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The Session | The end approaches

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The Session | The end approaches


EPISODE DESCRIPTION

The 69th Legislature is starting week 17, it’s likely the last week of the session. Political tension are roiling as lawmakers narrow in on the final pieces of the state budget and property tax relief.

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

Shaylee Ragar:  The 69th legislature is starting Week 17. It’s likely the last week of the session. Political tensions are roiling as lawmakers narrow in on the final pieces of the state budget and property tax relief. We also wanna let you know about a live panel event that the session podcast is hosting on May 7th at 7:00 p.m. Put that on your calendars now.

This is The Session, a look at the policy and politics inside the Montana State House. I’m Shaylee Ragar with Montana Public Radio 

Eric Dietrich: And I’m Eric Dietrich with Montana Free Press.

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Shaylee Ragar: Okay, so let’s set the scene of where we’re at right now. Lawmakers are on track to hit Day 90, their constitutional deadline, a week from today on May 5th. They usually adjourn before that, and lots of legislators have been telling us that they want to be done this week. That means they must pass a state budget, and most lawmakers seem to be determined to pass a permanent property tax rate restructure before leaving Helena too.

So, Eric, before we dive into the policy. How would you describe the political vibes right now of the Capitol? 

Eric Dietrich: I think the best way to put it is that it’s crunch time for the hard stuff. The stuff for the political coalitions just has not come together. You know, people are running outta patience, tensions are high.

Stuff is boiling over in dramatic ways on the House and Senate floor sometimes. 

Shaylee Ragar: But there are some clear coalitions that have emerged on how the state should spend its money. Talk us through that. 

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Eric Dietrich: So folks who have been listening all session have heard us talk a lot about kind of the messy politics, particularly on the Senate side of the legislature this year.

There’s been a faction of Senate Republicans that have been basically feuding with Senate President Matt Regier and have been voting with Democrats to form a kind of effective majority coalition over there. That group, which folks call The Nine, that’s the coalition that’s passing most of the big tax and spending bills we’ve seen advance through the Senate side of the legislature the last few weeks.

Shaylee Ragar: The state budget is one important example.

Eric Dietrich: Yeah, like a very important example. House Bill 2, the state budget bill, funds agency budgets for two years. Big, huge spending bill, billions and billions of dollars, like probably the most important single bill the legislature passes each session, passed the House with kind of split caucuses, some Republicans for, some Republicans against.

Same with Democrats on the Senate side though, we saw a series of votes on amendments that all broke down on basically the same lines. 

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“Mr. Chairman, 23 Senators vote aye and 27 Senators, vote nay.” 

We have nine Republicans, the 18 minority Democrats, and then other Republicans opposed. 

“Mr. Chairman, 23 Senators vote aye and 27 Senators vote nay.” 

“Mr. Chairman, 23 Senators vote aye and 27 Senators vote nay.” 

“Mr. Chairman, 27 Senators vote aye and 23 Senators vote nay.” 

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It was kind of very perfunctory, almost like you know, the same vote, same vote, same vote. Crossed several amendments and by the end of the debate people who are on the losing side are getting up and, and saying, ‘Hey, the cake has been baked already. We don’t like this.’ 

Shaylee Ragar: You know, there’s the budget and then there’s the kind of companion bills to the budget that also includes spending that don’t show up in the line item of HB 2, but are in these policy bills that have appropriations attached to them. Senator Carl Glimm, who is chair of the Senate Finance and Claims Committee, got up on one of those spending bills and talked about how he felt like the legislature is passing too much spending. He’s one of the 23 Republicans who has been on the losing side of of these debates. 

“And we all spent, like drunken sailors, we’re giving drunken sailors a bad name.”

And I do think it might be a little bit of political theater, what he said.

Eric Dietrich: But it’s entertaining political theater. 

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Shaylee Ragar: It’s for sure.

So Glimm is one of these 23 Republicans who are kind of in the minority now on these debates in the Senate. The tables seem to have turned this session a little bit, which has been super interesting. For example, last session, it was Democrats who were pushing back against a so-called ‘six pack of tax cut bills’ that were all tied together with coordinating language.

Democrats said it was too much spending in one package of bills moving too quickly. We are hearing very similar language from Republicans in the Senate this session about some of these big spending bills. They say there are too many proposals and too many concepts in one bill that they should be parsed and examined individually.

