Connect with us

Business

Column: You may be mad at truck drivers, but they’re the victims of an abusive system

Published

on

Column: You may be mad at truck drivers, but they’re the victims of an abusive system

Few staff in America have a lousier status simply now than truckers.

Since final fall, when an inflation spike first bubbled into public consciousness, truck drivers have been blamed for contributing to logjams on the ports of Los Angeles and Lengthy Seashore, which account for 40% of the ocean freight coming into the U.S.

Drivers had been blamed for not exhibiting up for work in enough numbers to maneuver backed-up cargo. The office rights they had been granted by California regulation supposedly interfered with the free stream of products, prompting transport corporations to ask Gov. Gavin Newsom, unsuccessfully, to droop these rights at some point of the supply-chain backlog.

Supposedly we’re very expert staff, with a excessive quantity of coaching to do that crucial job. However the pay and the therapy are simply not including up.

Domingo Avalos, port truck driver

Advertisement

Then got here the truck driver blockades at essential Canada-U.S. border crossings, a few of that are nonetheless happening. By no means thoughts that these blockades had been aimed toward protesting authorities COVID vaccination mandates which are supported by majorities in each nations. By no means thoughts that the protests seem like coordinated and financed by far-right activists within the U.S.

Right here’s the reality: Truck drivers, notably the short-haul drivers who carry items from the ports to regional warehouses or different transportation depots, are among the many most abused staff in our economic system.

They’re not the issue within the port backups. The issue is a system that steals wages by the tens of millions from drivers. The issue is transport corporations that misclassify drivers as impartial contractors regardless of constant rulings through the years by judges and regulators which have decided they’re staff in all however title.

They only don’t get the advantages — entry to employer-owned gear, staff’ compensation and unemployment insurance coverage, employer contributions to Social Safety and minimal wage safety.

They don’t get retirement or healthcare protection, or reimbursement for his or her work bills. Sometimes, they work on 90-day renewable contracts, which implies they’ll successfully be fired at will, with no recourse to the safety in opposition to arbitrary therapy loved by staff. And underneath federal regulation, they’re not eligible to unionize — that’s a proper afforded solely to staff.

Truck drivers are within the information in the present day mainly due to the Canadian protests, however that’s irrelevant to the true points American truckers face. Their work points are older and extra severe.

They’re staff reminiscent of Domingo Avalos, 57. Avalos has been driving for 20 years, the final 10 for XPO Logistics, a significant nationwide transport firm with in depth operations on the ports of Los Angeles and Lengthy Seashore.

Advertisement

Avalos informed me by way of an interpreter {that a} regular workday for him stretches from 5 a.m. to 7 or 8 p.m., typically with out meal breaks. Of that point, 5 to 6 hours are spent ready to be dispatched or for containers to be picked up or offloaded on the port, rail yards or warehouses.

“We don’t receives a commission till the truck begins transferring,” he says. “We don’t qualify for extra time pay, we go with out lunches or lavatory breaks. Supposedly we’re very expert staff, with a excessive quantity of coaching to do that crucial job. However the pay and the therapy are simply not including up.”

Avalos’ expertise with XPO was lined in a case the Teamsters introduced in opposition to XPO earlier than the Nationwide Labor Relations Board in 2015.

Christine E. Dibble, the NLRB administrative regulation decide listening to the case, present in 2018 that the corporate had denied him an $18,000 mortgage to restore his truck; based mostly on firm communications entered into proof, she concluded that the mortgage was denied as a result of Avalos was concerned in union organizing for the Teamsters.

Dibble ordered XPO to make the mortgage and pay Avalos for the interval he had been unable to work, however by the point her order was made remaining final yr, his truck had been repossessed.

Advertisement

Based on an estimate by the Nationwide Employment Regulation Mission, drivers designated as impartial contractors earn almost 20% lower than these designated as staff. In 2014, when the estimate was developed from business analyses and driver surveys, median pretax earnings had been $35,000 for driver-employees, and $28,783
for “impartial contractors.”

That yr, in line with the report, about two-thirds of the 75,000 port drivers nationwide had been misclassified as impartial contractors.

Given a mean work week of 59 hours, the bigger sum works out to about $11.40 an hour, and the smaller sum about $9.40. In California, that wouldn’t qualify as minimal wage in the present day.

