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California is making restaurants tell the truth about prices. Will it give you sticker shock?

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California is making restaurants tell the truth about prices. Will it give you sticker shock?

California restaurants finally have their answer: They, too, must comply with a new state law that bans unadvertised fees, surcharges and other costs tacked onto the end of the bill.

Starting July 1, restaurants will join thousands of other California businesses, including event ticket sellers, short-term rental apps, hotels and food delivery services, that are required to include all mandatory fees and charges in the prices they display or advertise.

The state attorney general’s office gave conflicting statements in the weeks after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the measure into law last year, telling some news outlets that restaurants could continue to keep their current prices while listing any surcharges on their menus, and others that the surcharges had to be included in the prices themselves.

On Wednesday Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta’s office released a set of guidelines to clarify that issue and answer other questions about how businesses must comply with the new law. Bonta sponsored the measure, Senate Bill 478, along with its co-authors, state Sens. Bill Dodd (D-Napa) and Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley).

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For restaurants, that means it will no longer be enough to just list service charges and surcharges on a bill or a menu’s fine print. Instead, these charges must be included in the prices printed on the menu.

For example, a $20 mole enchilada at a restaurant that levies a 5% fee to cover employee health costs will have to be listed on the menu as a $21 mole enchilada. And a flier advertising a $10 lunch buffet at a restaurant that adds a mandatory 10% “service charge” will have to refer to the offer as an $11 lunch buffet.

In a statement, the Golden Gate Restaurant Assn. said Bonta’s guidelines “will create significant challenges for the restaurant industry moving forward.”

The association, which advocates for the restaurant industry, argues that by prohibiting the longtime practice of using service charges to increase staff pay or cover the cost of local ordinances — such as San Francisco’s requirement that businesses spend at least a minimum amount on healthcare services — the law will compound the problems faced by an already struggling industry.

“Diners will not pay less, instead they will see significant menu price increases, which we believe will further cause them to pull back on dining out,” the statement said. “Not only will restaurants struggle, but workers will lose hours and jobs.”

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With few exceptions, businesses of all sorts across California will not be able to advertise, display or offer a price for their goods or services that does not include all of the “mandatory fees or charges” other than government-imposed taxes or fees or reasonable shipping costs, according to the measure’s authors.

“Put simply, the price a Californian sees should be the price they pay,” Bonta’s office said in a news release.

The new law doesn’t dictate what companies charge for their goods or services. Businesses will still be able to set prices, but the posted price will need to match the full amount a customer will see on their final bill.

Though businesses can exclude taxes and shipping charges, handling fees must be included. In other words, actual postage or delivery charges can be excluded, while the cost of pulling an item off a shelf and taking it to a shipping company has to be included in its advertised price.

Separate fees for optional services or features do not need to be advertised. This could extend to a bevy of industries and services — for example, the amount an airline charges for a seat upgrade or checked bags.

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What about late fees or extra charges for customers who smoke in a hotel room? Because those charges can be avoided, they do not have to be advertised, according to the guidelines from Bonta’s office.

Businesses will not be allowed to skirt the law by advertising one price and then letting customers know that additional fees might be added later. A business can, however, list the full price of its product and provide customers a breakdown of all the fees that are included.

Bonta also offered some guidance for businesses that say they do not know up front what the final cost will be once their work is done. Such businesses “should wait to display a price until they know how much they will charge,” the guidelines say.

This could affect how live music fans interact with ticket sellers for concerts and other live events. The nonprofit watchdog Consumer Reports noted that hidden fees can increase the price of live-event tickets by 30% to 40%.

Live Nation Entertainment, parent company of ticketing giant Ticketmaster, said in a statement that it supported SB 478 and has already offered all-in pricing at some venues and festivals across the country. “Unfortunately, we routinely see resellers defy state laws requiring all-in pricing which confuses and harms fans, so we strongly encourage regulatory scrutiny to ensure compliance across the industry,” the company said.

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The Virginia-based Travel Technology Assn., a global network of online travel agents, said it views transparency as a top priority but opposed SB 478 and would rather see a uniform national standard for regulations on lodging prices.

“We take this position to create uniformity and certainty for lodging operators, travel technology companies, and most of all, travelers, who will have a better understanding of what is included in advertised prices for trips both in and out of their home state,” President and Chief Executive Laura Chadwick said in a statement.

