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Biden Signs Climate, Health Bill Into Law as Other Economic Goals Remain

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Biden Signs Climate, Health Bill Into Law as Other Economic Goals Remain

WASHINGTON — President Biden signed into legislation a landmark tax, well being and vitality invoice on Tuesday that takes important steps towards fulfilling his objective to modernize the American economic system and scale back its dependence on fossil fuels.

The huge laws will decrease prescription drug prices for seniors on Medicare, lengthen federal subsidies for medical insurance and scale back the federal deficit. It’ll additionally assist electrical utilities change to lower-emission sources of vitality and encourage People to purchase electrical automobiles via tax credit.

What it doesn’t do, nevertheless, is present employees with lots of the different sweeping financial modifications that Mr. Biden pledged would assist People earn extra and benefit from the comforts of a middle-class life.

Mr. Biden signed the invoice, which Democrats name the Inflation Discount Act, within the State Eating Room on the White Home. He and his allies forged the success of the laws as little in need of a miracle, given it required greater than a 12 months of intense negotiations amongst congressional Democrats. In his remarks, Mr. Biden proclaimed victory as he signed a compromise invoice that he referred to as “the largest step ahead on local weather ever” and “a godsend to many households” battling prescription drug prices.

“The invoice I’m about to signal is not only about immediately; it’s about tomorrow. It’s about delivering progress and prosperity to American households,” Mr. Biden stated.

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Administration officers say Mr. Biden has handed much more of his financial agenda than they may have probably hoped for, given Republican opposition to a lot of his agenda on taxes and spending and razor-thin Democratic majorities within the Home and Senate. His wins embrace a $1.9 trillion financial rescue plan final 12 months designed to get employees and companies via the pandemic and a pair of bipartisan payments geared toward American competitiveness: a $1 trillion infrastructure invoice and $280 billion in spending to spur home semiconductor manufacturing and counter China.

However there may be little dispute that Mr. Biden has been unable to steer lawmakers to associate with considered one of his largest financial objectives: investing in employees, households, college students and different individuals.

Each elements of the equation — modernizing the bodily spine of the economic system and empowering its employees — are essential for Mr. Biden’s imaginative and prescient for the way a extra assertive federal authorities can pace financial development and guarantee its spoils are extensively shared.

In a warming world with elevated financial competitors from typically adversarial nations, Mr. Biden considers funding in low-emission vitality sources and superior manufacturing vital to American companies and the nation’s financial well being.

Mr. Biden additionally sees human funding as essential. The American economic system stays dominated by service industries like eating places and drugs. Its restoration from the pandemic recession has been stunted, partially, by breakdowns in help for a number of the employees who ought to be powering these industries’ revival. The associated fee and availability of kid care alone is protecting many potential employees sidelined, resulting in an abundance of unfilled job openings and costing enterprise homeowners cash.

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But Mr. Biden has to this point been unable to ship on lots of the applications he proposed to assist People steadiness work duties with care for youngsters or growing old dad and mom, and to pursue high-quality schooling from a younger age. He couldn’t safe common prekindergarten or free group school tuition. He couldn’t discover help to fund youngster care subsidies or to increase a tax credit score meant to struggle youngster poverty. And his plans to spend a whole lot of billions of {dollars} to increase and enhance house well being companies for seniors and disabled individuals have additionally foundered.

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These omissions add as much as what liberal economists name a missed alternative to assist People work extra and earn extra, and to make the economic system run extra effectively.

Mr. Biden has had extra success in getting Democrats, and a few Republicans, to put money into the bodily economic system and to embrace a extra interventionist view of federal energy, stated Lindsay Owens, govt director of the liberal Groundwork Collaborative in Washington. By embracing industrial coverage and government-induced emissions discount, she stated, “He’s moved to an financial system and an financial agenda the place the federal government is de facto throwing its weight round, placing its thumb on the dimensions,” she stated.

However, she added, “we didn’t get the care agenda. That’s an enormous miss. Till we get inexpensive youngster care, our economic system’s not going to be at full energy.”

