Montana
The Session | The end approaches
EPISODE DESCRIPTION
The 69th Legislature is starting week 17, it’s likely the last week of the session. Political tension are roiling as lawmakers narrow in on the final pieces of the state budget and property tax relief.
EPISODE TRANSCRIPT
Shaylee Ragar: The 69th legislature is starting Week 17. It’s likely the last week of the session. Political tensions are roiling as lawmakers narrow in on the final pieces of the state budget and property tax relief. We also wanna let you know about a live panel event that the session podcast is hosting on May 7th at 7:00 p.m. Put that on your calendars now.
This is The Session, a look at the policy and politics inside the Montana State House. I’m Shaylee Ragar with Montana Public Radio
Eric Dietrich: And I’m Eric Dietrich with Montana Free Press.
Shaylee Ragar: Okay, so let’s set the scene of where we’re at right now. Lawmakers are on track to hit Day 90, their constitutional deadline, a week from today on May 5th. They usually adjourn before that, and lots of legislators have been telling us that they want to be done this week. That means they must pass a state budget, and most lawmakers seem to be determined to pass a permanent property tax rate restructure before leaving Helena too.
So, Eric, before we dive into the policy. How would you describe the political vibes right now of the Capitol?
Eric Dietrich: I think the best way to put it is that it’s crunch time for the hard stuff. The stuff for the political coalitions just has not come together. You know, people are running outta patience, tensions are high.
Stuff is boiling over in dramatic ways on the House and Senate floor sometimes.
Shaylee Ragar: But there are some clear coalitions that have emerged on how the state should spend its money. Talk us through that.
Eric Dietrich: So folks who have been listening all session have heard us talk a lot about kind of the messy politics, particularly on the Senate side of the legislature this year.
There’s been a faction of Senate Republicans that have been basically feuding with Senate President Matt Regier and have been voting with Democrats to form a kind of effective majority coalition over there. That group, which folks call The Nine, that’s the coalition that’s passing most of the big tax and spending bills we’ve seen advance through the Senate side of the legislature the last few weeks.
Shaylee Ragar: The state budget is one important example.
Eric Dietrich: Yeah, like a very important example. House Bill 2, the state budget bill, funds agency budgets for two years. Big, huge spending bill, billions and billions of dollars, like probably the most important single bill the legislature passes each session, passed the House with kind of split caucuses, some Republicans for, some Republicans against.
Same with Democrats on the Senate side though, we saw a series of votes on amendments that all broke down on basically the same lines.
“Mr. Chairman, 23 Senators vote aye and 27 Senators, vote nay.”
We have nine Republicans, the 18 minority Democrats, and then other Republicans opposed.
“Mr. Chairman, 23 Senators vote aye and 27 Senators vote nay.”
“Mr. Chairman, 23 Senators vote aye and 27 Senators vote nay.”
“Mr. Chairman, 27 Senators vote aye and 23 Senators vote nay.”
It was kind of very perfunctory, almost like you know, the same vote, same vote, same vote. Crossed several amendments and by the end of the debate people who are on the losing side are getting up and, and saying, ‘Hey, the cake has been baked already. We don’t like this.’
Shaylee Ragar: You know, there’s the budget and then there’s the kind of companion bills to the budget that also includes spending that don’t show up in the line item of HB 2, but are in these policy bills that have appropriations attached to them. Senator Carl Glimm, who is chair of the Senate Finance and Claims Committee, got up on one of those spending bills and talked about how he felt like the legislature is passing too much spending. He’s one of the 23 Republicans who has been on the losing side of of these debates.
“And we all spent, like drunken sailors, we’re giving drunken sailors a bad name.”
And I do think it might be a little bit of political theater, what he said.
Eric Dietrich: But it’s entertaining political theater.
Shaylee Ragar: It’s for sure.
