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Commentary: Crypto promoters saw Trump as their savior. Then reality set in

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Commentary: Crypto promoters saw Trump as their savior. Then reality set in

With Donald Trump’s election as president, the cryptocurrency community saw blue skies ahead.

The election sent the price of bitcoin to a record high, exceeding $75,000. After all, during the campaign Trump had vowed to make the U.S. the “crypto capital of the planet” and to create a “strategic reserve” of bitcoin. He and his family members formed World Liberty Financial, a crypto trading firm.

Within three days of his inauguration, Trump issued an executive order promoting the expansion of crypto in the U.S. He denigrated enforcement efforts by the Biden administration as reflecting a “war on cryptocurrency.”

Bitcoin and other crypto assets are once again demonstrating that they are among some of the first assets to decline among broader economic uncertainty.

— Molly White

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On the second day of his presidency, he pardoned Ross Ulbricht, the boss of a notorious online black market in which transactions were conducted in crypto. Ulbricht, who had become something of a hero to crypto promoters, was serving two life sentences at the time. In July, Trump signed the so-called GENIUS Act, which dilutes consumer banking protections involving stablecoins, a crypto token.

Last year, the FBI labeled crypto a hive of “pervasive” criminality. Under Trump, things are likely to get worse. Since Trump took office, the Securities and Exchange Commission has closed or deferred 18 cases or investigations related to cryptocurrency firms.

Yet despite all these tailwinds from the White House, federal agencies and a compliant Congress, cryptocurrencies are having one terrible year. The price of bitcoin closed at a record $124,752 on Oct. 10 but has since fallen to about $87,845. That’s a stomach-churning loss of almost 30% in just six weeks.

Since Trump’s Jan. 20 inauguration, bitcoin has lost more than 11% of its value. In the same period, the stock market, as measured by the Standard & Poor’s 500 index, has gained nearly 12%. To the question of who is getting rich on crypto in the Trump era, the answer thus far is: Trump, his family, and their friends. Everyone else has been taken to the woodshed.

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Why has this happened?

To a certain extent, it’s a confluence of factors, not all of which can be blamed on Trump. But his economic policies, including his on-and-off-again tariff announcements, have certainly accounted for some of the notable crypto downdrafts of the last 11 months. Other geopolitical developments haven’t been friendly to crypto.

Another important factor is the growth of leverage in crypto accounts — users borrowing against their crypto holdings like stock investors buying on margin, a practice that can magnify gains in rising assets — but also magnify losses.

Let’s take a closer look at crypto’s terrible, horrible, no good, very bad year.

The first slap in the face with a wet fish came for crypto on Feb. 21. That’s when the crypto exchange Bybit, which is sometimes counted on the second-largest crypto exchange in the world, lost $1.5 billion in crypto tokens to hackers — “the largest cryptocurrency heist in history,” by the assessment of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington think tank. The FBI promptly traced the exploit to North Korea.

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Trump can’t be blamed for the Bybit hack, but Trump’s weakening of America’s cyberdefenses doesn’t bode well for the future.

According to the Cyberspace Solarium Commission, a congressionally established body tasked with overseeing cyberdefense, Trump’s “cuts to cyber diplomacy and science programs and the absence of stable leadership at key agencies like the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Agency (CISA), the State Department, and the Department of Commerce” have resulted in the country’s ability to protect against cyber threats “stalling and, in several areas, slipping.”

That’s especially important when it involved North Korea. According to many experts, the rogue state has made up for its exclusion from the global economy by creating an alarmingly effective cyberhacking program.

Since 2017, North Korean hackers have stolen more than $5 billion in cryptocurrencies, as calculated by the cybersecurity firm TRM Labs. The North Koreans have not only made their thievery more efficient, but have also refined their money-laundering techniques to the point that the stolen booty disappears into the dark reaches of cyberspace within days.

This has undermined the crypto camp’s claim to offer users secure access to their funds. Crypto’s reaction to Trump’s economic policies has undercut the promoters’ claim that their asset class is a remedy for economic turmoil in the outside world.

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“Bitcoin and other crypto assets are once again demonstrating that they are among some of the first assets to decline among broader economic uncertainty,” the indispensable crypto observer Molly White wrote in March, after Trump’s tariff threats and fears of higher inflation provoked a three-day slide of 12.6% in bitcoin—the worst downdraft since the bankruptcy of FTX in 2022. Bitcoin fell nearly 10% in the four days after Trump announced his “reciprocal tariffs” on April 2.

