Business
Commentary: Trump wants you to invest your 401(k) in crypto and private equity. Should you bite?
Trump is opening the door to risky ‘alternative investments’ such as crypto and private equity in 401(k) plans. But employers have had good reasons to keep them out of their plans.
If you believe Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer, American 401(k) accounts are about to get much better.
Thanks to President Trump’s “bold new vision of a new golden age for America,” Chavez-DeRemer wrote in the Wall Street Journal on March 30, her agency is taking steps to open these crucial retirement accounts to a raft of new investment options, such as cryptocurrencies and private equity funds.
Her goal, she wrote, is to “unwind regulatory overreach and litigation abuse that have stifled innovation.” Her instrument is a proposed regulation that in effect would provide a safe harbor for plan sponsors — that is, employers — to offer those options in their employees’ plans without risking lawsuits or government scrutiny over whether they’re sufficiently prudent for workers to choose.
We have seen a number of proposals from private equity funds where the returns are really not calculated in a manner that I would regard as honest.
— Warren Buffett (2019)
Notwithstanding Chavez-DeRemer’s assertion that this change would be all to the good for workers, the truth is that she and Trump are acting at the behest of alternative investment promoters, who have long slavered for access to the nearly $14 trillion in assets held in 401(k)s and other such defined contribution retirement plans.
Far be it for me to offer anyone investment advice. But there are a few things that Trump and DeRemer aren’t telling you about these proposed new options. Namely, the dangers they present to unwary small investors.
The first clue that something is being hidden appeared in DeRemer’s op-ed, in which she blamed “Washington bureaucrats” and “plaintiff lawyers” for stifling the financial innovation that people supposedly have been clamoring to put in their retirement accounts.
You know who rails against “Washington bureaucrats” and “plaintiff lawyers”? Businesses that are fearful that government regulators and juries will clamp down on their wrongdoing. These critiques are often described as efforts to get government off the backs of the people. What they don’t explain is that once government has climbed off, big business will saddle up.
(As I’ve reported, among the businesses that have recently been demonizing plaintiff lawyers is Uber, which is pushing a ballot measure in California that would all but shut the courthouse doors to some passengers injured during Uber rides.)
So let’s examine the unacknowledged issues with “innovative” alternative investments. Private equity firms are known for buying companies that are either held privately, or are public companies due to be taken private. In many cases, they turn profits for their investors by cutting payrolls and reducing services at their portfolio companies, then draining what’s left until there is nothing left. Cryptocurrencies, as I’ve written, are a scam all their own.
We’ll start with the implicit and explicit rules guiding employers when they decide what investment choices to offer workers in their 401(k)s.
“Employers are fiduciaries, which means they must make decisions about retirement investments that are in their employees’ best interest,” observes Eileen Applebaum of the Center for Economic and Policy Research. “They must be prudent in curating a menu of retirement plan options for their workers. And they have been successfully sued for lack of prudence by workers whose retirement accounts held high fee, illiquid, risky investments that failed to perform.”
The fiduciary standards are developed in part by government bureaucrats. And the successful lawsuits? They’re brought by plaintiff lawyers.
In 2021, the Biden-era Labor Department warned that most sponsors of 401(k) plans and other defined contribution plans “are not likely suited to evaluate the use of [private equity] investments” in those plans. The administration shied away from outlawing such investments outright in 401(k)s. Nevertheless, employers understandably saw the warning as a yellow light, if not a flashing red light.
As of 2024, only about 4% of plan sponsors offered alternative investments, Applebaum reported. The threat of litigation also stayed their hand; 66 lawsuits were filed against plan sponsors that year, according to Encore Financial, a personal finance firm. High fees and other fiduciary failures were at the heart of most of the cases.
This isn’t the first time that Trump has tried to wedge private equity investments into 401(k)s. In 2020, during his first term, then-Labor Secretary Eugene Scalia issued an opinion that the mere presence of private equity investments among 401(k) choice was not in itself a fiduciary violation.
Scalia said his goal was to “remove barriers to the greatest engine of economic prosperity the world has ever known: the innovation, initiative, and drive of the American people.”
