Politics
Trump Supports the Police, Just as Long as They Support Him
On Monday, the Washington police union was decrying President Trump’s use of pardons when he let off rioters who attacked more than 150 officers on Jan. 6, 2021. By Wednesday, the same union was praising Mr. Trump after he pardoned two of their own who had been convicted in connection with the death of a young Black man.
With his flurry of pardons this week, Mr. Trump sent contradictory messages about his support for police. He showed he would support them in many situations, even when prosecutors and juries say they have gone too far. But his decision-making appeared centered less on “backing the blue” than on whether those in blue backed him.
Mr. Trump made this clear when he used his clemency power to wipe clean the records of around 1,600 Jan. 6 defendants, including those who had used stun guns and chemical spray on police officers. A day later, he teased that he would soon issue clemency to help police officers convicted after a chase that killed a 20-year-old Black man, Karon Hylton-Brown, in 2020. Mr. Hylton-Brown’s death — and a coverup by the police — led to protests in the nation’s capital.
To some degree, the one-two punch of decisions was typical politics. Mr. Trump’s pardons angered a constituency he prizes, so he followed up with a move meant to appease police. But some saw a distinct racial dynamic at play, with the president siding with a largely white mob on Jan. 6 and with white police officers in Mr. Hylton-Brown’s killing.
David L. Shurtz, a lawyer for Mr. Hylton-Brown’s family, said he “absolutely” believed race had played a role in the pardons.
Amaala Jones-Bey, the mother of Mr. Hylton-Brown’s 4-year-old daughter, said the contradictions in Mr. Trump’s decisions on pardons were baffling. “You just pardoned people who caused harm to your police officers but now he’s pardoning police officers who harmed citizens,” she said.
Wednesday was not the first time Mr. Trump has backed military or law enforcement officers accused of breaking the law. During his first term, he granted clemency to U.S. military officers who had been convicted or accused of war crimes in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Throughout his time in office, Mr. Trump often used his pardon power to benefit friends and allies, something other presidents have done as well.
But at no time was that impulse as clear or as wide-ranging than when he granted clemency to nearly 1,600 people arrested in connection with the Jan. 6 attack. Many of the rioters wore Make America Great Again hats, and, at one point, they even took down an American flag flying at the Capitol to replace it with a Trump flag — a symbol their loyalty was to a man, not to the nation.
Police unions are another area of support for Mr. Trump, including the National Fraternal Order of Police, which endorsed his campaign but condemned the pardon of the Jan. 6 rioters.
Even in condemning the Jan. 6 pardons, though, the Washington police union continued to advocate clemency for Officer Terence Sutton and Lt. Andrew Zabavsky of the Metropolitan Police Department, the men convicted in the case of Mr. Hylton-Brown. The union had argued that the men were victims of overzealous prosecutors who had criminalized actions that could have been addressed with training.
In announcing that he planned to issue clemency in the case, Mr. Trump mangled the facts and accused Mr. Hylton-Brown, an American citizen, of being an “illegal.”
“It just shows who has the power here in America,” Ms. Jones-Bey said. “I also feel a little shaken because if he thinks he’s an illegal citizen, where is he getting his information from? Is he actually paying attention?”
Mr. Sutton had been sentenced to more than five years in prison for second-degree murder and obstruction of justice in the unauthorized pursuit. Mr. Zabavsky was sentenced to four years in prison for conspiring with Mr. Sutton to cover up the deadly police chase. The two had been free pending the outcome of their appeals.
The Washington police union celebrated the clemency, praising Mr. Trump for carrying out a “monumental correction” of what it called an “injustice.”
Gil Kerlikowske, a former police chief in Seattle and three other cities, said he believed Mr. Trump’s pardoning of the two D.C. police officers was an attempt to restore his relationship with the police after the Jan. 6 pardons.
But he said he believed the decision to pardon Jan. 6 rioters would be remembered in the law enforcement community, in part because the video footage of the day is readily available.
“They say it’s all in the past,” Mr. Kerlikowske said. “With all the videos, clearly it’s not in the past. You can relive this.”
Officer Daniel Hodges, who defended the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, said he agreed with Mr. Trump’s pardons in the case of Mr. Sutton and Mr. Zabavsky. But he cautioned against viewing Mr. Trump as a friend of law enforcement.
“He really isn’t a friend of police,” he said. “He’s a friend of people who flatter him.”
Mr. Hodges has been outspoken about the display of racism he saw on Jan. 6, and famously said at the time that it had been his “pleasure to crush a white nationalist insurrection.”
But four years later, Mr. Trump has returned to Washington victorious, and Officer Hodges was assigned to work the inauguration, protecting the president.