Another selloff erupted on Oct. 10, the day Trump abruptly announced new tariffs on China. That day became labeled “crypto’s Black Friday,” as crypto exchanges forced the liquidation of some $19 billion in leveraged holdings in 24 hours. Bitcoin lost $10,000 in value in a matter of minutes.

As White observed, the downdraft was frenzied in part because the crypto market lacks the circuit breakers installed in the stock and bond markets, which automatically halt trading before a selloff can gain steam, allowing traders and market makers to catch their breath. Nothing like that stands in the way of a tsunami of account liquidations by thinly-regulated crypto brokers.

Since then, the selling has continued almost unabated. At midday Wednesday, bitcoin has recovered by about 2.8%, but it is still appreciably lower than its price on Jan. 1 or on Inauguration Day.

Market observers say that institutional investors as well as small retail investors all have been bailing on crypto. Over the last year, banks and other financial services firms have made it easier for small investors to buy crypto — exchange traded funds and firms that have constructed themselves as crypto treasuries have proliferated.

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But those devices also make it easier to sell. Investors have withdrawn an estimated $3.5 billion from crypto ETFs so far this month. The publicly traded company Strategy, the business model of which is to accumulate bitcoin, has lost some 60% of its value since mid-July.

Historical patterns suggest that the chief victims of the crypto selloff are small investors, however. They tend to buy into a stock or other asset when it is rising, and sell into a bear market (just the opposite of the buy-low, sell-high principle favored by experts). To the extent they were lured by the runup in crypto prices, they may be holding the bag just now.

That points us to the likely winners in the current crypto cycle: Trump and his circle. Trump in 2021 called bitcoin a “scam,” and in 2019 posted that the values of cryptocurrency were “based on thin air,” but he “has now warmly embraced its supposed virtues,” as federal Judge Jed S. Rakoff, who has presided over lawsuits alleging crypto-related fraud, recently wrote.

Consider World Liberty Financial, which was co-founded by Trump and his offspring Eric, Barron and Don Jr. (Trump himself is listed by the company as “co-founder emeritus,” a designation he acquired upon taking office as president.)

World Liberty’s fortunes have benefited from reported actions by Binance, the largest crypto exchange in the world. Earlier this year, Binance accepted a $2-billion investment from an Abu Dhabi-based investment firm to be paid in USD1, the dollar-linked “stablecoin” marketed by World Liberty. The acceptance of USD1 as a crypto token has added to its value, and therefore to the financial gains enjoyed by the Trump family.

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On Oct. 23, Trump pardoned Binance founder Chengpeng Zhao, who had served a four-month term in U.S. prison and was fined $50 million after pleading guilty to violations of U.S. anti-money laundering regulations. Binance also pleaded guilty and paid more than $4.3 billion in settling the criminal case.

Asked during a Nov. 2 interview on “60 Minutes” why he pardoned Zhao, Trump replied, “I know nothing about the guy, other than I hear he was a victim of weaponization by government. When you say the government, you’re talking about the Biden government.”

I asked the White House whether Trump’s involvement in crypto while he held authority over crypto regulations amounted to a conflict of interest.

I received an emailed response from Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt, who wrote, “The media’s continued attempts to fabricate conflicts of interest are irresponsible and reinforce the public’s distrust in what they read. Neither the President nor his family have ever engaged, or will ever engage, in conflicts of interest.”

The truth is that bitcoin investors may have less to fear from Trump’s dabbling in crypto than in the shortcomings of crypto itself as an asset class. As I’ve reported before, unlike almost any other asset, crypto tokens are untethered from anything of concrete value. That doesn’t mean that crypto will periodically drive higher, only that when holders are running for the exits, there may not be a discernible floor to how low it will go.

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Crypto tokens don’t throw off interest or dividends. Their prices aren’t based on even a theoretical value of issuing enterprises such as corporations, municipalities or federal agencies. As commodities, they resemble collectibles like Beanie Babies, with values derived from the “greater fool” theory — that someone is out there willing to pay more than your acquisition cost to take them off your hands. That’s a path painted in red.

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Bay Area semiconductor testing company to lay off more than 200 workers

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Bay Area semiconductor testing company to lay off more than 200 workers

Semiconductor testing equipment company FormFactor is laying off more than 200 workers and closing manufacturing facilities as it seeks to cut costs after being hit by higher import taxes.

The Livermore, Calif.,-based company plans to shutter its Baldwin Park facility and cut 113 jobs there on Jan. 30, according to a layoff notice sent to the California Employment Development Department this week. Its facility in Carlsbad is scheduled to close in mid-December later this year, which will result in 107 job losses, according to an earlier notice.