A 2019 report by the UC Berkeley Labor Heart discovered that about 30% of long-haul drivers had been additionally probably misclassified. There the divergence of revenue was additionally notable, with long-haul worker drivers incomes a bit greater than a median $53,000 in 2018, and contractors incomes a median $44,520. Driver employment total is about 1.75 million, in line with the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

We’ve written earlier than in regards to the injustices that truck drivers face of their work on the ports.

Advertisement

The overwhelming majority of the roughly 14,000 common truck drivers on the ports of Los Angeles and Lengthy Seashore are labeled by their bosses as impartial contractors. They should shoulder the prices of working and sustaining their autos, together with repairs, tires, gasoline and insurance coverage.

Because of a state rule requiring low-emissions autos on the ports, many have needed to borrow the $80,000 or so wanted to buy new vans, typically taking loans from the transport corporations. That association, driver advocates say, makes them extra subservient to the bosses and locations them in such deep hock to the businesses that some are within the crimson even after a full week of labor.

They’re additionally weak to systematic wage theft. Simply final October, XPO agreed to pay $30 million to 784 drivers to settle federal courtroom class motion lawsuits alleging that two subsidiaries had intentionally misclassified drivers as impartial contractors and paid the drivers less-than-legal wages, did not pay them for missed meal and relaxation intervals, and did not reimburse them for enterprise bills or for waiting-time penalties.

“We imagine our classifications are authorized,” XPO Spokesman Joseph Checkler informed me. He notes that underneath the settlement, the corporate denied all legal responsibility and wasn’t required to reclassify the drivers as staff.

These situations prompted the California Legislature to label the ports’ short-haul drivers “the final American sharecroppers, held in debt servitude and dealing dangerously lengthy hours for little pay.”

Advertisement

The language is embodied within the textual content of a 2021 state regulation that makes transport shoppers, together with main retailers reminiscent of Goal, Dwelling Depot, Lowe’s and Walmart, collectively liable with many transport corporations for things like unpaid wages and unreimbursed bills owed to drivers.

“Individuals say there’s a scarcity of drivers,” says Ron Herrera, director of the port division for the Teamsters, which has fought a protracted battle to unionize drivers. “However there’s a scarcity of excellent jobs.”

The impartial contractor vs. worker debate has been a political shuttlecock for years. To some extent, it dates again to 1980, when the trucking business was deregulated and new corporations — usually nonunion — flooded into the market.

The Obama-era NLRB considerably narrowed employers’ latitude to make use of the dodge. Trump’s NLRB overturned that coverage; and Biden’s NLRB has signaled strongly that it’s returning to the Obama guidelines.

The back-and-forth performed out within the Teamsters’ 2015 case in opposition to XPO. In her 2018 ruling, Dibble took be aware of the ten elements the board mentioned needs to be thought-about in deciding an worker’s standing and located that seven weighed in favor of discovering that the drivers had been staff.

Advertisement

Amongst them had been that XPO exerted important management over the drivers’ work, that the drivers had been performing work central to XPO’s enterprise, and that in most respects XPO unilaterally set drivers’ compensation.

The ruling was essential as a result of it successfully allowed the employees to unionize — impartial contractors, not like staff, aren’t entitled to the unionization rights embodied in federal regulation. The ruling lined about 130 drivers at XPO’s terminal within the Metropolis of Commerce, however as a blow in opposition to the misclassifications or staff as contractors, it was much more important.

When Trump’s NLRB overturned the earlier coverage, Dibble was instructed to rethink her 2018 ruling. She did so, and reaffirmed it.

In California, the 2019 regulation often called AB 5 considerably narrowed the circumstances underneath which staff may very well be labeled as impartial contractors relatively than staff. Rideshare and supply corporations paid closely in 2020 to cross Proposition 22, which exempted them from the principles, however trucking corporations on the port weren’t lined.

That’s why transport corporations and different companies requested Newsom to droop AB 5 “till the availability chain has normalized.” Newsom didn’t chunk.

Advertisement

What’s typically neglected is who pays the prices of misclassification by transport corporations.