“It’s what the people voted for,” he said of Mr. Trump’s inauguration. “So it’s my job to make sure that it happens peacefully and securely. I’m not going to let my personal feelings influence how I perform my job.”
Politics
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Politics
New poll reveals where Americans stand after Trump agreement with Iran
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FIRST ON FOX: Americans are nearly evenly split between favoring Iranian regime change and a negotiated U.S. settlement with Iran, according to a new survey.
Some 39% of respondents favor a negotiated settlement where Iran’s current government remains in place, with verifiable limits on its nuclear and missile programs, according to the findings of the Reagan Institute Summer Survey, while 36% favor replacing Iran’s current government with one more favorable to the U.S.
Another 16% favor a weakened regime where the current government stays in place but is significantly diminished militarily and economically, and 8% responded that they don’t know.
The findings underscore the political challenge facing President Donald Trump as his administration pursues a newly signed memorandum of understanding with Iran. While the agreement seeks to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions through negotiations, Americans remain divided over the ultimate objective of U.S. policy toward the Islamic Republic.
Americans are nearly evenly split between favoring Iranian regime change and a negotiated U.S. settlement with Iran, according to a new survey. (Mandel NGAN / AFP via Getty Images)
AMERICANS AGREE WITH TRUMP THAT IRAN POSES THREAT TO UNITED STATES: POLL
Republicans who responded to the survey favored replacing Iran’s government by a 2-to-1 margin over a diplomatic deal.
Republicans were far more likely than Democrats to favor a more aggressive outcome in Iran. Half of Republican respondents said they would prefer to see Iran’s current government replaced with one more favorable to the United States, compared to 25% who said they would favor a negotiated settlement that leaves the regime in place in exchange for verifiable limits on its nuclear and missile programs.
The findings were nearly identical among self-identified MAGA Republicans, 51% of whom favored regime change while 25% backed a negotiated settlement.
SHARP PARTISAN DIVIDE EMERGES OVER IRAN STRIKE, TRUMP’S STRATEGY: POLLS
Democrats, meanwhile, largely favored diplomacy. A majority, 52%, said they would prefer a negotiated settlement with Iran’s current government, while 25% favored regime change. Another 14% favored leaving the regime in place but significantly weakened militarily and economically.
The Reagan Institute Summer Survey was conducted May 26 through June 3 among 1,555 respondents nationwide and carries a margin of error of plus or minus 2.5 percentage points. The survey used a mixed-mode methodology that included live telephone interviews, an online panel and text-to-web responses.
Smoke rises over Tehran following an explosion amid ongoing U.S. and Israeli military strikes on Iranian targets on March 2, 2026. (Majid Saeedi/Getty Images)
The findings underscore the political challenge facing President Donald Trump as his administration pursues a newly signed memorandum of understanding with Iran. (Hamid FOROUTAN / ISNA / AFP via Getty Images)
Republicans were far more likely than Democrats to favor a more aggressive outcome in Iran. (Pool via WANA/Reuters)
To better reflect the U.S. population, the results were weighted using demographic benchmarks from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2023 American Community Survey, including age, gender, race, region and education levels. The poll also included an oversample of 331 MAGA Republicans under age 30, a group with a margin of error of plus or minus 5 percentage points.
The Reagan Institute is a Washington-based policy organization that advocates the Reagan foreign-policy tradition of “peace through strength” and sustained American leadership abroad.
The findings come as Trump has defended a newly signed memorandum of understanding with Iran as a way to reduce tensions and create a pathway toward a broader agreement addressing Tehran’s nuclear program.
The memorandum establishes a 60-day negotiating period during which the United States and Iran will attempt to reach a more comprehensive deal. The agreement also includes provisions aimed at restoring commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz and provides limited sanctions waivers tied to continued negotiations. Several of the most contentious issues, including the long-term future of Iran’s nuclear program, are expected to be addressed in subsequent talks.
Trump has described the arrangement as a means of avoiding a wider conflict while pursuing what he called a “great settlement” with Tehran. He has also argued that the agreement could help stabilize energy markets by reopening the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route, while creating an opportunity to negotiate additional restrictions on Iran’s nuclear activities.
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The president added that he agreed to a settlement to avoid “economic catastrophe.”
“I didn’t want to see economic catastrophe. If you kept this going, that could have happened,” he told reporters at the G7 Summit in France.
Politics
Long list of U.S. concessions to Iran raises specter of a ‘lost war’
WASHINGTON — The White House pushed back Thursday against growing bipartisan criticism of a negotiated settlement to the war with Iran, arguing its concessions to the Islamic Republic were contingent on its conduct and essential to securing peace.
The administration’s defensive posture came as details of the framework agreement, known as a memorandum of understanding, were finally shared with the public, revealing a raft of compromises with Tehran long opposed by Republicans.