In Congress, that agenda, which Mr. Biden largely packed into his “American Households Plan,” at all times confronted a a lot rockier path than the competitiveness efforts in his “American Jobs Plan.” It had nearly no help from Republicans, ruling out the bipartisan path that delivered Mr. Biden wins on infrastructure, analysis and growth and home manufacturing. And it bumped into issues with some Senate Democrats, together with Joe Manchin III of West Virginia, who pushed early for Mr. Biden to restrict the scale and scope of what morphed into the invoice Mr. Biden signed Tuesday.

Opposition from one other vital Senate Democrat, Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, pressured Mr. Biden to drop a lot of what he promised could be an overhaul of the tax code to “reward work, not wealth.” He didn’t, as he repeatedly proposed, find yourself elevating prime marginal earnings tax charges for top earners, or taxing funding returns for millionaires on the identical set of charges as earnings earned from wages, which he had promised would assist scale back financial inequality.

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The laws he signed Tuesday is projected to extend taxes by about $300 billion, largely by imposing new levies on huge companies. The legislation features a new tax on sure company inventory repurchases and a minimal tax on giant corporations that use deductions and different strategies to scale back their tax payments. It additionally bolsters funding for the Inside Income Service in an effort to crack down on tax evasion and accumulate doubtlessly a whole lot of billions of {dollars} which are owed to the federal government however not paid by excessive earners and companies.

These will increase signify solely a small slice of the tax income from companies and excessive earners that Mr. Biden initially provided to fund his agenda.

“On the tax aspect, the president fell far in need of his guarantees,” stated Steve Rosenthal, a senior fellow within the City-Brookings Tax Coverage Heart in Washington. “Alternatively, what he did accomplish was substantial.”

Ben Harris, a marketing campaign financial aide to Mr. Biden who’s now the assistant secretary for financial coverage within the Treasury Division, stated the elevated I.R.S. enforcement in opposition to tax evasion by excessive earners and companies would by itself assist steadiness the tax system in favor of employees.

“The work-not-wealth emphasis was clearly central to his marketing campaign,” Mr. Harris stated, “and throughout the varied insurance policies starting from tax enforcement to the e book minimal tax to inventory buybacks, the president bought quite a lot of wins out of this invoice.”

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Different officers defend Mr. Biden’s achievements, which embrace securing some long-promised applications which are standard with voters however battle to cross in Washington, like lowering prescription drug prices and enhancing infrastructure. They be aware the payments he has signed have sought to make use of federal buying energy to drive up wages and promote unionization.

“Each piece of the puzzle is designed in a method to empower employees, empower people throughout the nation to make a superb dwelling wage,” stated Stefanie Feldman, the coverage director for Mr. Biden’s 2020 marketing campaign who’s now a deputy assistant to the president and senior adviser to the home coverage adviser.

The invoice Mr. Biden signed Tuesday invests $370 billion in spending and tax credit in low-emission types of vitality to struggle local weather change. It’s geared toward serving to the US reduce greenhouse gasoline emissions by an estimated 40 p.c beneath 2005 ranges by 2030. That may put the nation inside putting distance of Mr. Biden’s objective of reducing emissions at the least 50 p.c over that point interval.

It extends federal medical insurance subsidies, permits the federal government to barter prescription drug costs for seniors on Medicare and is predicted to scale back the federal price range deficit by about $300 billion over 10 years. Administration officers name the well being parts essential to hundreds of thousands of employees, and so they say the local weather parts will create high-paying union jobs in an rising clean-energy economic system.

However the local weather provision can be instructive for what Mr. Biden has been unable to ship. Mr. Biden referred to as on Congress to create a civilian local weather corps — what he described in his American Jobs Plan define as a $10 billion effort to create “the following technology of conservation and resilience employees.”

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Patterned after the Civilian Conservation Corps of the Nineteen Thirties, which put greater than three million males to work constructing roads and parks, reducing trails and planting timber throughout the nation, the re-envisioned local weather work drive was a part of a invoice that handed the Home in November.

