Business
How Companies Like J&J, Live Nation and Uber Retreating From DEI Programs
Household-name companies, like Walmart and Meta, have scaled back diversity, equity and inclusion goals in recent months. These brands are part of a widespread retreat happening across corporate America, according to a New York Times analysis of annual financial filings. It has been as noticeable among tech giants as among drug makers, concert promoters and nearly every sector of the U.S. economy.
So far this year the number of companies in the S&P 500 that used the language “diversity, equity and inclusion” in these filings has fallen by nearly 60 percent from 2024.
Source: Securities and Exchange Commission
The Companies That Mentioned ‘Diversity, Equity and Inclusion’ Each Year
Seventy-eight percent of companies — 297 out of the 381 that have filed their reports so far this year — continue to discuss various diversity and related initiatives, according to the Times analysis, which examined a decade of financial filings known as 10-Ks that public companies submit each year to the Securities and Exchange Commission.
But many of them have softened or shifted previous language, by removing the word “equity,” for example, or emphasizing “belonging” rather than D.E.I.
Major corporations began to shy away from taking strong stances on D.E.I. before President Trump re-entered office, but the trend accelerated rapidly after.
These filings aren’t the only reflection of what companies are doing, or declining to do, to promote diversity, equity and inclusion — but they offer one view of changing stances in the words of the companies themselves. Plenty of language in these filings changes from year to year, though the Times analysis focused specifically on language about D.E.I.
In some ways, the shift reflects a pattern of companies chasing what seems most socially and politically expedient. After the killing of George Floyd in May 2020 and the Black Lives Matter protests that followed, many companies denounced racial injustice.
By 2022, over 90 percent of the S&P 500 had language about D.E.I. in their annual filings. Uber, for example, “committed to becoming an anti-racist company.” Best Buy wrote in a quarterly regulatory filing that “in the wake of George Floyd’s death” the company would strive to “address racial inequities.”
By 2024, the social pressure had started to reverse — “critical race theory” was labeled by some senators as “activist indoctrination,” and many states took steps to restrict D.E.I. programs at universities. This backlash was accelerated by a Supreme Court decision in 2023 that struck down affirmative action in college admissions. While that decision was not directed at corporations, some law firms began to face lawsuits over fellowships that were open only to marginalized groups, and other employers started to pay more attention.
Mr. Trump then took direct aim at corporations. Soon after his inauguration in January, he issued an executive order that instructed federal agencies to investigate “illegal D.E.I.” in the private sector. He changed the staffing and leadership of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which enforces the country’s anti-discrimination laws, putting in place an acting chair who said her priorities included “rooting out unlawful D.E.I.-motivated race and sex discrimination.”
Lawyers who have been helping companies navigate the new legal landscape said that some executives were worried about public disclosures on diversity efforts. Company leaders might want to keep their diversity initiatives in place, but realize that describing D.E.I. goals in public documents, like 10-Ks, could prompt scrutiny or government investigation. So some have found ways to hedge or otherwise tweak the language they use to make it more vague.
Used the same language about employee resource groups from 2021 to 2024.
Added in 2025
Dow’s 10 ERGs represent a workforce rich in diversity of thought, perspectives and backgrounds
Used language about historically black colleges and universities from 2021 to 2024.
Added in 2025
We take action to improve the hiring, retention and promotion of a more diverse workforce that reflects Adobe’s global footprint. We invest in partnerships and events to grow our pipeline and engage candidates across underrepresented communities.
Dow Chemical and Adobe did not reply to requests for comment on the shift in language in their annual reports.
“You don’t want to provide a road map for critics to look into what you’re up to,” said Jon Solorzano, a partner at the law firm Vinson & Elkins who counsels companies on governance issues, including D.E.I. “Talking about it externally is now viewed as a riskier proposition, while continuing to talk about it internally is maybe less risky.”