“They’re getting cash off the backs of drivers, off the taxpayers, off the excessive highway employers who comply with the regulation,” says Julie Gutman Dickinson, a Los Angeles lawyer who has scored a string of courthouse victories over misclassifying corporations through the years. Drivers are denied truthful wages and job protections; taxpayers lose out on payroll taxes and get caught with the prices of unemployment, incapacity providers and staff compensation; and law-abiding employers should compete with rivals working on a budget.

Misclassification additionally has environmental implications. “This phase of the trucking business has the bottom compliance charges with California’s present clear car laws,” the UC Berkeley report noticed. The report discovered compliance charges of 61% with the state’s low-emission truck and bus laws, “in comparison with 83% for big corporations that instantly make use of truck drivers.”

The burdens of noncompliance falls disproportionately on communities of coloration that are inclined to cluster close to the ports and alongside closely trafficked truck routes, the report acknowledged.

However repeated rulings that drivers meet all of the {qualifications} to be labeled as staff, the transport corporations are nonetheless preventing ferociously to maintain the impartial contractor dodge alive. XPO has requested the NLRB to reject a petition by the Teamsters to signify about 250 drivers in San Diego and Commerce, on the grounds that they’re not staff. The case is being heard by an NLRB administrative regulation decide in Los Angeles.

Advertisement

“We predict the proof will present that XPO Cartage correctly classifies the owner-operators and impartial contractors with whom it contracts,” Checkler says.

Dickinson says that what’s particularly irritating is that staff’ victories in courtroom and earlier than regulators haven’t prompted the businesses to adjust to the rulings. “Each time they lose or settle a case, they flip round and proceed to misclassify.”

The tide could also be turning, nevertheless. The latest XPO settlement hints on the prices that noncompliant corporations might face. California legal guidelines making shoppers liable for his or her transport corporations’ violations might immediate them to put stress on the corporations to conform. The Biden-era NLRB seems inclined to implement a joint-liability commonplace.

“Misclassification has been a pervasive downside for years and years,” Dickinson says. “Now it’s reaching a tipping level.”

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

Business

Read the Letter to Sullivan & Cromwell

Published

on

Read the Letter to Sullivan & Cromwell

300 New Jersey Avenue, N.W., Suite 900
Washington, D.C. 20001
Phone: 202-465-8728
July 30, 2024
Joseph C. Shenker Esq.
Sullivan & Cromwell LLP
125 Broad Street
New York, NY 10004
Re: Blacklisting detractors of the Israeli government provoked by the indiscriminate Israeli
killings of infants, children, women, and men in Gaza, including a siege openly earmarked by no
water, no food, no shelter, no power, no medicine, no journalists.
Dear Mr. Shenker:
This letter responds to your remarks reported in The New York Times, “A Wall Street Law Firm
Wants to Define Consequences of Israel Protests,” by Emily Flitter (July 9, 2024).
Speaking as a leader of Sullivan & Cromwell, you stated all applicants for employment would be
vetted for lawful statements, actions, or beliefs that your law firm defines as antisemitic,
including mingling with pro-Palestinian demonstrators chanting “From the river to the sea,
Palestine will be free.” Will Sullivan & Cromwell establish an Index of Forbidden words, songs,
signs, or sayings that would be off limits to any of the firm’s employees?
We are concerned about the absence of due process safeguards that could destroy an applicant’s
professional career in addition to Sullivan & Cromwell’s apparent complacency with hiring
lawyers who engage in hate speech or violence against Arabs or other races. Doesn’t that
discrepancy smack of George Orwell’s Animal Farm, “All animals are equal, but some or more
equal than others?” Is Sullivan & Cromwell, now in its 145th year, seeking to make amends from
its earlier history of notorious discrimination against Jews until the 1950s, not to mention biases
against Muslims and Arabs?
There is no articulable definition of verbal antisemitism free from manipulation for ulterior
purposes. Sullivan & Cromwell seems to equate anti-Zionism with antisemitism. But renowned
scholars of Judaism like Allan C. Brownfeld insist that Zionism is a form of political idolatry that
elevates worship of the State above worship of the Torah and God. Would Sullivan & Cromwell
hire Mr. Brownfeld?
Will Sullivan & Cromwell provide applicants a fair warning of what words or acts will be treated
as antisemitic? What will be Sullivan & Cromwell’s standard of proof? Reasonable suspicion,
probable cause, a preponderance, clear and convincing, beyond a reasonable doubt, or non-
fantastic speculation? What rules of evidence will govern the antisemitism vetting? Will hearsay
be admitted? How will documents be authenticated? Will applicants have a right to counsel to
voice objections and a right to confront their accusers? Who will do the vetting? What selection

Continue Reading

Business

Fred Segal closes its remaining stores, ending a Los Angeles fashion era

Published

on

Fred Segal closes its remaining stores, ending a Los Angeles fashion era

Fred Segal, once a centerpiece to the Los Angeles fashion scene, closed its two remaining stores Tuesday, bringing a quiet end — at least for now — to a name that endured for decades as a shopping destination.