Technicians, engineers, managers, assemblers and other workers are among those expected to lose their jobs, according to the notices.

The company offers semiconductor testing equipment, including probe cards, and other products. The industry has been benefiting from increased AI chip adoption and infrastructure spending.

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FormFactor is among the employers that have been shedding workers amid more economic uncertainty.

Companies have cited various reasons for workforce reductions, including restructuring, closures, tariffs, market conditions and artificial intelligence, which can help automate repetitive tasks or generate text, images and code.

The tech industry — a key part of California’s economy — has been hit hard by job losses after the pandemic, which spurred more hiring, and amid the rise of AI tools that are reshaping its workforce.

As tech companies and startups compete fiercely to dominate the AI race, they’ve also cut middle management and other workers as they move faster to release more AI-powered products. They’re also investing billions of dollars into data centers that house computing equipment used to process the massive troves of information needed to train and maintain AI systems.

Companies such as chipmaker Nvidia and ChatGPT maker OpenAI have benefited from the AI boom, while legacy tech companies such as Intel are fighting to keep up.

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FormFactor’s cuts are part of restructuring plans that “are intended to better align cost structure and support gross margin improvement to the Company’s target financial model,” the company said in a filing to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission this week.

The company plans to consolidate its facilities in Baldwin Park and Carlsbad, the filing said.

FormFactor didn’t respond to a request for comment.

FormFactor has been impacted by tariffs and seen its growth slow. The company employs more than 2,000 people and has been aiming to improve its profit margins.

In October, the company reported $202.7 million in third-quarter revenue, down 2.5% from the third quarter of fiscal 2024. The company’s net income was $15.7 million in the third quarter of 2025, down from $18.7 million in the same quarter of the previous year.

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FormFactor’s stock has been up 16% since January, surpassing more than $67 per share on Friday.

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In-N-Out Burger outlets in Southern California hit by counterfeit bill scam

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In-N-Out Burger outlets in Southern California hit by counterfeit bill scam

Two people allegedly used $100 counterfeit bills at dozens of In-N-Out Burger restaurants in Southern California in a wide-reaching scam.

Glendale Police officials said in a statement Friday that 26-year-old Tatiyanna Foster of Long Beach was taken into custody last month. Another suspect, 24-year-old Auriona Lewis, also of Long Beach, was arrested in October.

Police released images of $100 bills used to purchase a $2.53 order of fries and a $5.93 order of a Flying Dutchman.

The Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office charged Lewis with felony counterfeiting and grand theft in November.

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Elizabeth Megan Lashley-Haynes, Lewis’s public defender, didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

Glendale police said that Lewis was arrested in Palmdale in an operation involving the U.S. Marshals Task Force. Foster is expected in court later this month, officials said.

”Lewis was found to be in possession of counterfeit bills matching those used in the Glendale incident, along with numerous gift cards and transaction receipts believed to be connected to similar fraudulent activity,” according to a police statement.

A representative for In-N-Out Burger told KTLA-TV that restaurants in Riverside, San Bernardino and San Diego counties were also targeted by the alleged scam.

“Their dedication and expertise resulted in the identification and apprehension of the suspects, helping to protect our business and our communities,” In-N-Out’s Chief Operations Officer Denny Warnick said. “We greatly value the support of law enforcement and appreciate the vital role they play in making our communities stronger and safer places to live.”

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The company, opened in 1948 in Baldwin Park, has restaurants in nine states.

An Oakland location closed in 2024, with the owner blaming crime and slow police response times.

Company chief executive Lynsi Snyder announced last year that she planned to relocate her family to Tennessee, although the burger chain’s headquarters will remain in California.

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Newsom’s budget includes $200 million to make up for Trump’s canceled EV rebates, among other climate items

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Newsom’s budget includes 0 million to make up for Trump’s canceled EV rebates, among other climate items

Gov. Gavin Newsom on Friday doubled down on California’s commitment to electric vehicles with proposed rebates intended to backfill federal tax credits canceled by the Trump administration.

The plan would allocate $200 million in one-time special funds for a new point-of-sale incentive program for light-duty zero-emissions vehicles. It was part of a sweeping $348.9-billion state budget proposal released Friday, which also included items to address air pollution and worsening wildfires, amid a projected $3-billion state deficit.

EVs have become a flashpoint in California’s battle against the Trump administration, which moved last year to repeal the state’s long-held authority to set strict tailpipe emission standards and eventually ban the sale of new gas powered cars.

Last year, Trump ended federal tax credits of up to $7,500 for EV customers that were part of President Biden’s 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. In September, his administration also let lapse federal authorization for California’s Clean Air Vehicle decal program, which allowed solo EV drivers to use carpool lanes.