The online travel company Expedia opposed the bill for similar reasons.

In response to the argument, Bonta said that California does not need to wait for federal action to ensure transparency for consumers. The practice of hiding mandatory charges, he said in a statement, “is deceptive and unfair to consumers wherever it occurs — not just in certain industries.”

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How Trump's second presidency could bring more drama to Hollywood

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How Trump's second presidency could bring more drama to Hollywood

Already facing retrenchment and existential concerns about its business model, Hollywood is bracing for more potential volatility from the incoming Trump administration.

While President-elect Donald Trump has not laid out specific plans for the entertainment industry, analysts said his proposed broader policies on global tariffs, as well as the threat of retaliation against companies, could put a chill on Los Angeles’ signature business.

“If I were wealthy today, I would not be buying stock in the entertainment world,” said Stephen Galloway, dean of Chapman University’s Dodge College of Film and Media Arts. “There’s going to be a lot of turbulence.”

California Gov. Gavin Newsom recently proposed upping the annual cap on state film and TV tax credits to $750 million, from its current total of $330 million. He and others have called for the federal government to step in and keep the U.S. competitive in global production.

But it’s unlikely that Trump would throw the film and TV business a lifeline, especially in any way that could help Newsom and deep-blue California.

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“Let’s face it, liberal Hollywood is the enemy,” Galloway said. “Even though this is a guy who made his name in entertainment, he’s not going to be a pro-entertainment-industry politician.”

Many Hollywood stars and executives were vocal backers of the Democratic nominee, Vice President Kamala Harris, lending her their endorsements and their pocketbooks after pushing for President Biden to withdraw from the race.

Some executives hedged their bets, though. Warner Bros. Discovery Chief Executive David Zaslav demurred when asked this summer whom he supported for president, saying he preferred someone who would pave the way for more consolidation.

On Thursday, the Motion Picture Assn. trade group, which lobbies on behalf of the studios, congratulated Trump and the incoming Congress on their victories.

“We look forward to working with them on a wide range of important issues for the film, TV, and streaming industry, which supports more than 2.7 million American jobs, boosts more than 240,000 businesses in cities and small towns across the country, and delivers over $242 billion in wages to our workforce each year,” the group said in a statement.

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Analysts were also concerned about the effect a potential tariff war could have on the entertainment industry.

If Trump follows through with his threats of global tariffs, nations like China could ban U.S. imports, including film and TV shows, which would dent the already-reeling distribution market, Galloway said. During Trump’s first term, the president’s trade war with China was partly blamed for derailing Hollywood’s relationship with the country.

The potential for retaliation could also be a problem, said Kevin Klowden, executive director of the Milken finance institute.

As a candidate, Trump railed against CBS and said he wanted the network’s broadcast license pulled for editing one of Harris’ answers during her interview on “60 Minutes.” The news program has flatly denied allegations of deceptive editing to help Harris.

That type of directive would likely get tied up in the courts, but “it’s the threat that becomes the issue,” Klowden said.

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Films and TV shows that paint Trump in a negative light run the risk of drawing his ire, which could then affect their parent companies, Galloway said. Media and entertainment giants might be wary of the situation Walt Disney Co. found itself in after it battled Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis over the state’s so-called Don’t Say Gay anti-LGBTQ legislation.

Recently, the Trump biopic “The Apprentice” struggled to find a distributor after the former president’s team threatened legal action. The film fared poorly at the U.S. box office.

More conservative media, on the other hand, could see a boost in their stock, including the Murdoch family-owned News Corp., which publishes the New York Post, Wall Street Journal and Investor’s Business Daily, and Fox Corp., parent company of Trump’s favored Fox News.

“Back in the day, studios were little companies making movies,” Galloway said. “Now they’re cogs in enormous, multinational operations where one domino suddenly sends 50 others falling.”

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AI startup funding hit a record in L.A. area last quarter. Here's who got the most money

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AI startup funding hit a record in L.A. area last quarter. Here's who got the most money

The Bay Area has long held the title for attracting the most venture capital funding in the nation, and that naturally includes the hot market for artificial intelligence startups. After all, San Francisco is home to some of the most prominent AI players, including ChatGPT maker OpenAI.

But the Greater L.A. area is growing its presence in this space. The region broke a record in the third quarter, capturing $1.8 billion in VC investment for AI startups with a total of 31 deals, according to a new report by research firm CB Insights. L.A. ranked as the second-biggest market for AI investments, up from the second quarter, in which it ranked behind Silicon Valley, New York and Boston.