Because executives were preparing their 10-K reports right as Mr. Trump took office, Mr. Solorzano noted, they were able to move quickly to drop public disclosures on D.E.I., though actually unwinding the programs will take more time. “There’s an annual review of 10-Ks, and the annual review happened to coincide with new fears,” he added.
Other D.E.I. experts noted that some companies are shying away from the term “equity” because it tends to attract more scrutiny than “diversity” or “inclusion.”
“The E in D.E.I. is the real problematic one,” said Musa Al-Gharbi, a sociologist and an assistant professor at Stony Brook University who has written extensively on diversity programs. “To actually achieve equity often requires policies that are alienating to a lot of stakeholders.”
Used the same D.E.I. language from 2021 to 2024.
Added in 2025
we focus on a culture that values all employees
Used the same D.E.I. language between 2021 and 2024.
Added in 2025
underpinning these focus areas are ongoing efforts to cultivate and foster a culture built on innovation, health, well-being and safety, inclusion and belonging where the company’s employees are encouraged to succeed both professionally and personally while helping the company achieve its business goals
Vertex Pharmaceuticals did not reply to a request for comment on the shift in its 10-K language on D.E.I. It still has a page on its website on the topic, something that other companies have also maintained — even as they have softened the language on it in their annual regulatory disclosures.
In a statement, a Johnson & Johnson spokeswoman said the company “has always been and will continue to be compliant with all applicable legal requirements and remains dedicated to the values in our credo.”
Given the mounting pressures from the Trump administration, it is perhaps surprising that hundreds of companies have maintained D.E.I. language in their 10-Ks this year. Delta Air Lines wrote: “Our commitment to diversity, equity and inclusion is critical to effective human capital management.” Arthur J. Gallagher & Company, the insurance brokerage, reported the share of its employees and managers who are “racially/ethnically diverse.”
(The New York Times, which is not in the S&P 500, shortened the section on diversity in its 10-K this year. Danielle Rhoades Ha, a spokeswoman for The Times, said: “We still have the same diversity and inclusion-related programs that we did last year.” She added: “Specific language in 10-Ks changes year to year.”)
Still, the pendulum is swinging away from D.E.I., many corporate lawyers say, and the momentum can be hard to resist. Companies often tend to follow the crowd, whether that means adopting a certain approach to management (think “agile”), a popular strategy on innovation (like “design thinking”) or a job title that many of their peers are suddenly adding (“chief of staff”).
But fads often have shallow roots, and companies might drop that practice as soon as it opens them to social critique or legal scrutiny.
“Companies will adopt these fads and fashions, and they’ll do it for legitimacy and reputation management purposes and never fully adopt it,” said Ranjay Gulati, a Harvard Business School professor. “Then it’s a self-fulfilling prophecy, because it doesn’t achieve their business goals so it goes out of fashion and they dump it.”
2021
In July 2020, we publicly committed to becoming an anti-racist company
2022
In July 2020, we announced 14 commitments to becoming a more anti-racist company
2023
In July 2020, we announced commitments to becoming a more anti-racist company
2021
The Company believes that diversity and inclusion is central to high employee engagement.
2022
The Company believes that diversity, equity and inclusion (“DE&I”) is central to high employee engagement.
2023
The Company believes that diversity, equity and inclusion (“DE&I”) is central to high employee engagement.
2024
The Company believes that diversity, equity and inclusion (“DE&I”) is central to high employee engagement.
2021
In July 2020, in response to events in the U.S. and around the world that sparked overdue reflection on racism and discrimination in our societies, we announced ambitious goals to strengthen the company’s diversity from the top down that we will strive to obtain by the end of 2025
2022
We remain committed to reaching the ambitious goals we set to strengthen the company’s diversity from the top down
2023
We remain committed to reaching the ambitious goals we set to strengthen the company’s diversity from the top down
2024
We remain committed to making continuous progress toward our ambitious representation goals — to strengthen the company’s diversity from the top down
DuPont declined to comment and Uber did not reply to a request for comment.