Until then, individuals were effectively barred from the investments by a Securities and Exchange Commission rule allowing only “accredited” investors — those who could show annual income of more than $200,000 or net worth of $1 million or more, not including their homes.
I didn’t offer an opinion then about the wisdom of these investments, but wrote only that “if I were inclined to invest my 401(k) money in private equity, I would hope that my family would arrange to have my head examined.”
My reasoning then was that private equity funds produce limited disclosure, or no useful disclosure at all; there are no commonly accepted formulas to measure their returns; and they’re subject to management fees immensely higher than conventional stock, bond or money market funds.
No less an experienced investor than Warren Buffett warned his own shareholders away from the sector, I pointed out.
“We have seen a number of proposals from private equity funds where the returns are really not calculated in a manner that I would regard as honest,” Buffett said at the May 2019 annual meeting of Berkshire Hathaway, which held his corporate investment portfolio.
Since then — indeed, since the Great Recession of 2007-2009 — the private equity sector has been promoting itself as a source of financial returns superior than those of conventional stock portfolios while glossing over cavils such as Buffett’s.
The promoters boast that their funds have low correlations with public markets — that is, when the public markets falter, the private markets gain; that they’re skilled at finding bargains among targeted businesses; and that they impose profit-gaining efficiencies on their acquired businesses.
In recent years, however, the private equity argument has faded. “Current data raises questions concerning these predicate assumptions,” wrote Nori Gerardo Lietz of Harvard Business School in 2024. Private equity fund performance, she observed, has “eroded materially.”
That’s true. From 2022 through the first three quarters of 2025, according to the research firm MSCI, private equity firms turned in annualized returns of 5.8%, while the Standard & Poor’s 500 index of public firms yielded 11.6%. Institutional investors such as public employee pension funds have begun to ask whether the sector deserves their money.
In the last year, the Yale University endowment and the public employee pension fund of New York City have sold off billions of dollars in private equity investments, some at a discount to their stated values. (To be fair, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, or CalPERS, has remained a fan, attributing its recent improvement in overall returns to a strengthened investment in private equity.)
The doubts being voiced by these major investors has turbocharged the push by the private equity sector to reach into individual retirement accounts. By some measures, however, individual investors have even less tolerance for some of the features of private equity than do institutions. Unlike publicly traded stocks, these investments are illiquid, meaning they can’t be sold at will and they can’t be reliably priced.
As for crypto, the other major alternative investment being touted by Trump, its shortcomings are well documented.
In contrast to conventional stocks and bonds, they don’t represent stakes in anything concrete and as a result are extremely volatile.
Bitcoin, for instance, ran as high as $126,000 in October; as of Thursday it was priced below $72,000. Among other queasy-induced crashes, bitcoin lost 35% of its value in less than four weeks between mid-January and early February, falling from $96,929 on Jan. 13 to $62,702 on Feb. 4.
These are all factors demanding notice from small investors contemplating adding these sectors to their retirement funds. For that reason, some retirement professionals doubt that even the Trump administration’s favor will persuade many plan sponsors to open their doors to alternative investments. Trump’s regulators may be taking a hands-off approach to these sectors, but plaintiff lawyers aren’t likely to back off.
For individual investors, these are sectors that were made for the phrase “caveat emptor.” If you don’t know your Latin, it means “buyer beware.”
Business
In-N-Out owner says no to automated ordering
In-N-Out is known for hewing to convention.
So don’t expect the popular burger chain to embrace mobile ordering anytime soon.
That was a message Lynsi Snyder-Ellingson, owner of the family-run chain, delivered in a speech posted this week on YouTube.
Snyder expressed concern that such automation would taint the company’s efforts to sustain its in-person customer service and fresh food.
“What makes In-N-Out and the experience so special is the interaction and the customer service that we’re able to give, the smile, the greeting. Just that warmth and feeling, the culture,” Snyder-Ellingson said. “The mobile ordering will definitely take a piece of that away.”
The owner spoke and took audience questions during an event at Pepperdine University.
Snyder-Ellingson intends to keep operations as close to how it was when her grandparents, the founders, were at the helm, she said.