The brand, which once had nine stores in California and locations in Switzerland and Taipei, succumbed to a challenging retail landscape, never recovering from the impact the COVID-19 pandemic had on sales despite being a fixture of Los Angeles fashion since the 1960s, said owner Jeff Lotman.

When Lotman bought the company in 2019, he said he had no plans to run the day-to-day operations of the stores, but was forced into the role by the pandemic.

“Everything just fell apart and then I sort of had to become a retailer, which is not what I planned to do,” he said. “I knew nothing about retail.”

Instead, Lotman, who owns the brand licensing company Global Icons, had aspired to oversee a dramatic expansion of the Fred Segal brand that was supposed to include around 20 new shops in major cities across the country and a move into home decor and accessories.

Advertisement

“It’s not that retail is dying,” Lotman said at the time. “Boring retail is dying.”

The marquee name first appeared in 1961, when Fred Segal opened a small shop in West Hollywood, which grew into a cultural touchstone interwoven into the identity of Los Angeles. Its high-end, California-inspired line of clothes included bikinis, denim shorts and tank tops, often blending luxury with a laid-back look.

The company made its way into popular culture, getting referenced in shows like “Beverly Hills, 90210” and “Dawson’s Creek” and attracting celebrity customers such as Jennifer Aniston and Diana Ross.

Before the pandemic, Lotman said, the company had pending deals to open stores in Dubai, Canada and Japan. The two stores closing Tuesday are in West Hollywood and Malibu.

“Sixty years the company’s been around and it’s a shame that it’s finally coming to a close,” Lotman said.

Advertisement

One of the company’s downfalls was not having enough self-branded products, Lotman said. Fred Segal stores carried close to 200 outside brands but had few of their own offerings.

“That’s really what we needed to develop to make this thing work,” Lotman said. “Retail is hard and being a multi-brand retailer is even harder.”

While the majority of the Fred Segal empire is shut down, including its online store, a Fred Segal Home furnishings store will remain open in Culver City.

The Segal family owns the Fred Segal trademark, said Lotman, who was licensing the trademark. Any decision about whether to open new stores or begin selling online again would be up to them, he said.

Larry Russ, the family’s attorney, said this is not the end of the road for the brand, but could not share more information.

Advertisement

“We are going to be looking for a new operator to open up more stores in the future,” he said.

Lotman said he isn’t aware of any concrete plans to reopen business, but he’s optimistic.

“Hopefully someone may pick it back up and get it to go,” he said. “It is truly one of the great fashion brands out there.”

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Business

L.A. consumer group calls FAIR Plan insurance reforms an industry 'bailout'

Published

on

L.A. consumer group calls FAIR Plan insurance reforms an industry 'bailout'

A new law that could force homeowners across California to cover billions of dollars of insurer losses caused by a catastrophic wildfire is generating pushback from a leading consumer group, which has called it an industry “bailout.”

State Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara announced Friday he had reached an agreement with the California FAIR Plan that would allow losses suffered by the state’s insurer of last resort to be recouped by surcharges on residential and commercial insurance policies statewide in an “extreme worst case scenario.”

The FAIR Plan, which insures property owners who cannot get or afford traditional policies, is backed by licensed insurers such as State Farm and Allstate. As the program is structured, they are on the hook to pay claims if the FAIR Plan runs through its reserves, reinsurance and catastrophe bonds.

Under Lara’s agreement, if that happens and those insurers suffer large losses, they could seek to be reimbursed by their own policyholders. The deal allow insurers that are assessed by the FAIR Plan to cover up to $1 billion in residential losses and up to $1 billion in commercial losses to ask the insurance commissioner to allow them to surcharge their policyholders for half of the assessed amounts. They also could seek surcharges on policyholders for 100% of losses that exceed those limits. Homeowners would not be surcharged for commercial losses.