So Glimm is one of these 23 Republicans who are kind of in the minority now on these debates in the Senate. The tables seem to have turned this session a little bit, which has been super interesting. For example, last session, it was Democrats who were pushing back against a so-called ‘six pack of tax cut bills’ that were all tied together with coordinating language.
Democrats said it was too much spending in one package of bills moving too quickly. We are hearing very similar language from Republicans in the Senate this session about some of these big spending bills. They say there are too many proposals and too many concepts in one bill that they should be parsed and examined individually.
So it’s really interesting to watch that kind of role reversal happening.
Eric Dietrich:It is, yes. I think, to take one example, we heard a vigorous debate on the Senate floor this last week about what’s fairly described as a supplemental spending bill, so not the big state agency spending bill, but kind of a bill that is a container for other provisions.
And it came to the Senate, very simple bill, just about I think $100,000 for a trade commission between Montana and Ireland, but it had a kind of broad bill title, which means that they can add other things into it. And so that became kind of a place to stash other things that were spending proposals that some people at least thought were a good idea, but didn’t really have another place too late in the session to bring a standalone bill.
And so ended up with things like money for mental health evaluations and some language of changing how the board of investment operates and gosh, all sorts of other things too. And the rhetoric we often see play out in these debates is the folks that have the working majority, they say, ‘and it’s just by the means. It’s sausage-making, but you gotta get stuff done.’ Folks on the losing side said, ‘Hey, your, your sausage smells bad. I don’t like it. Let’s not do this, it isn’t the right way to do business.’ You know, that debate played out. Very much like that this year.
Shaylee Ragar: Right? And it’s not just about whether it is ethical or responsible to pass big spending bills with lots of amendments.
Lawmakers also have to consider whether they’re staying within the confines of the constitutional framework to pass bills.
Eric, talk us through those rules.
Eric Dietrich: The Montana Constitution has a single-subject requirement for bills and basically that’s, you know, each bill should express, do one thing that should be clearly expressed to the title, and don’t change that title and what the bill does halfway through the process.
The argument is that that makes it easier for lawmakers to have good standalone debates, makes it easier for the public to follow bills, that sort of thing. There are some exceptions to the Montana rule though, and legislators being legislators, they will take those exceptions and work them as hard as they can when that’s what they need to do to pass the things they want to pass.
And occasionally the things go to the point where somebody will bring a court case to challenge a bill and says, ‘Hey, this violates a single subject rule’ and occasionally bills do get thrown out as a result of that.
Shaylee Ragar: Yeah, Republican Senator Greg Hertz of Polson actually talked about how a couple of sessions ago, he had an election bill that was amended with some other language towards the end of the session, and that bill was struck down solely on the procedure of how that bill was put together and whether it fit the requirements for a bill.
And he pointed out that his bill had been struck down to say that, ‘Hey, Democrats and the nine Republicans who support some of these proposals, you could get your stuff struck down in court too.’
Eric Dietrich: Yeah, it’s gonna be fascinating to see whether some of the rhetoric we’re hearing on the Senate floor translates into actual court cases on notable bills that come out of the session this year.
Shaylee Ragar: Spending is causing a lot of tension. But property tax relief is also feeling pretty chaotic these last couple weeks of the session. There are some big bills that have been voted down and then resurrected. It’s also been hard to keep up with which bills are alive and dead. So, what do we still have on the table, Eric?
Eric Dietrich: Gosh, if I was following this from home, I think I’d be giving up on tracking individual bills and maybe tracking ideas instead. The big idea on the table still is the tax relief proposal that’s advanced by Governor Greg Gianforte. I’ve been calling it the second home tax ’cause what it would do is it would reduce taxes on primary residences, in part by raising them on second homes.
The idea being that if you just scale back taxes on residences and don’t do much else, that tax burden, a lot of it will flow elsewhere, so onto businesses. And so the governor’s proposal, what it does is it scales up taxes on second homes and Airbnbs in order to minimize how much extra tax burden goes on to businesses.