The big bump came mostly from a single deal: a $1.5-billion funding round for Costa Mesa-based defense technology firm Anduril Industries, the report said. The deal, which was announced in August, was led by Founders Fund and Sands Capital. The round valued the seven-year-old business at $14 billion.

Anduril, which manufactures autonomous weapons systems, including submarine drones, has said it would use the additional investment “to increase hiring, enhance processes, upgrade tooling, increase resiliency in its supply chain and expand infrastructure.” The company, co-founded by entrepreneur Palmer Luckey, has signed more than $1 billion in public contracts with the U.S. and allied governments. His company and other tech businesses that serve the defense industry are expected to get a boost from the incoming Trump administration.

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For years, L.A. has been working to build itself as a major home for innovative technology, even at one point marketing the region as “Silicon Beach.” Some hope that AI can help boost Southern California as a tech destination, especially with applications in areas such as manufacturing, entertainment and healthcare.

“L.A. is definitely becoming a serious tech hub,” said Ivan Nikkhoo, a managing partner with Navigate Ventures, adding that the area has plenty of schools providing engineering talent and a lot of networking events. “All the elements are there.”

While Los Angeles is the epicenter of entertainment, where AI is expected to have serious ramifications, much of the recent tech investment was focused on other industries, including healthcare.

Startups in the L.A. region that raised significant capital in the quarter included Regard, a business that is offering an AI-powered clinical insights platform for doctors. The firm raised $61 million. Another healthcare-based company, Pearl, which creates artificial intelligence tools to help read dental patient X-rays, raised $58 million — which the company says is the biggest investment ever in dental AI.

Pictor Labs, a West Los Angeles-based startup spun off from the UCLA engineering school, raised $30 million in the third quarter, bringing its total venture capital investment so far to about $49 million. Pictor Labs uses AI to quickly analyze tissue samples digitally. The startup says it could save pathology labs significant time and resources, as well as reduce labs’ footprint in toxic reagents.

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“It shows the strong interest and support of our investors for AI-driven solutions, particularly in the healthcare sector,” said Pictor Labs Chief Executive Yair Rivenson. The funding will help grow the company’s 24-member staff and accelerate its product development, Rivenson said.

AI startups globally saw the number of deals increase to 1,245 in the third quarter, up 24% from the previous quarter, indicating investor interest remains strong in the category, according to CB Insights. Overall venture deals declined 10% compared with the previous quarter, the research firm said. In the L.A. area, venture capital investments bucked national trends, rising 38% compared with the second quarter.

The U.S. market captured 68% of the global venture capital funding in AI companies, with Silicon Valley taking up roughly half of that amount.

Hollywood studios are in discussion with companies such as OpenAI to potentially license video footage to train AI models. And last month, L.A. residents got a sneak peek at what that could look like at a generative AI film competition in Culver City.

The so-called Culver Cup competition, which was hosted by Amazon’s AWS Startups and L.A.-based tech firm FBRC.ai, showcased eight films that were created with AI tools. The winning film was a narrative that explored how food helped an elderly woman with dementia remember her life with her late husband. Judges noted that the top films honed in on truly human stories.

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AI is particularly controversial in Hollywood, where entertainment industry unions have fought hard for protections against digital automation that could kill jobs.

“People are really fearful about what they don’t know,” said Todd Terrazas, co-founder of FBRC.ai. “Having these types of showcases help show people what is possible today with these tools.”

Terrazas said he has noticed more investments in the area’s AI startups during the last two years. L.A. has an edge over other cities’ AI communities in entertainment, media, aerospace, manufacturing and gaming, he said.

“I think it’s really us leaning into our strengths with the industries that are prominent here in Los Angeles and doubling down on building these new startups,” he said.

There will also be an AI International Film Festival, screening around 20 short films, held at the Los Feliz Theatre next month.

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Fed cuts interest rates again, but Trump's victory makes future path much murkier

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Fed cuts interest rates again, but Trump's victory makes future path much murkier

The Federal Reserve cut interest rates for a second straight time Thursday in an effort to keep the economy sailing along by easing the high borrowing costs it engineered to fight inflation. But going forward the Fed’s rate path looks very uncertain as policymakers must contend with a big new unknown: the policies and politics of a second Trump presidential term.

