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Knicks-Pacers: 5 takeaways as Indiana eliminates New York, advances to 2025 Finals

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Knicks-Pacers: 5 takeaways as Indiana eliminates New York, advances to 2025 Finals


Indiana forces 18 turnovers in Game 6, converting those miscues into 34 points to advance past New York.

INDIANAPOLIS – Indiana coach Rick Carlisle had started counting off his team’s Eastern Conference championship series from the get-go, not by victories, but by duration.

“This is just Day 1 of 13 days,” Carlisle said after the Pacers pulled off an improbable, exhilarating, overtime victory over the Knicks in the opener in New York. When the Pacers won again 48 hours later, sure enough, it was simply “Day 3” in Carlisle’s world.

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It seemed as if he was trying to provide a framework for his players, maybe even for the media and the Indiana fans, not to get ahead of themselves. Beware the irrational exuberance that can bite hard when things go awry, in other words, in a difficult NBA playoff series.

And it did appear to lay a calming blanket over the Pacers when they stunned even themselves in Game 1, dropped Game 3 at home, then fumbled a close-out shot in Game 5 Thursday in their worst performance of the series.

In the end, though, Carlisle was wrong.

The thing didn’t last 13 days.

The Pacers needed only 11 from the opening tipoff to the celebration late Saturday night on the court at Gainbridge Fieldhouse. They sealed the Eastern Conference title and the franchise’s second trip ever to the NBA Finals – the first was in 2000 – with an impressive 125-108 elimination of the Knicks.

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The series lasted long enough for Indiana to show itself in full in Game 6, but not so long that it had to face the stresses of heading back to Madison Square Garden for a winner-take-all finish.

There should be plenty of that waiting for the Pacers, anyway, at Oklahoma City’s Paycom Center when the 2025 Finals begin Thursday (8:30 p.m. ET, ABC). First, here are five takeaways from the victory that earned them the trip:


1. Every Pacers ingredient on display

It would be hard to conjure an Indiana outcome more “on brand” than what it served up Saturday. Seven guys put up double-figures. The same seven each hit at least a pair of 3-pointers. The Pacers’ shooting, despite New York’s dialed-up and rugged defensive pressure, was exemplary: 54.1% overall (46-for-85), 51.5% on threes (17-for-33) and 84.2% (16-for-19) from the line. They played fast, running to a 23-6 edge in fast-break points through three quarters, by which time they led 92-77.

And that pace, along with their pesky-enough defense, sprung loose 18 Knicks turnovers, good for 34 of the home team’s points.

Center Myles Turner had a modest stats line, foul trouble limiting him to 21 minutes and 11 points. But he has perspective on this team that no one else matches, his seniority stretching back to his arrival in 2015 at 19 years old, the No. 11 pick from Texas.

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Turner rode the Pacers elevator from a playoff contender to three straight lottery finishes and now back up again. He was the subject of endless trade rumors for his first six or seven seasons, until Indiana brought in Tyrese Haliburton in exchange for Turner’s former frontcourt mate, Domantas Sabonis.

“When the buzzer was sounding, it was nothing but joy,” Turner said Saturday. “All the years, all the hate, all the love, all the in-between just made sense in that moment.”

Turner and his teammates are proud of Indiana’s egalitarian roster, the praise, the credit and the blame spread around just like the responsibility. He called the Pacers’ foundation “the power of friendship” in his postgame remarks.

“It’s not the flashiest, sexiest team,” he said, “but it gets results.”


2. Siakam snags the Bird trophy

The vote was close, 5-4 from the media panel that determined the Most Valuable Player of the Eastern Conference championship series. Pacers forward Pascal Siakam edged out teammate Haliburton to take home the Larry Bird Trophy after scoring 31 points with five rebounds, three assists, a steal and three blocked shots in the finale.

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Haliburton finished with 21 points, six rebounds, 13 assists, three steals and one block. The lanky, frenetic point guard remains the head of Indiana’s proverbial snake and a reliable win-lose barometer for how their team does, following his lead up or down.

But this was a case of Siakam providing offense when the Pacers needed it most. In a slow Pacers start, it was Siakam’s 3-pointer that slowed New York’s early roll and a breakout layup that put them up 12-11. He hit another 3 to start the second quarter, and by halftime Siakam had a game-high 16 points that were essential to his team’s 58-54 lead.

When Indiana outscored the Knicks 34-23 in the game-cracking third quarter, Siakam had 10 more points. Haliburton was just 1-for-3 in that period, though it wasn’t as if the pair were competing with each other.

Siakam led the Pacers in the series with 24.8 ppg and his shooting – 52.4% overall, 50% from the arc – was a reflection of their offensive strength. He was able to pester Knicks big man Karl-Anthony Towns more than Turner with better mobility and a mighty wingspan.