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“Despite federal interference, the governor maintains his commitment to protecting public health and achieving California’s world leading climate agenda,” Lindsay Buckley, spokesperson for the California Air Resources Board, said in an email. “This incentive program will help continue the state’s ZEV momentum, especially with the federal administration eliminating the federal EV tax credit and carpool lane access.”

Newsom had previously flip-flopped on this idea, first vowing to restore a state program that provided up to $7,500 to buy clean cars and then walking it back in September. That same month, a group of five automakers including Honda, Rivian, Hyundai, Volkswagen and Audi wrote a letter urging Newsom and state legislators to establish a $5,000 EV tax rebate to replace the lost federal incentives, Politico reported.

During his State of the State speech Thursday — one year after the devastating Palisades and Eaton fires in Los Angeles — Newsom said California “refuse[s] to be bystanders” while China and other nations take the lead on electric vehicles and the clean energy transition. He touted the state’s investments in solar, hydrogen, wind and nuclear power, as well as its recent move away from the use of any coal-fired power.

“We must continue our prudent fiscal management, funding our reserves, and continuing the investments Californians rely on, from education to public safety, all while preparing for Trump’s volatility outside our control,” the governor said in a statement. “This is what responsible governance looks like.”

Several environmental groups had been urging Newsom to invest more in clean air and clean vehicle programs, which they say are critical to the state’s ambitious goals for human health and the environment. Transportation is the largest source of climate and air pollution in California and is responsible for more than a third of global warming emissions, said Daniel Barad, Western states policy manager with the nonprofit Union of Concerned Scientists.

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“As federal attacks threaten California’s authority to protect public health, incentives are more essential than ever to scale up clean cars and trucks,” Barad said. “The governor and legislative leaders must act now to fully fund zero-emission transportation and pursue new revenue to grow and sustain climate investments.”

Katelyn Roedner Sutter, California senior director with the nonprofit Environmental Defense Fund, called it “an essential step to save money for Californians, cut harmful pollution, spur innovation, and support the global competitiveness of our auto industry.”

While the budget proposal does not include significant new spending proposals, it contains other line items relating to climate and the environment. Among them are plans to continue implementing Proposition 4, the $10-billion climate bond approved by voters in 2024 for programs geared toward wildfire resilience, safe drinking water, flood management, extreme heat mitigation and other similar efforts.

Among $2.1 billion in climate bond investments proposed this year are $58 million for wildfire prevention and hazardous fuels reduction projects in vulnerable communities, and nearly $20 million to assist homeowners with defensible space to prevent fire. Water-related investments include $232 million for flood control projects and nearly $70 million to support repairs to existing or new water conveyance projects.

The proposal also lays out how to spend money from California’s signature cap-and-trade program, which sets limits on greenhouse gas emissions and allows large polluters to buy and sell unused emission allowances at quarterly auctions. State lawmakers last year voted to extend the program through 2045 and rename it cap-and-invest.

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The spending plan includes a new tiered structure for cap-and-invest that first funds statutory obligations such as manufacturing tax exemptions, followed by $1 billion for the high speed rail project, $750 million to support the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, and finally secondary program funding such as affordable housing and low-carbon transit options.

But while some groups applauded the budget’s broad handling of climate issues, others criticized it for leaning too heavily on volatile funding sources for environmental priorities, such as special funds and one-time allocations.

The Sierra Club called the EV incentive program a crucial investment but said too many other items were left with “patchwork strategies that make long-term planning harder.”

“Just yesterday, the Governor acknowledged in his State of the State address that the climate risk is a financial risk. That is exactly why California needs climate investments that are stable and ongoing,” said Sierra Club director Miguel Miguel.

California Environmental Voters, meanwhile, stressed that the state should continue to work toward legislation that would hold oil and gas companies liable for damages caused by their emissions — a plan known as “Make Polluters Pay” that stalled last year amid fierce lobbying and industry pressure.

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“Instead of asking families to absorb the costs, the Legislature must look seriously at holding polluters accountable for the harm they’ve caused,” said Shannon Olivieri Hovis, California Environmental Voters’ chief strategy officer.

Sarah Swig, Newsom’s senior advisor for climate, noted that the state’s budget plan came just days after Trump withdrew the United States from the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, a major global treaty signed by nearly 200 countries with the aim of addressing global warming through coordinated international action.

“California is not slowing down on climate at a time when we continue to see attack after attack from the federal government, including as recently as this week with the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the UNFCCC,” Swig told reporters Friday. “California’s leadership has never mattered more.”

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