“It’s outrageous and outside the law for the insurance commissioner to force consumers to bail out home insurance companies and then call that consumer protection,” said Carmen Balber, executive director of Los Angeles-based Consumer Watchdog.

Advertisement

Gabriel Sanchez, Lara’s press secretary, defended the agreement, saying, “It would be easy to listen to the elites and the entrenched interests defending a system that clearly isn’t working. Commissioner Lara is focused on hearing from the public, following the data and creating realistic, long-lasting solutions for everyone in this state.”

The FAIR Plan assessment is the latest element of Lara’s Sustainable Insurance Strategy, a package of executive actions intended to stabilize the California market, which has seen insurers stop writing new policies and decline to renew existing policies amid a sharp increase in claims for wildfires damage.

Just this week, firefighters are battling the massive Park fire in Butte, Tehama and Shasta counties, where 100 structures have been destroyed, 4,200 were threatened and 26,000 people were forced to evacuate as of Monday. It is the sixth-largest fire in state history.

As insurers have pulled back from high-fire risk neighborhoods, the number of residential FAIR Plan policies has more than doubled since 2019 to about 408,000 as of June. Commercial policies similarly increased to 11,026.

The FAIR Plan has a market share under 4%. Policyholders are concentrated in canyons, hillsides and other high-risk neighborhoods, vulnerable to fire and catastrophic insurance losses. The plan’s loss exposure was $393 billion as of June, even though the plan’s policies are more limited than those available through the regular commercial market.

Advertisement

Lara said Friday in a release announcing the agreement that “modernizing the FAIR Plan is a crucial step in our strategy to stabilize California’s insurance market.”

The FAIR Plan’s financial risk is overwhelmingly due to its residential policies, which account for about 95% of its $393 billion in total loss exposure, according to the insurer.

The Insurance Department downplayed a worst-case scenario, noting that even the 2018 Camp fire in Butte County that ravaged the town of Paradise, destroying or damaging more than 19,000 structures and causing some $16.5 billion in damage, did not deplete the FAIR Plan‘s reserves.

The Insurance Department contended that the agreement was actually favorable to consumers because under current law there is nothing prohibiting the insurers from seeking policyholder assessments on all FAIR Plan losses they must cover.

“The agreement … requires insurance companies to share the burden, something not clearly outlined before. That protects consumers by providing predictability which leads to stability,” Sanchez said.

Advertisement

Balber disputed that reading of the law and said Lara has not been able to get legislative authority for the insurer policyholder assessments, so he proceeded under questionable executive authority. “We have several questions about the legality of this proposal and are looking into it,” she said.

Consumer Watchdog has called for requiring insurers to offer policies in wildfire-prone neighborhoods to homeowners who have taken steps to reduce fire risks on their property as the best method to reduce enrollment in the FAIR Plan and stabilize the state’s insurance market.

Another key element of Lara’s FAIR Plan reforms call for the insurer to offer greater commercial coverage — up to $20 million per structure and $100 million for any one location.

Dan Dunmoyer, chief executive of the California Building Industry Assn., said the trade group has been seeking higher commercial coverage limits due to the rise of insurance premiums, which have slowed the construction of condominium complexes that builders insure.

He estimated that astronomical insurance rate increases have slowed condo construction by about 70% in the last 12 months, with fewer than 6,000 units built.

Advertisement

“Our view on this is: Get some competition in the marketplace, expand commercial coverage, let us build the most affordable for sale homes in California, which are condos,” he said.

The American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., an industry trade group, called Lara’s plan “an important step toward restoring the FAIR Plan’s financial stability and ensuring consumers have access to the coverage they need.”

The deal reached by Lara with the FAIR Plan is a binding legal stipulation and it requires the insurer to develop a “Plan of Operation” within 30 days detailing how it will carry out the agreement. It has 120 days to submit a rate plan for offering the higher commercial coverage.

The FAIR Plan was sued last week by four California residents who claim its policies offer subpar coverage for fire and smoke damage. The proposed class-action lawsuit seeks to represent more than 300,000 of the plan’s residential policyholders. The plan also is facing a lawsuit from more than 1,000 homeowners in Los Angeles who say the plan wrongly denied their claims.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Trending