It was a direct funding in employees. And after Mr. Manchin walked away from that package deal and negotiations restarted this 12 months on a brand new settlement, it was left on the cutting-room ground.

However Mr. Manchin, who hails from a coal state, signed on to a broad swath of different local weather provisions. On Tuesday, Mr. Manchin stood behind Mr. Biden as he signed the invoice and the president nodded to his essential position in getting the compromise package deal handed into legislation.

“Joe,” Mr. Biden stated, “I by no means had a doubt.”

Lisa Friedman, Emily Cochrane and Michael D. Shear contributed reporting.

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In big win for business, Supreme Court dramatically limits rulemaking power of federal agencies

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In big win for business, Supreme Court dramatically limits rulemaking power of federal agencies

In a major victory for business, the Supreme Court on Friday gave judges more power to block new regulations if they are not explicitly authorized by federal law.

The court’s conservative majority overturned a 40-year-old rule that said judges should defer to agencies and their regulations if the law is not clear.

The vote was 6 to 3, with the liberal justices dissenting.

The decision signals a power shift in Washington away from agencies and in favor of the businesses and industries they regulate. It will give business lawyers a stronger hand in challenging new regulations.

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At the same time, it deals a sharp setback to environmentalists, consumer advocates, unions and healthcare regulators. Along with the Biden administration, they argued that judges should defer to agency officials who are experts in their fields and have a duty to enforce the law.

This deference rule, known as the Chevron doctrine, had taken on extraordinary importance in recent decades because Congress has been divided and unable to pass new laws on pressing matters such as climate change, online commerce, hospitals and nursing care and workplace conditions.

Instead, new administrations, and in particular Democratic ones, sought to make change by adopting new regulations based on old laws. For example, the climate change regulations proposed by the Obama and Biden administrations were based on provisions of the Clean Air Act of 1970.

But that strategy depended on judges being willing to defer to the agencies and to reject challenges from businesses and others who maintained the regulations went beyond the law.

The court’s Republican appointees came to the case skeptical of the Chevron doctrine. They fretted about the “administrative state” and argued that unelected federal officials should not be afforded powers typically reserved for lawmakers.

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“Chevron is overruled,” Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. wrote Friday for the majority. “Courts must exercise their independent judgment in deciding whether an agency has acted within its statutory authority.” Judges “may not defer to an agency interpretation of the law simply because a statute is ambiguous,” he added.

In dissent, Justice Elena Kagan said the Chevron rule was crucial “in supporting regulatory efforts of all kinds — to name a few, keeping air and water clean, food and drugs safe, and financial markets honest. And the rule is right,” she said. It now “falls victim to a bald assertion of judicial authority. The majority disdains restraint, and grasps for power.” Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson agreed.

Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) voiced outrage. “In overruling Chevron, the Trump MAGA Supreme Court has once again sided with powerful special interests and giant corporations against the middle class and American families. Their headlong rush to overturn 40 years of precedent and impose their own radical views is appalling.”

Experts said the impact of the ruling may not be clear for some time.

Washington attorney Varu Chilakamarri said the ruling means “industry’s interpretation of the law will be viewed as just as valid as the agency’s. It will be some time before we see the effects of this decision on the lawmaking process, but going forward, agency action will be under even greater scrutiny and there will likely be more opportunities for the regulated community to challenge agency rules and adjudications.”

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In decades past, the Chevron doctrine was supported by prominent conservatives, including the late Justice Antonin Scalia. In the 1980s, he believed it was better to entrust decisions about regulations to agency officials who worked for the president rather than to unelected judges. He was also reflecting an era when Republicans, from Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford to Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, controlled the White House.

But since the 1990s, when Democrat Bill Clinton was president, conservatives have increasingly complained that judges were rubber-stamping new federal regulations.

Business lawyers went in search of an attractive case to challenge the Chevron doctrine, and they found it in the plight of four family-owned fishing boats in New Jersey.