“The versatility,” Knicks coach Tom Thibodeau said of Siakam. “His ability to run the floor, his ability to play in the paint, his ability to get to the basket … makes him a tough cover.”

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Siakam, 31, was the NBA’s Most Improved Player in 2018-19 when his team at the time, the Toronto Raptors, won the NBA championship in his third season. It has taken him six years to return to the Finals, a trip he has said he took for granted.

All the Pacers know is that, since they acquired him 16 months ago for three players and three first-round draft picks, they have gone to the conference finals twice and now are four victories away from taking home the Larry O’Brien Trophy.

Said Haliburton: “When we brought him here, we envisioned something like this.”


3. This ending ‘sucks,’ but the Knicks’ run did not

New York point guard Jalen Brunson has been in that city long enough to know how the tabloid newspapers work. So he gave them easy back-page fodder with his first postgame comments Saturday.

“It sucks,” Brunson said, providing the stuff of big, rude headlines. “Simple as that. It sucks.”

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Of course it did. New York ground out 18 games of postseason drama only to spit out the bit in the second half Saturday, when they got outscored 67-54. The Knicks never led after halftime, never really got close after Indiana reeled off the first nine points of the third quarter.

Frankly, it was a near-miracle that they got up one more shot than the Pacers, considering their 18 turnovers. If you’re going to get outscored by 24 points on 3-pointers, you had better not give up 34 easy points by throwing the ball away or snuffing possessions with offensive fouls.

“Some of it was our own doing, some of it was their ball pressure,” Thibodeau said.

Said Brunson, who had five turnovers to go with seven assists: “I try to control the things that I can control, and that’s one of them. That’s terrible on my part.”

Zooming out a few thousand feet, however, the Knicks’ season looked better than their final 24 minutes. They pushed through an injury-riddled season to win 51 games, their most in a dozen years. They had a major piece dropped in their laps, Towns, on the eve of training camp and patched around the departures of Isaiah Hartenstein, Julius Randle and Donte DiVincenzo.

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New York handled a scrappy Detroit team in the first round, then bumped off the defending champions from Boston in six games with a pair of 20-point comebacks. They got a round further than when they lost in the East semis to Indiana a year ago.

“There were a lot of people saying we couldn’t do a lot of things,” Brunson said. “A lot of negativity around what we were trying to accomplish Just kind of put blinders on and went to work.”

Any speculation about Thibodeau’s job status, an inevitability for a New York fan base, will be premature at best. Folks fretted about the heavy minutes he loaded on Knicks starters, then never explored why they were as healthy as any team eight months in. Thibodeau has steered the Knicks to the postseason four times in five seasons, compared to three times in 16 seasons by the nine guys who preceded him in the job.


4. Carlisle’s golden touch once more

Backup center Thomas Bryant had played in just three of the series’ first five games for a total of 22 minutes. So he goes out in Game 6 and gives the Pacers 11 points in 13 minutes, hitting three of his four 3-pointers, grabbing three rebounds and blocking a shot.

It went that way with Bryant in the previous round too. In the first four games against Cleveland, he totaled nine points in 42 minutes. In the decisive Game 5, Bryant responded to Carlisle’s tap on the shoulder with nine points in 11 minutes to help defeat the Cavaliers on their own floor.

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It’s chicken-or-egg stuff at this point: does Bryant play well in clinchers or do games become clinchers because Bryant plays well? Let’s not forget, the much-traveled 27-year-old (five teams) was on the 2023 Nuggets championship squad.

Said Siakam: “I told him, the basketball gods reward you.”


5. Low-wattage Finals? More like high concept

Siakam and Turner both took knees to the groin from attacking Knicks players in Game 6 – and both got called for the fouls on the two plays. But in the grand scheme, that might serve as solid prep work for the force the Pacers can expect when they face the Thunder in the 2025 NBA Finals.

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Oklahoma City plays the league’s most physical and smothering defense, the sort of the-refs-can’t-call-every-foul style that can stymie opponents competitively and mentally. Indiana just demonstrated how potent it can be when it plays fast, attacks both inside and out, and pushes its point total north of 110 points (11-0 in the playoffs so far when doing that, 52-23 in the regular season).

So it’s offense vs. defense in a Finals that will lack a major TV market for the people focused on ratings. But it shouldn’t lack much for basketball fans who can watch without worrying if the folks across the hall or down the street are doing the same. If the neighbors miss out, they miss out.

* * *

Steve Aschburner has written about the NBA since 1980. You can e-mail him here, find his archive here and follow him on X.

The views on this page do not necessarily reflect the views of the NBA, its clubs or Warner Bros. Discovery.