As of this recording, that idea is alive in two bills that are kind of redundant with each other. Those two bills are both moving forward. That idea seems like the one that’s likely to pass, but I may well eat my words on that.
Shaylee Ragar: We’ve been seeing lawmakers take this approach of having two bills with similar concepts in each moving at the same time.
The goal being to have one pass to keep the momentum moving in one of these vehicles. So we’ll see which one ends up making it across the finish line, if any. Eric, why is it so complicated for lawmakers to figure out property taxes?
Eric Dietrich: The real challenge with property taxes is that if you want somebody to pay less, somebody else has to pay more, or you have to cut local services.
Most people in the building aren’t pushing for major cuts to local services, and as a result, the money’s gotta come from somewhere. And so the challenge is where is it another part of the property tax system that’s not homes? Is it the state general fund, which is mostly income tax dollars? So that would be another approach, but the governor doesn’t like that and has threatened to veto bills that would do that.
Where’s the money gonna come from and if the money’s gonna come from somewhere, does that mean raising taxes on a class of people? Which is a tough thing politically for lawmakers to do.
Shaylee Ragar: I wanna talk about one other thing that was a top priority for Governor Greg Gianforte, which was cutting income taxes. A proposal to do that is headed to his desk.
Eric, talk us through that bill.
Eric Dietrich: Yeah, so the governor who proposed a cut to the state’s top bracket tax rate this year, he didn’t get it, at least not as much as he wanted. Instead, what lawmakers have passed is a smaller cut to the top bracket tax rate, and then also another provision that basically takes the state’s lower bracket tax rate and provides that to more taxpayers at more incomes.
Lawmakers who argued for that say that would target more relief towards middle income taxpayers. That bill will cost the state about a quarter of a billion dollars a year in revenue once it’s fully implemented.
And since we’re talking about divisions of the Republican Party, we should note that that one was essentially a party lines passage supported by Republicans, opposed by Democrats.
Shaylee Ragar: Thanks for breaking that down for us, Eric. I think we’ll cut ourselves off there for today, but please tell me what was your favorite moment last week?
Eric Dietrich: A lot of the tax and budget bills going through the legislature have been written by House Appropriations Chair Llew Jones of Conrad. He’s basically the legislature’s budget guru. Also kind of the guy who’s making deals behind the scenes and at this point in the session, he seems to be getting his way with a lot of stuff.
There’s some friction there in places. There’s a non-budget resolution that was going over the House floor this week coming from some folks who want to go back to the days when state legislators picked US Senators instead of having senators elected by a popular vote like we’ve been doing for the past century.
During that debate, John Fitzpatrick from Anaconda, got up and asked the supporters of the bill if they wanted Representative Jones to pick Montana’s next Senator.
“If the intent of this resolution was law today, our next US Senator would be picked by the representative from Conrad in Seat 91.”
He got a lot of laughs and perhaps killed that bill right there.
Shaylee Ragar: Yes, someone needs to write a biography of Representative Llew Jones. There would be lots and lots of material. He is very well known in this building.
Eric Dietrich: And perhaps not as well known as they should be by the broader public.
Shaylee Ragar: That’s so true.
We’ll leave it there for now, but I again wanna highlight, we are going to have a live panel discussion with all the reporters you’ve been hearing from on The Session on May 7th at 7:00 p.m. We want your questions, we want your comments.
You can find an online form to submit those at mtpr.org/session. Thank you so much for tuning in, and please join us on the 7th. This has been The Session, a look at the policy and politics inside the Montana State House. Thanks, Eric.
Eric Dietrich: Thanks.
MISSOULA — Four out of five members of Montana’s Public Service Commission were in a federal courtroom in Missoula Thursday morning, as the PSC’s former president challenges the disciplinary action taken against him earlier this year. Now, newly released documents are shedding more light on to what led up to this point.
(Watch the video for a closer look at the case.)