Their case began with a 1976 law that seeks to conserve the stocks of fish. A regulation adopted by the National Marine Fishery Service in 2020 would have required some herring boats to not only carry a federal monitor on board, but also pay the salary of the monitor. Doing so was predicted to cost more than $700 a day, or about 20% of what the fishing boats earned on average.

The regulation had not taken effect, but it was upheld by a federal judge and the D.C. Circuit Court’s appellate judges who deferred to the agency’s interpretation of the law.

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State Farm seeks major rate hikes for California homeowners and renters

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State Farm seeks major rate hikes for California homeowners and renters

State Farm General is seeking to dramatically increase residential insurance rates for millions of Californians, a move that would deepen the state’s ongoing crisis over housing coverage.

In two filings with the state’s Department of Insurance on Thursday signaling financial trouble for the insurance giant, State Farm disclosed it is seeking a 30% rate increase for homeowners; a 36% increase for condo owners; and a 52% increase for renters.

“State Farm General’s latest rate filings raise serious questions about its financial condition,” Ricardo Lara, California’s insurance commissioner, said in a statement. “This has the potential to affect millions of California consumers and the integrity of our residential property insurance market.”

State Farm did not return requests for comment.

Lara noted that nothing immediately changes for policyholders as a result of the filings. His said his department would use all of its “investigatory tools to get to the bottom of State Farm’s financial situation,” including a rate hearing if necessary, before making a decision on whether to approve the requests.

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That process could take months: The department is averaging 180 days for its reviews, and complex cases can take even longer, according to a department spokesperson.

The department has already approved recent State Farm requests for significant home insurance rate increases, including a 6.9% bump in January 2023 and a 20% hike that went into effect in March.

State Farm’s bid to sharply increase home insurance rates seeks to utilize a little-known and rarely used exception to the state’s usual insurance rate-making formula. Typically, such a move signals that an insurance provider is facing serious financial issues.

In one of the filings, State Farm General said the purpose of its request was to restore its financial condition. “If the variance is denied,” the insurer wrote, “further deterioration of surplus is anticipated.”

California is facing an insurance crisis as climate change and extreme weather contribute to catastrophic fires that have destroyed thousands of homes in recent years.

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In March, State Farm announced that it wouldn’t renew 72,000 property owner policies statewide, joining Farmers, Allstate and other companies in either not writing or limiting new policies, or tightening underwriting standards.

The companies blamed wildfires, inflation that raised reconstruction costs, higher prices for reinsurance they buy to boost their balance sheets and protect themselves from catastrophes, as well as outdated state regulations — claims disputed by some consumer advocates.

As insurers have pulled back from the homeowners market, lawmakers in Sacramento are scrambling to make coverage available and affordable for residents living in high-risk areas.

Times staff writer Laurence Darmiento contributed to this report.

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High interest rates are hurting people. Here's why it's worse for Californians

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High interest rates are hurting people. Here's why it's worse for Californians

By the numbers, the overall U.S. economy may look good, but down at the street level the view is a lot grimmer and grittier.

The surge in interest rates imposed by the Federal Reserve to slow inflation has closed like an acrid cloud over would-be homeowners, car buyers, growing families, and businesses new and old, large and small. It has meant missing opportunities, settling for less — and waiting and waiting and waiting.

It’s not that the average American is underwater. It’s that many feel that they’re struggling more than they anticipated and feel more constricted. In the American Dream, if you work hard, things are supposed to get better. Fairly or not, that may be a big part of why so many voters have expressed unhappiness with President Biden’s handling of the economy.

The cost of borrowing, whether for mortgages, credit cards or car loans, is the highest in more than two decades. And that is weighing especially hard on people in California, where housing, gas and many other things are more expensive than in most other states.

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California’s economy also relies more on interest rate-sensitive sectors such as real estate and high tech, which helps explain why the state has been lagging in job growth and its unemployment rate is the highest in the nation.