Snyder-Ellingson, who took charge of the family-run chain in 2010, spoke about her 2023 book, “The Ins-N-Outs of In-N-Out Burger,” and opened up during the talk about her journey reconnecting with God, the struggles she faced with drinking, as well as her divorce.
The beloved burger chain, whose long lines often wrap around the block, has stood out against fast food competitors in its resistance to automated ordering.
The company was born in 1948, when Harry and Esther Snyder opened a small food stand in Baldwin Park. For decades, the burgers could only be found in Southern California, until the chain eventually expanded, mostly to nearby states.
The original location gave birth to drive-thru ordering, and revolutionized fast food culture in the state.
To this day, all orders are custom-made and nothing is frozen, a practice that stays true to the founding couple’s promise of “Quality, Cleanliness and Service.” The menu is simple, and has remained mostly the same.
“My passion in leading is making sure that I’m preserving um the legacy of my grandparents and my family,” Snyder-Ellingson said. “I want to make them proud. I want to champion everything that they would want, especially in today’s world.”
The company’s future in Southern California has been shaky since Snyder-Ellingson announced she was moving to Tennessee, where the company plans to open a second headquarters. The company has scaled back in the Golden State, consolidating its corporate operations to Baldwin Park.
“There’s a lot of great things about California, but raising a family is not easy here. Doing business is not easy here,” Snyder said on a podcast in July. Her comments come amid a broader corporate exodus from California, with businesses like Tesla and Chevron jumping ship.
Today, there are locations in 10 states across the country, mostly in the west coast and as far east as Tennessee. The company recently announced five new locations set to open soon outside California.
Business
How Iran’s Information War Machine Operates Online
In late March, Iran circulated a shaky video supposedly showing an American F/A-18 under attack. Iranian officials claimed they had destroyed the jet, though the Pentagon denied that. The video quickly earned millions of views online, demonstrating how Iran has exploited the global media ecosystem to propagate an image of military prowess.
The New York Times reconstructed how Iran was able to use overt and covert global networks alongside unwitting participants to spread its message through social media, state-affiliated news organizations and American influencers.
Here is how the claim went from a single post to a global audience of millions in 69 minutes.
1:04 p.m.
An obscure account on X, linked to Iran, posted the video first, in English, at 1:04 Eastern, followed a minute later by a post on Telegram by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps. The posts received little attention at first, according to an analysis based on data from Alethea, Graphika and Cyabra, three companies monitoring online activity during the war.
1:04 p.m.
Almost simultaneously, official accounts of Iranian embassies and consulates repeated the claim on X, giving the narrative an imprimatur of legitimacy.
1:06 p.m.
An Iranian state television network then shared the video on X. Within a minute, RT, Russia’s international network, reposted the video with its own logo. The timing suggested coordinated coverage of the war from Iran and Russia.
1:14 p.m.
One of the most popular posts about the attack, from a pro-Russian influencer account known as Megatron, amassed nearly two million views, according to Graphika. At that point, there was no confirmation of an attack from any other sources.
1:21 p.m.
Sixteen minutes after its first post on Telegram, the Revolutionary Guards posted an update, claiming that the jet had been “precisely hit” and “fell into the Indian Ocean,” a detail that may have been intended to explain why there was no evidence of wreckage on the ground.
1:25 p.m.
The conversation surrounding these posts included suspected bot accounts mingled with authentic profiles, according to an analysis by Cyabra, suggesting some of the engagement was manufactured. Replies to RT’s post, for instance, often featured “short, affirmative comments” with celebratory emojis to show support for Iran, Cyabra’s analysis said.
1:32 p.m.
As the video spread, prominent influencers began posting about it, giving a boost to Iran’s narrative whether they intended to or not. Sulaiman Ahmed, an anti-Israeli activist with more than 800,000 followers on X, shared RT’s video about 10 minutes later.
1:33 p.m.
Ed Krassenstein, an American influencer, shared the claim to his more than one million followers on X. While his post made it clear that the attack was not confirmed by any other sources, influence campaigns benefit from the attention of prominent voices to amplify their narratives to broader audiences.
“I am always as careful as I can be to note where the information is coming from if it’s from a foreign government,” Mr. Krassenstein said in response to questions.
