falls short of revenue projections for third quarter

Electric vehicle maker Rivian missed Wall Street’s expectations for revenue on Thursday, with sales coming in lower than anticipated in the third quarter.

The Irvine-based company reported revenue of $874 million in the three months ending Sept. 30., which fell short of the $992 million projected by analysts, according to FactSet. The company recorded revenue of $1.3 billion during the same period a year ago.

In a shareholder letter, Rivian attributed the revenue drop to a production disruption and “a more challenging consumer environment.”

Rivian faces several hurdles, including supply chain problems, safety issues and a slowing demand for electric vehicles from consumers worried about cost and convenient charging options.

RJ Scaringe, the company’s founder and chief executive, said in a call with analysts that it’s been a “tough quarter” for Rivian because of the supply chain hiccups and fixing that has been at the top of the company’s priorities.

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“We’re working very, very hard to address that,” said Scaringe, adding that the company sees the challenge as a “short-term issue.”

Automakers are also bracing for more uncertainty after Republican Donald Trump won the 2024 presidential election this week, securing his return to the White House. Trump, while he has softened his criticism of electric vehicles after Tesla Chief Executive Elon Musk backed him, has considered ending a $7,500 federal tax credit for new electric vehicle purchases.

Consumers who lease Rivian vehicles are able to take advantage of that tax credit, but there are also income requirements, so most of their customers don’t qualify. With Trump potentially placing more tariffs on imported goods, the company has focused on sourcing suppliers that aren’t going to be subject to large tariffs, Scaringe said.

“There’s a lot of policy elements here that are in play and we’re watching it very closely,” he said on the call. Manufacturers are keeping an eye on how tariffs could affect the price of raw materials.

The company reported a net loss of $1.1 billion, or $1.08 per share, in the third quarter, compared with a loss of $1.4 billion during the same period last year.

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Rivian made its public debut in 2021 and has seen its share price drop 42% in the last year. Rivian shares closed at $10.04, up 3.35 %, on Thursday.

The company’s share price took a hit last month when the startup missed delivery expectations for the third quarter and lowered its production forecast, reportedly because of miscommunication with its supplier of copper windings. Rivian produced 13,157 vehicles at its manufacturing facility in Normal, Ill., and delivered 10,018 vehicles in the third quarter.

As the company has tried to find a path to profitability, it has inked high-profile deals with partners including Amazon and German automaker Volkswagen Group, which said this year it would invest $5 billion in Rivian.

Known for its sleek electric adventure vehicles, Rivian’s pickup trucks and sport utility vehicles stand out on the road. For some consumers, though, the prices of the vehicles are too high. The company’s R1S SUV starts at $75,900 and the R1T pickup truck starts at $69,900. Rivian is planning to release a cheaper and more compact electric SUV, known as the R2, in 2026.

Rivian said Thursday it signed an agreement with LG Energy Solution to provide cylindrical battery cells for the R2.

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The company is planning to close its joint venture with Volkswagen in the fourth quarter.

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Column: Healthcare — and not just reproductive care — was on the ballot, and it lost big

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Column: Healthcare — and not just reproductive care — was on the ballot, and it lost big

It was perhaps natural that campaign coverage of the presidential candidates’ healthcare policies began and ended with abortion rights; since June 2022, when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, 20 states have banned abortions or enacted draconian restrictions on the procedure.

That landscape could turn even more dire with the reelection of Donald Trump. But many other healthcare issues were implicitly on the ballot Tuesday. Republicans may well feel empowered to continue their long campaign against the nation’s public health infrastructure, to step up their attacks on science, and to spread the anti-vaccine mantra of Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has worked his way into Trump’s inner circle.

The Biden administration’s progress in making healthcare more accessible and affordable for all Americans, especially seniors on Medicare, is almost certain to be rolled back. RFK Jr. and other healthcare quacks, such as Florida Surgeon General Joseph Ladapo, may move into national policy-making. Religion-based policies may move to the fore, shouldering science-based policies aside. The plundering of healthcare institutions by private equity investors could pick up steam.