So it’s really interesting to watch that kind of role reversal happening. 

Eric Dietrich:It is, yes. I think, to take one example, we heard a vigorous debate on the Senate floor this last week about what’s fairly described as a supplemental spending bill, so not the big state agency spending bill, but kind of a bill that is a container for other provisions.

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And it came to the Senate, very simple bill, just about I think $100,000 for a trade commission between Montana and Ireland, but it had a kind of broad bill title, which means that they can add other things into it. And so that became kind of a place to stash other things that were spending proposals that some people at least thought were a good idea, but didn’t really have another place too late in the session to bring a standalone bill.

And so ended up with things like money for mental health evaluations and some language of changing how the board of investment operates and gosh, all sorts of other things too. And the rhetoric we often see play out in these debates is the folks that have the working majority, they say, ‘and it’s just by the means. It’s sausage-making, but you gotta get stuff done.’ Folks on the losing side said, ‘Hey, your, your sausage smells bad. I don’t like it. Let’s not do this, it isn’t the right way to do business.’ You know, that debate played out. Very much like that this year. 

Shaylee Ragar: Right? And it’s not just about whether it is ethical or responsible to pass big spending bills with lots of amendments.

Lawmakers also have to consider whether they’re staying within the confines of the constitutional framework to pass bills. 

Eric, talk us through those rules. 

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Eric Dietrich: The Montana Constitution has a single-subject requirement for bills and basically that’s, you know, each bill should express, do one thing that should be clearly expressed to the title, and don’t change that title and what the bill does halfway through the process.

The argument is that that makes it easier for lawmakers to have good standalone debates, makes it easier for the public to follow bills, that sort of thing. There are some exceptions to the Montana rule though, and legislators being legislators, they will take those exceptions and work them as hard as they can when that’s what they need to do to pass the things they want to pass.

And occasionally the things go to the point where somebody will bring a court case to challenge a bill and says, ‘Hey, this violates a single subject rule’ and occasionally bills do get thrown out as a result of that. 

Shaylee Ragar: Yeah, Republican Senator Greg Hertz of Polson actually talked about how a couple of sessions ago, he had an election bill that was amended with some other language towards the end of the session, and that bill was struck down solely on the procedure of how that bill was put together and whether it fit the requirements for a bill.

And he pointed out that his bill had been struck down to say that, ‘Hey, Democrats and the nine Republicans who support some of these proposals, you could get your stuff struck down in court too.’ 

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Eric Dietrich: Yeah, it’s gonna be fascinating to see whether some of the rhetoric we’re hearing on the Senate floor translates into actual court cases on notable bills that come out of the session this year.

Shaylee Ragar: Spending is causing a lot of tension. But property tax relief is also feeling pretty chaotic these last couple weeks of the session. There are some big bills that have been voted down and then resurrected. It’s also been hard to keep up with which bills are alive and dead. So, what do we still have on the table, Eric?

Eric Dietrich: Gosh, if I was following this from home, I think I’d be giving up on tracking individual bills and maybe tracking ideas instead. The big idea on the table still is the tax relief proposal that’s advanced by Governor Greg Gianforte. I’ve been calling it the second home tax ’cause what it would do is it would reduce taxes on primary residences, in part by raising them on second homes.

The idea being that if you just scale back taxes on residences and don’t do much else, that tax burden, a lot of it will flow elsewhere, so onto businesses. And so the governor’s proposal, what it does is it scales up taxes on second homes and Airbnbs in order to minimize how much extra tax burden goes on to businesses.

As of this recording, that idea is alive in two bills that are kind of redundant with each other. Those two bills are both moving forward. That idea seems like the one that’s likely to pass, but I may well eat my words on that. 

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Shaylee Ragar: We’ve been seeing lawmakers take this approach of having two bills with similar concepts in each moving at the same time.

The goal being to have one pass to keep the momentum moving in one of these vehicles. So we’ll see which one ends up making it across the finish line, if any. Eric, why is it so complicated for lawmakers to figure out property taxes? 

Eric Dietrich: The real challenge with property taxes is that if you want somebody to pay less, somebody else has to pay more, or you have to cut local services.