Vice President JD Vance, who helped negotiate the deal, told reporters Thursday that the deal was structured to reward Iran for good behavior. But the text of the agreement suggests otherwise.
The Trump administration agreed to release billions of dollars in Iranian assets that were frozen and restricted by the United States “upon the implementation” of the memorandum — before any further actions are taken or additional negotiations begin. The president will issue sanctions waivers on Iranian oil, allowing Tehran to resume trading its most valuable export and breaking with decades of policy. And to facilitate that trade, boosting Tehran’s revenues, Trump agreed to immediately end a U.S. naval blockade of Iranian ports.
Still more concessions were offered to the Iranians, including a commitment by the U.S. administration to establish a fund of “at least $300 billion for the reconstruction and economic development of the Islamic Republic” — in effect providing reparations for the war Trump started.
“All required licenses, waivers and permissions needed for the relevant financial transactions will be granted by the United States of America,” the memorandum reads.
Taken together, the document reads as a stunning reversal of U.S. policy toward Iran after decades of concern across administrations in Washington — including throughout Trump’s two terms — that the Islamic Republic represents the nation’s greatest security threats as the world’s largest state sponsor of terrorism.
Criticism from Republican senators, in particular, has been sharp and swift.
Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.), chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said the $300-billion fund “would make Iran’s payoff under President Obama’s 2015 deal look like a pittance by comparison.” And Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) accused the Trump administration of giving Iran money it would use to kill Americans.
“History demonstrates that giving billions of dollars to theocratic lunatics who want to murder us is an exceptionally bad idea, and I think, unfortunately, the president is receiving some really bad advice on this deal,” Cruz said. “I don’t want to see us send a penny to the ayatollah. And I hope that we don’t.”
The Obama-era deal, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, included structured sanctions relief for Iran in exchange for concrete and verifiable steps by Tehran to dismantle much of its nuclear program — a framework that Republicans broadly criticized at the time.
By contrast, Trump’s agreement commits the United States to pursuing economic relief for Iran while providing no clarity about the future of Iran’s nuclear program — the very issue Trump cited as the rationale for launching the war.
The memorandum includes a pledge by Iran to never purchase or construct nuclear weapons — a vow the Islamic Republic has made multiple times before, including by signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, in a religious edict issued by the late supreme leader and in the Obama-era nuclear accord.
Vice President JD Vance speaks to reporters at the White House on June 18, 2026.
(Manuel Balce Ceneta / Associated Press)
Detailed negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program — including whether Tehran could continue domestic uranium enrichment, at what level, and under what monitoring regime — were left for another day.
For more than a decade, the U.S. intelligence community has assessed that Iran sought a threshold nuclear capability, securing the strategic advantages of a nuclear power without incurring the costs of openly pursuing a bomb.
The agreement does include a commitment by Iran to do its “best” to bring commercial shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, a vital international waterway, back to prewar levels. But critics of the president said he had to make deep, historic concessions just to secure a status quo ante upended by the war he started. And in the document, Tehran agreed to refrain from imposing a toll on ships transiting the strait for only a 60-day period.
“Unless you were homeschooled by a day drinker, no one’s confident that Iran is going to do anything,” Sen. John Kennedy, a Republican from Louisiana, told reporters this week.
Sen. Bill Cassidy, Kennedy’s Republican counterpart from Louisiana, called the deal “the worst foreign policy blunder in decades” that would have President Reagan “rolling over in his grave.”
“Iran’s nuclear ambitions were not curbed, and they have learned that threatening the Strait of Hormuz works and will undoubtedly leverage it in the future. Now, Iran gets to build brand-new infrastructure under this deal,” Cassidy said.
“Before the war, the strait was open, Iran was being crushed by sanctions, and 13 service members were still alive,” he added. “Now, 13 Americans are dead, families have paid billions at the pump, sanctions will be lifted, and the bombing has stopped.”
Despite mounting criticism, Trump put his signature to the memorandum on Wednesday night while attending a dinner with the French president in Versailles, a palace infamous for hosting a treaty signing that disgraced Germany at the end of the First World War.
He defended the agreement while in Europe and suggested further concessions might be forthcoming, including recognition of Iran’s claimed right to enrich uranium and a new willingness to tolerate its continued ballistic missile development — another program that Trump had vowed to eliminate as a central war aim.
“He took America to war — killing 13 soldiers, thousands of Iranian civilians and costing taxpayers $60 billion — to get rid of Iran’s missile program. And now that he’s lost the war, he pretends like it’s no big deal,” said Sen. Chris Murphy, a Democrat from Connecticut.
“Just unforgivable,” he added. “What a charlatan.”
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