I will not give one penny to any school that has a vaccine mandate or a mask mandate.

— Donald Trump, threatening millions of children with measles, polio, COVID and other vaccine-preventable diseases

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If any of these eventualities come to pass, America’s health profile will be in danger of declining, and sharply. The main victims would be women, seniors and low-income households.

Let’s examine the particulars. Some of these derive from the Heritage Foundation’s notorious Project 2025, a road map to a reactionary future that is sure to animate many Trump administration policies. But others reflect policy efforts already tried in red states or promoted during Trump’s first term.

ABORTION: Protections for abortion rights were on the ballot in 10 states, and passed in seven — not including Florida, where a measure rolling back the state’s draconian abortion ban garnered 57% of the vote but fell short of the 60% required to pass. (That threshold was enacted in 2006 after it was placed on the ballot by a Republican-controlled legislature; as it happens, the 60% rule passed even though it did not itself garner 60% of the vote.)

In only two other states is a supermajority required to pass a ballot measure: Colorado (55% required) and New Hampshire (two-thirds, or 66.7%).

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The seven states in which voters protected abortion rights by enshrining them in the state constitution were Arizona, Colorado, Maryland, Missouri, Montana, New York and Nevada. Measures failed in South Dakota and Nebraska.

Republican and conservative hostility to abortion rights has persisted despite the ghastly deaths of pregnant women because doctors were unwilling to terminate their pregnancies because the treatment would break the law in their states, even in an emergency, and expose the doctors to consequences including criminal prosecution.

Trump has specifically said he would not support a national abortion ban “under any circumstances,” but that leaves open a multitude of ways he could achieve that goal by another name, whether by applying an ancient federal law to constrain the shipment of abortion pills, installing reproductive rights opponents at federal healthcare agencies as he did in his first term, or some other means. Plainly, abortion rights aren’t safe in a Trump presidency.

GENDER: Trump made gender-related medical treatments a target of his campaign, spinning a deranged fantasy about schools subjecting children to gender-changing surgery behind their parents’ backs; Project 2025 disdains what it calls “the new woke gender ideology, which has as a principal tenet ‘gender affirming care’ and ‘sex-change’ surgeries on minors.”

This parallels laws passed in several red states barring any gender-affirming care for minors. In fact, surgery is not part of the standard of care in gender-affirming cases involving children and adolescents. The authors of Project 2025 advocate barring transgender individuals from serving in the military.

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AFFORDABLE CARE ACT: The repeal of Obamacare, as it’s familiarly known, has been a prime goal of Republicans since the law’s enactment in 2010. The law was saved from repeal in 2017, during the last Trump administration, by a single “no” vote from the late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.).

It’s still a target. House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) vowed last month that there would be “No Obamacare” in another Trump term. The law is popular, however, favored by 62% of Americans according to a KFF opinion poll in May. Trump has repeatedly promised to offer an alternative program, but never has done so.

Project 2025 calls for giving more latitude to bare-bones health plans such as association health plans and short-term health plans. These don’t meet ACA standards because they often exclude essential healthcare services and can mislead consumers into thinking an illness or treatment is covered — learning the truth only when they try to obtain coverage.

The road map also calls for curtailing the ACA’s contraceptive mandate, which it says “has been the source of years of egregious attacks on many Americans’ religious and moral beliefs.” (Of course, the ACA doesn’t require that anyone actually use a contraceptive, only that they be covered without cost-sharing.)

It calls for removing the “morning-after pill” Ella from the contraceptive mandate. It also calls for turning the clock back on the Food and Drug Administration’s safety approval for the abortion pill mifepristone, which is currently the target of a lawsuit file by antiabortion activists.

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MEDICAID and MEDICARE: These crucial federal healthcare programs — the first serving low-income Americans and the second serving seniors — are in the GOP’s gunsights. Project 2025 claims that they are “the principal drivers of our $31-trillion national debt. … In essence, our deficit problem is a Medicare and Medicaid problem.”