New documents shed light Montana PSC dispute
Commissioner Brad Molnar has sued President Jeff Welborn, Vice President Jennifer Fielder and Commissioner Annie Bukacek – the three PSC members who voted in May to require him to work remotely, after an investigation into complaints about his workplace conduct. Molnar has claimed he is being unfairly punished for constitutionally protected speech, and he asked Senior U.S District Judge Donald Molloy to allow him to return to the PSC offices.
Matthew Monforton, Molnar’s attorney, told the judge that barring Molnar from the building was limiting his ability to do his job.
“He has not been officially kicked out of office, but his voice has clearly been diminished,” said Monforton.
But Natasha Jones, an attorney representing the other three commissioners, said the findings were about behavior, not just speech, and that the PSC’s action was a reasonable response.
“These are serious concerns about a pattern of conduct that has made employees quit,” she said.
Jonathon Ambarian
On Tuesday, Molloy ordered the release of redacted versions of two full investigative reports into Molnar’s conduct – more than 100 pages of documents. Monforton had moved for the full reports to be made public, and Molloy ruled attorneys for the other PSC members hadn’t shown a compelling reason to keep the documents under seal as long as the names of people involved in the investigation were obscured.
While the names remained redacted in the investigation reports, the attorneys for Welborn, Fielder and Bukacek also filed additional documents – including a public declaration from Bukacek and from former PSC executive director Alana Lake, providing information about their allegations against Molnar.
The two reports, from an outside investigator, cover Molnar’s alleged actions over two periods: the first from February to August 2025, and the second from August to October 2025. The investigation began after the first formal complaint, filed by Bukacek in May 2025 – though the reports say employees had been bringing up concerns about Molnar’s behavior informally for several months prior.
Bukacek’s complaint claimed Molnar had repeatedly made what she called “sexualized and demeaning comments.” The examples she cited included saying the PSC should replace “Taco Tuesdays” with “Topless Tuesdays,” reminiscing about watching girls in bikinis as a teenager, and commenting about the beauty of women in areas of China who didn’t get “old and wrinkly.”
In her declaration, Bukacek also claimed Molnar had “maliciously disseminated false information” about her and “engaged in behavior that was dismissive, derisive and otherwise abusive.”
“My primary concern now is not for my safety nor my feelings, but for the rest of the staff who may not have the temperament to speak up or may feel too intimidated to speak up given concerns over job security,” Bukacek said in her declaration.
MTN News
The investigators determined Molnar had violated the PSC’s code of conduct by making comments of a sexual nature, and that it appeared his behavior had continued for some time after he was warned about it. They also found he had behaved unprofessionally and in a belittling manner toward Bukacek, though they said Bukacek herself had at times used “language that could be considered inappropriate” in emails to staff or other commissioners. Bukacek told MTN she “readily self corrected” any behaviors that were brought to her attention.
The investigation also found a violation in connection with a complaint from a PSC staff member, who said he “felt bullied” by Molnar when the commissioner sent an email complaining about his team not being “people with competence.”
However, much of the first report and the entire second report was focused on conduct after the initial complaints, when Molnar was accused of retaliating against people who participated in the investigation. Lake said in her declaration that she saw “an immediate and significant change in his behavior toward staff involved in the process.” She claimed he said he would use an attorney and private investigator to go after people who filed complaints, and she accused him of publicly criticizing her in interviews and removing her job responsibilities because of her handling of the investigation.
Lake said Molnar’s actions led to “declining morale within the agency,” undermined staff members’ ability to do their jobs and damaged her reputation. She said that led her to resign as executive director.
“I believe no employee should be forced to choose between reporting misconduct and protecting their career, reputation, or personal well-being,” she said in her declaration.
Lake has since become Helena city manager.
Jonathon Ambarian
The report said there was evidence to show Molnar had retaliated, including by “making disparaging statements about investigation participants” including Lake, by sending an email warning he could file complaints of his own against people involved, and by taking other actions investigators said could dissuade employees from reporting behavior in the future.