Most people in the building aren’t pushing for major cuts to local services, and as a result, the money’s gotta come from somewhere. And so the challenge is where is it another part of the property tax system that’s not homes? Is it the state general fund, which is mostly income tax dollars? So that would be another approach, but the governor doesn’t like that and has threatened to veto bills that would do that.

Where’s the money gonna come from and if the money’s gonna come from somewhere, does that mean raising taxes on a class of people? Which is a tough thing politically for lawmakers to do. 

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Shaylee Ragar: I wanna talk about one other thing that was a top priority for Governor Greg Gianforte, which was cutting income taxes. A proposal to do that is headed to his desk. 

Eric, talk us through that bill. 

Eric Dietrich: Yeah, so the governor who proposed a cut to the state’s top bracket tax rate this year, he didn’t get it, at least not as much as he wanted. Instead, what lawmakers have passed is a smaller cut to the top bracket tax rate, and then also another provision that basically takes the state’s lower bracket tax rate and provides that to more taxpayers at more incomes. 

Lawmakers who argued for that say that would target more relief towards middle income taxpayers. That bill will cost the state about a quarter of a billion dollars a year in revenue once it’s fully implemented.

And since we’re talking about divisions of the Republican Party, we should note that that one was essentially a party lines passage supported by Republicans, opposed by Democrats. 

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Shaylee Ragar: Thanks for breaking that down for us, Eric. I think we’ll cut ourselves off there for today, but please tell me what was your favorite moment last week?

Eric Dietrich: A lot of the tax and budget bills going through the legislature have been written by House Appropriations Chair Llew Jones of Conrad. He’s basically the legislature’s budget guru. Also kind of the guy who’s making deals behind the scenes and at this point in the session, he seems to be getting his way with a lot of stuff.

There’s some friction there in places. There’s a non-budget resolution that was going over the House floor this week coming from some folks who want to go back to the days when state legislators picked US Senators instead of having senators elected by a popular vote like we’ve been doing for the past century.

During that debate, John Fitzpatrick from Anaconda, got up and asked the supporters of the bill if they wanted Representative Jones to pick Montana’s next Senator. 

“If the intent of this resolution was law today, our next US Senator would be picked by the representative from Conrad in Seat 91.”

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He got a lot of laughs and perhaps killed that bill right there.

Shaylee Ragar: Yes, someone needs to write a biography of Representative Llew Jones. There would be lots and lots of material. He is very well known in this building. 

Eric Dietrich: And perhaps not as well known as they should be by the broader public. 

Shaylee Ragar: That’s so true. 

We’ll leave it there for now, but I again wanna highlight, we are going to have a live panel discussion with all the reporters you’ve been hearing from on The Session on May 7th at 7:00 p.m. We want your questions, we want your comments.

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You can find an online form to submit those at mtpr.org/session. Thank you so much for tuning in, and please join us on the 7th. This has been The Session, a look at the policy and politics inside the Montana State House. Thanks, Eric. 

Eric Dietrich: Thanks.



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Montana Lottery Powerball, Lucky For Life results for Dec. 24, 2025

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The Montana Lottery offers multiple draw games for those aiming to win big. Here’s a look at Dec. 24, 2025, results for each game:

Winning Powerball numbers from Dec. 24 drawing

04-25-31-52-59, Powerball: 19, Power Play: 2

Check Powerball payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Lucky For Life numbers from Dec. 24 drawing

03-05-07-17-34, Lucky Ball: 09

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Check Lucky For Life payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Lotto America numbers from Dec. 24 drawing

01-18-27-41-49, Star Ball: 09, ASB: 02

Check Lotto America payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Big Sky Bonus numbers from Dec. 24 drawing

05-25-26-31, Bonus: 12

Check Big Sky Bonus payouts and previous drawings here.

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Winning Powerball Double Play numbers from Dec. 24 drawing

03-15-19-29-35, Powerball: 21

Check Powerball Double Play payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Montana Cash numbers from Dec. 24 drawing

07-09-14-15-16

Check Montana Cash payouts and previous drawings here.

Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results

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When are the Montana Lottery drawings held?