The number of posts mentioning the F-18 or similar terms began to surge, generating more than 35 million views on X alone that day, according to data from Tweet Binder by Audiense. Some users doubted the claim, but many pro-Iranian accounts celebrated the attack as a military triumph.
2:00 p.m.
Barely an hour had gone by, and the narrative had reached millions of views on social media, amplified by authentic and fake accounts based in dozens of countries, from Afghanistan to Yemen. The video appeared not only on X and Telegram but also on TikTok, Facebook and Instagram.
2:01 p.m.
Mario Nawfal, an influencer who has spread right-wing talking points and misinformation in the past, also shared RT’s post and video to his more than 3.2 million followers, noting the historical significance of an attack — “if true.”
“Our approach is to present claims transparently while clearly signaling their verification status, allowing our audience to assess credibility in real time,” Mr. Nawfal wrote in a statement.
2:05 p.m.
Prominent news organizations around the world began reporting on the claim. They included Pravda, Al Jazeera, the India Economic Times and official state media in China. Many repeated Iran’s claim that it had shot down the jet.
2:13 p.m.
An hour and nine minutes after the claim, the United States Central Command posted a denial on X, saying no American aircraft had been shot down. Its post created a new flurry of debate. Some users wrestled with the language, asking whether the plane had in fact been hit but not “shot down.” It declined to comment further.
Despite the statement from Central Command, Iranian, Chinese and Russian state broadcasters continued to feature the video over the next 24 hours, and to post about it across social media. An anchor on Russia 24 reported on “the destruction of yet another U.S. Air Force aircraft,” citing Iranian sources along with the denial from Central Command.
Since the video appeared, no evidence has emerged that Iran shot down an American F/A-18 jet. (This month, Iran successfully downed an F-15E Strike Eagle and an A-10 Warthog.) Still, millions consumed the narrative, spread by witting and unwitting actors.
“By the time an official denial lands,” the monitoring company Alethea wrote in an analysis, “audiences in multiple countries have already processed the story as confirmed.”
Business
Meta, Oracle and Qualcomm share details on layoffs across California
Tech behemoths, including Oracle and Meta Platforms, are laying off hundreds of California workers as they invest heavily in artificial intelligence.
Some of the top companies in tech that already had announced big plans to lay off thousands have revealed more details about where they are cutting in recent government filings.
Software giant Oracle has shed more than 700 workers in Santa Monica, Redwood City, Pleasanton and Santa Clara, filings to the California Employment Development Department show. The company, which was founded in California before moving its headquarters to Texas, started notifying employees of mass layoffs in late March.
Oracle declined to comment. The company hasn’t said publicly how many workers it has laid off. Several news outlets, citing people familiar with the matter, reported that the company laid off thousands of employees across multiple divisions.
As of May 2025, Oracle had 162,000 workers.
Software developers, analysts, sales representatives and product managers were among California Oracle workers who lost their jobs. Laid-off employees will officially separate from the company June 1.
California is home to some of the world’s most powerful and largest tech companies. But as they race ahead to advance AI-powered tools that can generate text, images and code, workers are anxious that businesses will automate tasks and shrink their workforce workforces. Tech companies also are more wary about their expenses, even as they spend billions of dollars on data centers and developing new products.
In March, Meta began laying off employees who worked on its virtual reality efforts.
The company laid off roughly 200 employees at its offices in Burlingame and Sunnyvale. They’re expected to leave the company May 29. Meta laid off engineers, recruiters, product managers and other workers.
“Teams across Meta regularly restructure or implement changes to ensure they’re in the best position to achieve their goals. Where possible, we are finding other opportunities for employees whose positions may be impacted,” a Meta spokesperson said in a statement.
Meta has been doubling down on its efforts to sell AI-powered smart glasses and is working on more powerful AI that surpasses human intelligence. The company, which debuted a new AI model Wednesday, is building a personal “superintelligence” to help people achieve their goals, create and be more productive.
Meta had 78,865 workers as of December 2025.
Chipmaker Qualcomm recently laid off more than 60 workers. The cuts hit employees across various offices in San Diego. Laid-off employees are anticipated to leave the company May 26. Various information technology and cybersecurity jobs were among the roles slashed as part of the layoffs.
Qualcomm didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.
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