Monforton said during Thursday’s hearing that the initial comments Bukacek complained about were jokes Molnar had admitted were inappropriate, that he regretted saying them, and that he hasn’t made any similar comments in about a year. But he argued the vast majority of the findings against Molnar were about retaliation – and that those were primarily based on speech that the other commissioners don’t have the right to interfere with.
Monforton said it’s unreasonable to punish Molnar for what he said in the July news conference where he announced he was under investigation, in interviews with the media or in commission meetings. He said Molnar’s conduct doesn’t rise to the level of actual retaliation.
“This is an elected official, engaging in speech in his forum,” Monforton said.
He said Molnar may have made harsh comments toward staff, but that he had the right to raise objections about the way the agency does business.
Jonathon Ambarian
Monforton also argued the retaliation claims no longer justify keeping Molnar out of the office, since Welborn, Fielder and Bukacek voted to remove him as president in October and he no longer has the authority he’s accused of misusing. He said there haven’t been further complaints about his behavior since that time.
“We’re not asking for the moon and stars, we’re asking for the status quo as it existed for the last seven months,” he said.
Jones said there is enough evidence to show Molnar would have been punished regardless of whether any protected speech was excluded.
“This is not about a couple of jokes,” she said.
Jones said Molnar made maliciously false statements about people like Lake, and that type of statement isn’t covered by free speech protections.
She also said Molnar’s exclusion from the PSC offices is temporary, and that the PSC will reconsider whether to let him return if he apologizes for his actions, accepts the agency’s code of conduct and undergoes training.
Molloy indicated he saw indications that there was “acrimony” on both sides of the situation, and said he was skeptical it would be resolved easily.
“It would be nice if instead of juvenile behavior, there was professional behavior,” he said.
However, the judge said there was an avenue for Molnar to pursue if he wanted to reach a resolution.
Molloy took no immediate action Thursday. He told the parties he would rule as quickly as he could.
Carrie Gilbertson has been executive director of Cancer Support Community Montana for just under two months, stepping into the role in April with more than 15 years of nonprofit experience and a lifetime of Montana roots.
The organization provides psychosocial and mental health support to anyone affected by cancer — not just those with a diagnosis, but also family members and others walking alongside them.
WATCH: Meet the new leader of Cancer Support Community Montana 🎗️
Cancer Support Community Montana names new executive director
“This mission of providing psycho-social supports and mental health supports for anyone impacted by cancer, not just that person who has the diagnosis, but also family members, anyone who is walking alongside someone as they experience that often scary diagnosis, that’s just something that’s important to me,” Gilbertson said.
Gilbertson’s role extends beyond the Bozeman office. Cancer Support Community Montana’s Missoula location is already up and running, and a Helena location is expected to be operating soon. Each presents its own set of challenges.
“Each hospital is different. They might have different resources. Their social workers might be connecting to things in a different way. So understanding what those hospitals need, what different participants need in each community, is going to be different just because the communities are different, resources are different,” Gilbertson said.
The Bozeman office has been operating for more than 20 years, providing a foundation that supports the organization’s broader statewide efforts.
“I think this is a crew that looks at what does this community need what do our participants need what are some of the changing landscapes in cancer care what things are the gaps that we see that we can maybe just jump right in and you know let’s see if we can provide that for people so that’s something I really love about this crew that I work with and just this mission that there is some flexibility in being able to adjust and adapt as we learn more,” Gilbertson said.
Those adaptations show up in unexpected ways. The organization converts its parking lot into a pickleball court every Friday morning.
“I didn’t know there was a pickleball court. I pulled in actually with my daughter pulled in and she was is that pickleball court and I was like oh, it kind of looks like it is so yeah that’s fun, every Friday morning we clear out the parking lot and put up the net and I haven’t played yet I’ve been watching just to kind of see how that game works but they take it pretty seriously,” Gilbertson said.
This story was reported on-air by a journalist and has been converted to this platform with the assistance of AI. Our editorial team verifies all reporting on all platforms for fairness and accuracy.
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