Harder to budget

When interest rates rise, savers can earn more on their deposits. But in America’s consumer society, for most people higher rates mean that a lot of things cost a little (or a lot) more. That makes it harder to stretch an individual or family budget. It may mean giving up on the nicer car you had your heart set on, or settling for a smaller house, or a shorter, less glamorous vacation.

And with every uptick in interest rates, which is almost inevitably passed on to customers, some have had to give up on a purchase entirely.

Geovanny Panchame, a creative director at an advertising agency, knows these feelings all too well: He thinks often about what could have been if he and his wife had bought the starter home they were planning for in 2020.

Back then, they had been pre-approved at an interest rate of 3.1% — right around the national average — but were outbid several times. They figured they’d wait a few years to save more money for a nicer place.

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Four years later, the couple are still renting an apartment in Culver City — and now they’re expecting their first child.

Pushing to buy a house and get settled before their son is born in December, they recently made an $885,000 offer for a three-bedroom, 1.5-bath home in Inglewood. They plan to put down 10%. At the current average mortgage interest rate of 7%, that would mean a monthly payment of about $5,300 — $1,900 more than if they had an interest rate of 3.1%.

The source of that increase is the Federal Reserve’s power to set basic interest rates, which determines the interest rates for almost everything else in the economy. The Fed’s benchmark rate went up rapidly, from near zero in early 2022 to a generational high of about 5.5%, where it has been for almost a year. The rate has been higher in the past, but after two decades in which it was mostly at rock bottom, most people had gotten used to both very low inflation and low interest rates.

“Clearly, we look back and we probably should have kept going and hopped into something,” Panchame, 39, said. “I’ve been really sacrificing a lot to get to this point to purchase a home and now I just feel like I got here but I didn’t work quick enough because interest rates have gotten the better of me.”

Add property taxes and home insurance, and it’s even more painful for home buyers because those costs have also risen sharply since the COVID-19 pandemic, along with housing prices themselves.

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A typical buyer of a mid-tier home in California, priced at about $785,000 in the spring, was looking at a total housing payment of about $5,900 a month. That’s up from $3,250 in March of 2020 and almost $4,600 in March of 2022, when the Fed began raising interest rates, according to the California Legislative Analyst’s Office.

It wasn’t supposed to work like that: Lifting interest rates as fast and as high as the Fed did, in its effort to curb inflation, should have led to falling home prices.

But that didn’t happen, mainly because relatively few homes came on the market. Most existing homeowners had locked in lower mortgage rates before the surge; selling those houses once interest rates took off would have meant paying higher prices and interest rates on other homes, or bloated rents for apartments.

For most homeowners sitting on the low rates of the past, their financial well-being was further supported by low unemployment and incomes that generally remained on par with inflation or grew a little faster. And many had cushions of savings built up in early phases of the pandemic, thanks partly to government support.

All of which has kept the U.S. economy as a whole humming along, blunting the full effects of higher interest rates.

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“Consumers are doing their job,” said Claire Li, senior analyst at Moody’s Investors Service, though she added that there are now signs of slower spending, evidenced by consumers cutting back on credit card purchases.

Unlike most home loans, credit card interest rates aren’t fixed. And today the average rate has bounced up to almost 22% from 14.6% in 2021, according to Fed data. That’s starting to squeeze more borrowers, adding to their unease.

Rising credit card debt

In California, the 30-day delinquency rate on credit cards is nearing 5% — something not seen since late 2009 around the end of the Great Recession, according to the California Policy Lab at UC Berkeley.

Lower-income and younger borrowers are more prone to falling behind on credit card, auto and other consumer loan payments than those with higher incomes. And it’s these groups that are feeling the effects of higher interest rates the most.

Christian Shorter, a self-employed tech serviceman who lives in Chino, just bought a used Volkswagen Jetta for $21,000. He put down $3,500 and financed the rest over 69 months at an annual interest rate of 24%. His monthly payment is more than $480, and by the end of the loan he will have paid about $15,000 in interest.

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Shorter, 45, said he doesn’t have good credit. He plans to take out a personal loan when interest rates drop and pay off the car debt. “Definitely, definitely, they should lower interest rates,” he said of the Fed.