  • Powerball: 8:59 p.m. MT on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
  • Mega Millions: 9 p.m. MT on Tuesday and Friday.
  • Lucky For Life: 8:38 p.m. MT daily.
  • Lotto America: 9 p.m. MT on Monday, Wednesday and Saturday.
  • Big Sky Bonus: 7:30 p.m. MT daily.
  • Powerball Double Play: 8:59 p.m. MT on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
  • Montana Cash: 8 p.m. MT on Wednesday and Saturday.

Missed a draw? Peek at the past week’s winning numbers.

Winning lottery numbers are sponsored by Jackpocket, the official digital lottery courier of the USA TODAY Network.

Where can you buy lottery tickets?

Tickets can be purchased in person at gas stations, convenience stores and grocery stores. Some airport terminals may also sell lottery tickets.

You can also order tickets online through Jackpocket, the official digital lottery courier of the USA TODAY Network, in these U.S. states and territories: Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Idaho, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Puerto Rico, Washington D.C., and West Virginia. The Jackpocket app allows you to pick your lottery game and numbers, place your order, see your ticket and collect your winnings all using your phone or home computer.

Jackpocket is the official digital lottery courier of the USA TODAY Network. Gannett may earn revenue for audience referrals to Jackpocket services. GAMBLING PROBLEM? CALL 1-800-GAMBLER, Call 877-8-HOPENY/text HOPENY (467369) (NY). 18+ (19+ in NE, 21+ in AZ). Physically present where Jackpocket operates. Jackpocket is not affiliated with any State Lottery. Eligibility Restrictions apply. Void where prohibited. Terms: jackpocket.com/tos.

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This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a Great Falls Tribune editor. You can send feedback using this form.



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ABC’s Montana/Montana State Semifinal Game Draws Record TV Viewership

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ABC’s Montana/Montana State Semifinal Game Draws Record TV Viewership


The Montana at Montana State FCS semifinal game on ABC was the most-watched FCS playoff game on record, averaging 2.8 million viewers.

ESPN2’s Illinois State at Villanova game averaged about 400,000 viewers. The average of 1.6M viewers is the most-watched semifinals since 2009.

For comparison, last year’s FCS semifinals had two games on ABC, which draws more eyeballs than ESPN2. SDSU at NDSU on ABC averaged 1.58M viewers. South Dakota at Montana State on ABC averaged 1.37M. Last season’s title game of NDSU vs. Montana State on ESPN drew 2.41M.

This comes a week after the quarterfinal round drew its highest average audience since 2011.

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Viewership for the six FCS playoff games so far on national TV is up 13% from the comparable six games on networks prior to the title game last year.

The ‘Super Brawl’ Delivers In Intensity

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The Trump-Class Battleship Might Just Be Another Montana-Class Battleship

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The Trump-Class Battleship Might Just Be Another Montana-Class Battleship


Key Points and Summary – Trump’s newly announced Trump-class “Golden Fleet” recalls the U.S. Navy’s never-built Montana-class battleships: huge, heavily armed ships overtaken by changing strategy.

-In 1940, Montanas were conceived as super-battleships, but World War II quickly proved carriers, submarines, and escorts were more decisive, and the program was canceled before keels were laid.

Trump-Class Battleship. Image Credit: Creative Commons/White House.

-Today, Trump’s vision faces different but parallel constraints: hyper-partisan politics, tight shipbuilding capacity, and a fast-moving shift toward missiles, drones, and distributed fleets.

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-The article argues the real lesson of Montana is that strategy and technology can outrun prestige platforms before they ever reach the water. History may be repeating itself.

Trump-Class Battleship Golden Fleet: Another Montana-Class?

In 1940, as war spread across Europe and tensions with Japan continued to rise in the Pacific, the U.S. Navy was still planning for a conflict in which heavily armed surface fleets would play a decisive role. Battleships remained central to American naval thinking, and Congress had just approved a significant expansion of the fleet under the Two-Ocean Navy Act. 

Within that framework, Navy planners authorized a new class of battleships that would be larger, more heavily protected, and more powerfully armed than any the United States had previously built.

Designated the Montana-class, the ships were intended to represent the next step in battleship technology and capability at a moment when naval strategy itself was about to change significantly. 

The program, however, never worked out as planned. In fact, none of the five planned Montana-class ships ever saw steel laid on a dock. The program was canceled before construction began, and the class never entered service. But why?