Never mind that the single biggest driver of federal deficits is the tax cut for corporations and the wealthy signed by Trump in 2017, which could add $5.2 trillion to deficits over the next 10 years.

By Project 2025’s reckoning, Medicare and Medicaid together cost $17.8 trillion from 1967 through 2020, a span of 53 years. This year, the two programs enroll more than 140 million Americans, or more than 41% of the population. (Medicare members also pay premiums for some of its parts.)

Although Trump has vowed not to cut Medicare benefits, conservative antagonism toward Medicaid, the state-federal healthcare program for low-income Americans, has never ebbed. In 2014, under former Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wisc.), House Republicans proposed converting the program from one that covered a percentage of state spending on healthcare to enrollees into a block-grant structure, that lacked the flexibility needed to confront disease outbreaks as they occur. Ryan’s plan would have cut Medicaid funding by 26% over a decade.

Vaccines have eradicated smallpox and either eliminated or sharply reduced the incidence of measles, polio, rubella and whooping cough. So why are Trump and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. attacking them?

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(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention)

It failed, but the idea was taken up by Trump in his first term, though it wasn’t enacted. Expect it to be considered again. Project 2025 advocates adding work requirements to Medicaid, an idea that has proved in the past to achieve nothing in terms of reducing joblessness or improving enrollees’ health, but did end up throwing thousands of people out of the program.

Permission that the last Trump administration granted some states to impose work requirements for Medicaid was overturned by a federal judge in 2019; the Biden White House consigned the idea to the dumpster.

Project 2025 asserts that the ACA “mandates that states must expand their Medicaid eligibility standards” to include everyone at or below 138% of the federal poverty level. This is a lie. Following a Supreme Court ruling, the ACA leaves it to individual states to cover childless low-income individuals; 10 states, all of which are under the control of GOP governors or legislatures, still haven’t done so. The project also calls for eliminating the 90% government match of the cost of that coverage and reducing it to a “fairer and more rational level,” presumably lower.

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VACCINES: The rapid development of COVID-19 vaccines, which averted about 1.1 million U.S. deaths and more than 10.3 million hospitalizations within a year of their introduction in December 2020, was one of the few genuine achievements of the first Trump term. So it’s a mystery why he has turned against them, and against vaccines in general.

During his campaign he promised, “I will not give one penny to any school that has a vaccine mandate or a mask mandate.”

It’s possible that this reflects the sway that Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has exercised over Trump, who has promised to place RFK Jr. in a policymaking role over healthcare. The prospect should make all Americans queasy, for Kennedy is a one-stop shop for conspiracy theories ranging from anti-vaccine claims to outright antisemitism.

The truth is that vaccines are indisputably a triumph of medical science. They’ve eradicated smallpox from the face of the Earth and reduced diseases such as measles, polio and whooping cough to occasional outbreaks (among the unvaccinated). If Trump and RFK Jr. intend to make the world safe again for these diseases, they should come right out and say so.

To the authors of Project 2025, the COVID vaccines along with other anti-pandemic policies were nothing but infringements on individual rights (don’t think about the children and families whose rights to a healthy life would be jeopardized by the elimination of school vaccine mandates).

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The project rails against the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Institutes of Health — the country’s premier public health agencies — for “the irrational, destructive, un-American mask and vaccine mandates that were imposed upon an ostensibly free people during the COVID-19 pandemic.” It also claims that “masks provide little to no benefit in preventing the spread of viruses and might even be counterproductive,” a statement that is unadulterated BS.

But that’s just one example of how the right wing, which will now occupy a favored perch in the White House, has elevated an amorphous concept of individual freedom over the undeniably real benefits, to millions of people, of robust pubic health imperatives based on communal responsibility.

How much worse will things have to get before the public wakes up to the consequences? Why in heaven’s name would anyone want to find out?

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