Thursday’s quarter-percentage-point reduction in the Fed’s benchmark rate was expected. It comes on the heels of a half-point cut in September, when the central bank pivoted to loosen monetary policy after having held its key rate at a two-decade high of 5.33% for months to throttle back inflation.

“The economy is strong overall,” said Jerome H. Powell, the Fed’s chair, at a news conference after a two-day meeting. “The labor market has cooled from its formerly overheated state and remains solid. Inflation has eased substantially.”

Although inflation remains a bit higher than the Fed’s 2% target, prices have come down sharply from their highs in 2022. Fed officials had previously signaled Thursday’s rate cut and another one in December, followed by several more next year.

The Fed eventually wants to get to a point where interest rates are neither stimulating nor restricting the economy, as they are now. That’s seen as happening with a rate of about 3%.

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“We’re trying to steer between the risk of moving too quickly and perhaps undermining our progress on inflation or moving too slowly and allowing the labor market to weaken too much,” Powell said. “We’re trying to be on a middle path where we can maintain the strength in the labor market while also enabling further progress on inflation.”

But with Trump’s victory, the Fed’s balancing act may get a lot harder.

Economists see risks on two fronts: If Trump follows through on his campaign promises to lower taxes, levy across-the-board tariffs on foreign goods and undertake mass deportations, thereby shrinking the labor supply, he could spur economic growth but also reignite inflation in the process, forcing the Fed to pull back on its rate-cutting plans.

The prospect of stronger growth, especially for corporations, was largely behind the huge rally on Wall Street after Trump’s sweeping win. The Dow, which surged more than 1,500 points Wednesday, or up 3.6%, closed unchanged. The broader Standard & Poor’s 500 index extended its gains, rising 0.74%; and the Nasdaq climbed 1.5%.

But even as the Fed has lowered rates, mortgage rates have edged a bit higher recently, along with long-term bond yields, reflecting what some see as expectations for higher inflation and interest rates down the road. If that trend continues, it could further complicate Fed decisions, especially because housing costs seem to be a top concern for people.

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“The rise in long-term rates and mortgages is kind of offsetting some of the oomph of the Fed’s rate cuts,” said Ryan Sweet, chief U.S. economist at Oxford Economics.

“We’re watching that,” Powell said when asked about higher long-term bond yields, which move in tandem with mortgage rates. But, he added, “it’s too early to say where they settle. If they’re persistent and they’re material, we’ll certainly take them into account.”

The second risk is the politics of a reelected president who has often challenged the traditional independence of the central bank and the mainstream economics of Powell.

In Trump’s first term, he at times publicly hectored Powell and his advisors pushed him to resign, though it was Trump who appointed him. The Fed and financial markets consider the central bank’s independence sacrosanct for sound economic policymaking.

Without commenting on Trump, Rodney Ramcharan, a former Fed economist who is now professor of finance and business economics at USC’s Marshall School of Business, said that “a feature of authoritarian governments is an erosion of norms and institutions.” And he noted that political pressure could be applied in public or privately.

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“He likes low interest rates,” Christopher Rupkey, chief economist at Fwdbonds, an economic and market research firm in New York, said of Trump. “There could be more jawboning to get rates lower and to get stronger growth.”

And if he doesn’t get what he wants, Rupkey said, Trump could replace Powell when his term expires in May 2026. “One of the wild card factors is, he gets someone in there that would be amenable to pushing rates even lower.”

Powell has long insisted that the Fed makes its decision without consideration of politics. Asked on Thursday whether he would resign if president-elect Trump asked him to, Powell replied, “No.”

For now, analysts expect the Fed to stay on its rate-cutting course, shaving another quarter of a percentage point from its main interest rate at its December meeting.

But since Trump’s sweeping victory, odds have increased that Fed officials will pause next month or early next year as they wait to see what a second Trump administration might mean for fiscal policies and the economy.

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Powell said that the Fed’s decisions will continue to be data driven and that it’s too early to say how the economy might evolve.

“In the near term, the election will have no effects on our policy decisions,” he said. “Here, we don’t know what the timing and substance of any policy changes will be. We therefore don’t know what the effects on the economy will be, specifically whether and to what extent those policies would matter in the achievement for our goal variables, maximum employment and price stability.

“We don’t guess, we don’t speculate and we don’t assume,” he said.

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