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The answer isn’t precisely simple: it was a combination of shifting priorities, politics, and a total transformation in naval warfare that effectively made battleships strategically obsolete before they could even be built. 

Trump-Class Battleship

Trump-Class Battleship. Image Credit: Creative Commons/White House Photo.

As U.S. President Donald Trump announces plans for an entirely new class of battleships to form what he calls the “Golden Fleet,” the story of the Montana-class is well worth revisiting today.

The Montana-Class Vision and World War II

In the late 1930s and into the early 1940s, the U.S. Navy’s battleship force was undergoing its most ambitious expansion since World War I. Battleships like the North Carolina, South Dakota, and Iowa classes were designed or authorized after treaties capped armament and displacement. With treaty restrictions effectively ended and global conflict looming, the Navy chose to pursue a new class of super battleships – designated BB-67 through BB-71 – that would surpass even the formidable Iowa-class in terms of size and firepower. 

The Montana-class was set to displace more than 60,000 tons, measure more than 920 feet in length, and carry twelve Mark 7 guns in four triple turrets – significantly more heavy guns than the nine on an Iowa-class ship. Armor protection was also made thicker and more extensive. 

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Congress authorized construction of the Montana-class as part of the Two-Ocean Navy Act of July 1940, which aimed to expand U.S. naval capabilities as war engulfed Europe and Asia. The intention was for these battleships to serve as the centerpiece of a powerful surface fleet capable of countering German and Japanese warships. 

However, even as the designs were being confirmed and contracts authorized, larger strategic shifts were underway. The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 and the Pacific campaign that followed accelerated the prominence and demand for aircraft carriers. The Navy began to allocate resources differently, and shipyard capacity, steel, and manpower became limited during wartime. Ultimately, the need for Essex-class aircraft carriers, destroyer escorts, landing craft, and anti-submarine vessels became more urgent. 

Battleship construction, even for the existing Iowa-class hulls, began to compete with these new priorities. And while the Montana design was impressive on paper, it was also slower than the Iowa class and incapable of keeping pace with fast carrier forces that were increasingly defining U.S. naval operations in the Pacific. That made the Montana less suitable for the evolving (and now primary) mission of fleet air defense and power projection. 

Montana-Class Battleship

Montana-Class Battleship vs. Iowa-Class. Image Credit: Creative Commons.

Recognizing those realities, the Navy suspended work on the Montana project in mid-1942 before any keels were laid. At that point in the war, aircraft carriers had already proven decisive in major battles like Coral Sea and Midway, and naval planners were under intense pressure to prioritize ships that could be delivered quickly and used immediately in combat. Large battleships that would not enter service until 1945 or later no longer made any strategic sense.

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By July 1943, the decision was made official, and the Montana class was formally cancelled.

The steel, manpower, and shipyard space allocated initially for the super battleships were instead redirected toward aircraft carriers, destroyers, submarines, and amphibious ships – platforms that were directly shaping the outcome of the war in both the Pacific and Atlantic theaters. 

The cancellation, however, didn’t necessarily reflect a failure of the Montana design – though a case could be made that its speed was an issue – but rather a recognition that the role battleships had once played was disappearing faster than the ships could be built. 

USS Missouri Battleship

Image of Iowa-class battleship compared to Montana-class battleship that was never built. Image Credit: Creative Commons.

Montana-class

Image is of an Iowa-class battleship. Image Credit: Creative Commons.

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In 2025, as President Trump promises an entirely new class of battleships that the U.S. Navy itself acknowledges it needs, there are different issues to contend with. 

Trump faces an uphill battle in terms of political partisanship, which threatens to veto (or at least rename) the ships if a Democrat wins in 2028. 

In parallel, the changing nature of global combat and the increasing reliance by adversaries on automated systems, drones, and long-range missiles means that strategies and priorities seem to be changing by the year. 

About the Author:

Jack Buckby is a British author, counter-extremism researcher, and journalist based in New York. Reporting on the U.K., Europe, and the U.S., he works to analyze and understand left-wing and right-wing radicalization, and reports on Western governments’ approaches to the pressing issues of today. His books and research papers explore these themes and propose pragmatic solutions to our increasingly polarized society. His latest book is The Truth Teller: RFK Jr. and the Case for a Post-Partisan Presidency.



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