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Indiana

Indiana’s rejection of new voting map shows Trump’s might is not unlimited

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Indiana’s rejection of new voting map shows Trump’s might is not unlimited


The Indiana legislature’s rejection of a new map that would have added two Republican seats in Congress marked one of the biggest political defeats for Donald Trump so far in his second term and significantly damaged the Republican effort to reconfigure congressional districts ahead of next year’s midterm elections.

The defeat showed that Trump’s political might is not unlimited. For months, the president waged an aggressive effort to twist the arms of Indiana lawmakers into supporting a new congressional map, sending JD Vance to meet in person with lawmakers. Trump allies also set up outside groups to pressure state lawmakers.

Heritage Action, the political arm of the Heritage Foundation, which has close ties to the Trump administration, issued a dramatic threat this week ahead of the vote: if the new map wasn’t passed, Indiana would lose federal funding. “Roads will not be paved. Guard bases will close. Major projects will stop. These are the stakes and every NO vote will be to blame,” the group posted on X. The state’s Republican lieutenant governor said in a since-deleted X post that Trump administration officials made the same threat.

All of that may have backfired, as Republican state senators publicly said they were turned off by the threats and weathered death threats and swatting attempts as they voted the bill down.

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“You wouldn’t change minds by being mean. And the efforts were mean-spirited from the get-go,” Jean Leising, an Indiana Republican state senator who voted against the bill, told CNN. “If you were wanting to change votes, you would probably try to explain why we should be doing this, in a positive way. That never happened, so, you know, I think they get what they get.”

Nationally, the defeat complicates the picture for Republicans as they seek to redraw districts to shore up their majority in an increasingly messy redistricting battle. The effort began earlier this year when Trump pushed Texas Republicans to redraw the state’s congressional map to pick up GOP seats, a highly unusual move since redistricting is usually done once at the start of the decade.

“This isn’t the first time a Republican state legislature has resisted pressure from the White House, but it is the most significant, both because of the over-the-top tactics President Trump and speaker Johnson employed, and also the fact that there were two seats on the line,” said Dave Wasserman, an expert in US House races who writes for the non-partisan Cook Political Report. “It changes the trajectory of this redistricting war from the midpoint of possible outcomes being a small, being a modest Republican gain to a wash.”

Republicans in Texas and Democrats in California have both redrawn their maps to add as many as five seats for their respective parties, cancelling each other out. Republicans in North Carolina and Missouri have also redrawn their congressional districts to add one Republican seat apiece in each of those states. The Missouri map, however, may be blocked by a voter initiated referendum (Republicans are maneuvering to undercut the initiative). Democrats are also poised to pick up a seat in Utah after a court ruling there (state lawmakers are seeking a way around the ruling).

Ohio also adopted a new map that made one Democratic district more competitive, and made a new Democratic friendly and Republican friendly district out of two different competitive districts.

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The biggest remaining opportunity to pick up seats for Democrats is in Virginia, where they currently represent six of the state’s 11 congressional districts. Don Scott, the House speaker, has said Democrats are considering adding a map that adds four Democratic seats in the state. Republicans could counter that in Florida with a new congressional map that could add as many as five Republican seats. There is also pending litigation challenging a favorable GOP congressional map in Wisconsin.

The close tit-for-tat has placed even more significance on a supreme court case from Louisiana that could wind up gutting a key provision in the Voting Rights Act that prevents lawmakers from drawing districts that weaken the influence of Black voters. After oral argument, the court appeared poised to significantly curtail the measure, which could pave the way for Louisiana, Alabama, and other southern states to wipe out districts currently represented by Democrats. It’s unclear if the supreme court will issue its decision in time for the midterm elections.

“The timing of that decision is a huge deal with two to four seats on the line,” Wasserman said. “We haven’t seen the last plot twist in this redistricting war, but the outlook is less rosy for Republicans than it was at the start.”



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Indiana redistricting: Senate Republicans side with Democrats to reject Trump’s voting map

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Indiana redistricting: Senate Republicans side with Democrats to reject Trump’s voting map


Indiana Republicans have defied intense pressure from President Donald Trump by rejecting his demands that they pass a voting map meant to favour their party in next year’s midterm elections.

In one of the most conservative states in the US, 21 Republicans in the Senate joined all 10 Democrats to torpedo the redistricting plan by a vote of 31-19. The new map passed the House last week.

If it had cleared the legislature, Republicans could have flipped the only two Democratic-held congressional seats in the state.

Trump’s call for Republican state leaders to redraw maps and help the party keep its congressional majority in Washington next year has triggered gerrymandering battles nationwide.

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Republican-led Texas and Democratic-led California, two of the country’s largest states, have led the charge.