Between the jump in interest rates and prices of new vehicles, some auto buyers have downgraded to cheaper models. The biggest shift, though, especially in California, has been a move by more buyers to turn to electric vehicles to save on fuel costs, says Joseph Yoon, a consumer analyst at Edmunds, the car research and information firm in Santa Monica.

In May, he said, buyers on average financed about $41,000 on a new vehicle purchase at an interest rate of 7.3% (compared with 4.1% in December 2021). Over 69 months, that translates to a monthly payment of $745.

“For a big part of the population, they’re looking at this car market and saying, ‘I got to wait for something to break,’ like interest rates or dealer incentives,” Yoon said.

For a lot of small-business owners, who drive much of the economy in Los Angeles, they don’t have the luxury of waiting it out. They need funds to survive, or to expand when things are going well.

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But many can’t qualify with traditional commercial lenders, and when they can they’re typically looking at interest rates of 9%; that’s more than double what they were before the Fed’s rate hikes, according to surveys by the National Federation of Independent Business.

One result: More and more people in Southern California are looking for help from lenders such as Brea-based Lendistry, one of the nation’s largest minority-led community development financial institutions.

From January to May, applications were up 21% and the dollar volume of loans rose 33% compared with a year earlier, said Everett Sands, Lendistry’s chief executive. Interest rates on his loans range from 7.5% to 14.5%.

“Business owners, they’re resilient, entrepreneurial, scrappy — they’ll figure out a way,” he said, adding that he sees many doing side jobs like driving for Uber or making Instacart deliveries at night.

Even so, Sands said, the higher borrowing costs inevitably mean less money spent on things like investing in new technology and software and bringing on additional staff, as well as delays in owners growing their businesses.

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“Some of them lose out in progressing forward.”

‘When you put everything on the line, you get desperate.’

— Jurni Rayne, Gritz N Wafflez

Jurni Rayne, 42, started her brunch business, Gritz N Wafflez, as a ghost kitchen in February 2022, preparing food orders for delivery services. She financed that by maxing out her credit cards and getting a merchant cash advance, which is like a payday loan with super high interest rates. Her debts reached $70,000.

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“When you put everything on the line, you get desperate,” said Rayne, a Dallas native who moved to Los Angeles a decade ago and has worked as a manager at California Pizza Kitchen and the Cheesecake Factory. “You don’t care about the interest rate, because it’s something like between passion and insanity.”

She has since paid off all the merchant loans. And her business has seen such strong growth that last year Rayne got out of the ghost kitchen and into a small spot in Pico-Union, starting with just three tables. She now has 17 tables and a staff of 14.

This fall she’ll be moving to a bigger location in Koreatown and has her sights on a second restaurant in South Los Angeles. But she frets that she could have expanded sooner if interest rates had been lower and she’d had more access to financing.

Economists call that an opportunity cost. For Rayne, it’s personal.

“Absolutely, lower interest rates would have helped me,” she said.

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For many others, the wait for lower rates continues without the balm of intermediate success.

Lynn Miller, 60, began looking to buy a home in Orange County about a year ago, hoping to upgrade from her current 1,600-square-foot apartment.

“It’s not bad, it’s just not mine — the dishwasher is crappy, the washing machine is old,” she said of her rental in Corona del Mar. “I’m obviously not going to invest in these appliances. It’s just different not owning your own home.”

It’s been a discouraging process, she said, especially when she inputs her numbers into the mortgage calculators on Zillow and Realtor.com, which churn out estimates based on current interest rates.

“If you look at those monthly payment numbers, it’s shocking,” Miller, a marketing consultant, said. “It’ll get better, but it’s just not better right now.”

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She’s continuing her house search — she’d love to buy a single-family, three-bedroom home with a backyard for a dog — but is holding off for now.

“I’m still waiting because I do think that interest rates are going to go down,” Miller said, although she knows it’s a guessing game. “I could end up waiting a long time.”

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