A spokesperson for Live Nation wrote in a statement: “While the legal landscape may be evolving, our commitment to inclusivity and Taking Care of Our Own will always remain at our core.” Some of Live Nation’s previously announced diversity goals stated 2025 as the target year to reach them, and previous 10-K documents had said the company was making progress toward achieving them.
An additional factor in the pullback, lawyers say, is some executives’ realizing that they might have set goals in 2020 or 2021 that they cannot achieve without aggressive D.E.I. efforts that might be targeted with lawsuits or investigations in the coming months.
Since President Trump took office, the E.E.O.C. has made clear that it intends to investigate what it sees as D.E.I. overreach, which could include specific targets for hiring employees of underrepresented groups, or executive bonuses tied to meeting those goals.
“Some goals based on race and gender that were set during the Biden administration were not reflective of availability in the work force, potentially operating more like a quota than a good faith placement goal,” said Craig E. Leen, a partner in the employment practice at the law firm K&L Gates. “Some employers are realizing that the goals are not attainable in a legal manner and are therefore resetting expectations.”
To some D.E.I. proponents, the speed of the reversal has underscored the shallowness of some of the initial commitments. “As you’re seeing companies pull back from these commitments, a lot of people are questioning how credible those commitments were in the first place,” Mr. Solorzano of Vinson & Elkins said.
Methodology
The New York Times analyzed a decade of 10-Ks for companies currently in the S&P 500, totaling 25,000 documents. The Times included companies that had submitted an annual report in 2025 as of March 8, which totaled 381 companies. Using custom code, The Times processed the filings with a combination of keyword searches and artificial intelligence tools to identify paragraphs related to diversity, equity and inclusion. Journalists manually reviewed the results to ensure the accuracy of the A.I. classifications.
Business
Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan
Nike is cutting about 1,400 jobs in its operations division, mostly from its technology department, the company said Thursday.
In a note to employees, Venkatesh Alagirisamy, the chief operating officer of Nike, said that management was nearly done reorganizing the business for its turnaround plan, and that the goal was to operate with “more speed, simplicity and precision.”
“This is not a new direction,” Mr. Alagirisamy told employees. “It is the next phase of the work already underway.”
Nike, the world’s largest sportswear company, is trying to recover after missteps led to a prolonged sales slump, in which the brand leaned into lifestyle products and away from performance shoes and apparel. Elliott Hill, the chief executive, has worked to realign the company around sports and speed up product development to create more breakthrough innovations.
In March, Nike told investors that it expected sales to fall this year, with growth in North America offset by poor performance in Asia, where the brand is struggling to rejuvenate sales in China. Executives said at the time that more volatility brought on by the war in the Middle East and rising oil prices might continue to affect its business.
The reorganization has involved cuts across many parts of the organization, including at its headquarters in Beaverton, Ore. Nike slashed some corporate staff last year and eliminated nearly 800 jobs at distribution centers in January.
“You never want to have to go through any sort of layoffs, but to re-center the company, we’re doing some of that,” Mr. Hill said in an interview earlier this year.
Mr. Alagirisamy told employees that Nike was reshaping its technology team and centering employees at its headquarters and a tech center in Bengaluru, India. The layoffs will affect workers across North America, Europe and Asia.
The cuts will also affect staffing in Nike’s factories for Air, the company’s proprietary cushioning system. Employees who work on the supply chain for raw materials will also experience changes as staff is integrated into footwear and apparel teams.
Nike’s Converse brand, which has struggled for years to revive sales, will move some of its engineering resources closer to the factories they support, the company said.
Mr. Alagirisamy said the moves were necessary to optimize Nike’s supply chain, deploy technology faster and bolster relationships with suppliers.
Business
Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes
A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.
The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.
The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.
The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.
It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.
However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.
Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.
Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.
“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.
In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”
The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.
“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.
Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.
Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.
Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.
The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.
But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.
Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.
A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.
“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .
Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.
Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.
Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.
Business
How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner
Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.
Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.
But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.
Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.
While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.
“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.
It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”
Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.
“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.
The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.
Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.
Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”
Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.
Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.
“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”
For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.
“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”
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