Other states where redistricting efforts have been initiated or passed include Utah, Ohio, New Hampshire, Missouri and Illinois.

Republican state Senator Spencer Deery said ahead of Thursday’s vote: “My opposition to mid-cycle gerrymandering is not in contrast to my conservative principles, my opposition is driven by them.

“As long as I have breath, I will use my voice to resist a federal government that attempts to bully, direct, and control this state or any state. Giving the federal government more power is not conservative.”

Indiana Governor Mike Braun, a Republican, said he was “very disappointed” in the outcome.

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“I will be working with the President to challenge these people who do not represent the best interests of Hoosiers,” he said on X, using a popular nickname for people from the Midwestern state.

The revolt of Indiana Republicans came after direct months of lobbying from the White House.

On Wednesday, Trump warned on his social media platform Truth Social that Republicans who did not support the initiative could risk losing their seats.

He directly addressed the Republican leader of the state Senate, Rodric Bray, calling him “the only person in the United States of America who is against Republicans picking up extra seats”.

To liberals, it was a moment of celebration. Keith “Wildstyle” Paschall described the mood on Thursday as “jubilant”.

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“There’s a lot of relief,” the Indianapolis-based activist told the BBC. “People had thought that we would have to move on to a legal strategy and didn’t believe we could defeat it directly at the statehouse.”

The new map would have redistricted parts of Indianapolis and potentially led to the ouster of Indiana’s lone black House representative, André Carson.

In the weeks before Thursday’s vote, Trump hosted Indiana lawmakers at the White House to win over holdouts.

He also dispatched Vice-President JD Vance down to Indiana twice to shore up support.

Nearly a dozen Indiana Republican lawmakers have said they were targeted with death threats and swatting attacks over the planned vote.

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Ultimately, this redistricting plan fell flat in another setback for Trump following a string of recent Democratic wins in off-year elections.

The defeat appears to have added to Republican concerns.

“We have a huge problem,” said former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon during his podcast, The War Room.

“People have to realise that we only have a couple opportunities,” he said.

“If we don’t get a net 10 pickup in the redistricting wars, it’s going to be enormously hard, if not impossible, to hold the House.”

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Texas was the first state to respond to Trump’s redistricting request.

After a lower court blocked the maps for being drawn illegally based on race, the Supreme Court allowed Texas Republicans to go ahead.

The decision was a major win for Republicans, with the new maps expected to add five seats in their favour.

California’s map is also expected to add five seats for Democrats.



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Trump post signals Indiana redistricting vote too close for comfort

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Trump post signals Indiana redistricting vote too close for comfort


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President Donald Trump issued a lengthy late-night plea to Indiana lawmakers on the eve of their critical Dec. 11 redistricting vote, seemingly betraying a lack of confidence in a favorable outcome.

“Rod Bray and his friends won’t be in Politics for long, and I will do everything within my power to make sure that they will not hurt the Republican Party, and our Country, again,” Trump concluded the Truth Social post. “One of my favorite States, Indiana, will be the only State in the Union to turn the Republican Party down!”

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This afternoon, the Indiana Senate will decide the fate of Trump’s desire to redraw the state’s congressional map to give Republicans two more favorable districts. But this fate has been very uncertain: Republican senators are split on the issue, with a number of them having remained silent. The vote count is expected to be tight.

Trump’s post last night is leaving many with the impression that it’s too close for comfort.

He repeated some familiar refrains noted in other posts over the last few weeks: lambasting the leadership of Senate President Pro Tempore Rodric Bray, promising to support primary challengers against those who vote down mid-decade redistricting, emphasizing the importance of holding the Republican majority in Congress to beat back the “Radical Left Democrats.”

But in length and in detail, this post delved deeper. He lumped Bray in with the likes of former Gov. Mitch Daniels, who Trump called a “failed Senate candidate,” though Daniels never formally entered the race against U.S. Sen. Jim Banks in 2024. Trump made statements about the Republican “suckers” Bray found to vote against redistricting with him, as though the vote had already occurred.

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Those conclusion sentences alone ― promising that Bray and others will not hurt the country “again” ― seems to foretell an outcome.

That outcome will ultimately come to light in the mid to late afternoon when senators take a final vote on House Bill 1032, the redistricting bill.

It had passed the Indiana House by a 57-41 vote last week.

The proposed map gives Republicans the advantage in all nine of Indiana’s congressional districts, chiefly by carving up Indianapolis voters into four new districts. The current congressional map has seven seats held by Republicans and two by Democrats.

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Contact IndyStar Statehouse reporter Kayla Dwyer at kdwyer@indystar.com or follow her on X @kayla_dwyer17.





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