Politics
Breakfast with Jimmy Carter in a tense Khartoum
Jimmy Carter wore a button-down shirt in Khartoum. It was a sweltering morning and the sun shone on the Nile as the clamorous city was rousing to life. Carter was in the Sudanese capital to monitor the 2010 election that was certain to extend the rule of autocrat Omar Hassan Ahmed Bashir, who had been indicted on international charges of crimes against humanity.
Carter was not deterred. He believed the first multiparty election in decades — no matter how flawed — would bring the war-scarred country closer to democracy. His blue eyes agleam, his trousers pressed, the former president, a wanderer accustomed to the planet’s cruel and harsh predicaments, offered coffee and pastries in his hotel room. He was optimistic but knew well what could happen when leaders with outsize ambitions controlled holy men and armies.
I was in town covering the story for The Times, and a representative from the Carter Center called and invited me to breakfast.
Carter, who died Sunday at 100, was president when I was a teenager. I knew him well from TV — that swoop of hair, Southern accent and disarming resolve that confronted a post-Watergate world of gas lines, inflation, the Iranian hostage crisis and a sense that America was adrift. His presidency had been much maligned. But his second act as humanitarian, house builder, Guinea worm exterminator and Nobel Peace Prize winner was a portrait of perseverance and grace.
Carter, with wife Rosalynn at the 1976 Democratic National Convention, was much-maligned for his presidency amid multiple crises, but went on to shine as a humanitarian.
(Associated Press)
An aide greeted me when I entered the hotel room. She quietly vanished. Carter walked in and sat on a small couch. Coffee was poured. A Danish slid onto a plate, a bit of fruit. Fishing boats were busy in the currents below and tea ladies dressed in plumes of colors stoked fires beneath blackened kettles on the corners.
Carter spoke about Sudan — its possibilities and dangers, and the fact that in coming months the country’s south, with its vast oil reserves, would hold an independence referendum on whether to secede from the north. Would Bashir relinquish the south to let it be governed by a former enemy in a cowboy hat, who presided over a territory with fewer than 100 miles of paved roads and a population that was 80% illiterate?
Carter knew the personalities and pitfalls, the egos and secrets, the maps and ledgers. He had traveled across Sudan; years earlier he‘d brokered a ceasefire in its civil war. He always went to the source, to places of refugees, poverty, disease and despair. To see and bear witness, much like the Bible school teacher he was back in Plains, Ga. He didn’t know what would happen. But he had hope.
The sun rose higher in the midmorning sky. The room quieted.
“You’re based in Cairo,” he said.
“Yes.”
He leaned closer.
“Tell me about things,” he said. “What’s happening?”
I felt like I was being quizzed by a man who had read countless dossiers and was intimate with the rise and fall of power. It was at once intimidating and bracing.
The restlessness and anger in the Arab world were nearing a breaking point that would erupt months later. Tunisia would ignite into nationwide protests. An uprising in Egypt would bring down President Hosni Mubarak. Tremors would spread from Syria and Yemen and from Libya to Bahrain. There were few inklings when we met of what would unfold, but the Middle East that Carter had spent so much time navigating was about to come undone yet again.
He mostly wanted to discuss the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the possibilities, no matter how remote, of any progress toward reconciliation on that front. In 1978, Carter had held talks at Camp David with Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian President Anwar Sadat that would lead to a historic peace treaty. Carter believed then — apparently wrongly, given the problems that would come — that the pact would bring wider regional stability. And he hoped it would one day lead to a two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians.
Carter celebrates in 1979 with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, left, and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, right, after they signed a peace treaty Carter helped their nations reach.
(Associated Press)
Carter would later face criticism for his opinions on the issue. Many Jews and others were angered by his 2006 book, “Palestine Peace Not Apartheid,” which they saw as painting Israel as an aggressor and being overly sympathetic to Palestinians. Carter defended the book as well as his meetings with Hamas, which critics argued enhanced the stature of the militant group that the U.S. and Israel consider a terrorist organization. Carter later told an audience in Cairo that apartheid “is the exact description of what’s happening in Palestine now.”
But his vision remained focused, his commitment to peace unwavering. Three years later, in his book “We Can Have Peace in the Holy Land,” Carter wrote: “Everyone who engages in Middle East peacemaking is bound to make mistakes and suffer frustrations. Everyone must overcome the presence of hatred and fanaticism, and the memories of horrible tragedies. Everyone must face painful choices and failures in negotiations. Nevertheless, I am convinced that the time is ripe for peace in the region.”
It was questionable then, and appears no less easier now.
Carter had been in hospice since before Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7 and killed some 1,200 people. Israel has been retaliating with an ongoing bombardment of the Gaza Strip that health authorities there say has killed more than 45,000 Palestinians.
The Carter Center released a statement late last year saying: “The violence must stop now. There is no military solution to this crisis, only a political one that acknowledges the common humanity of both Israelis and Palestinians, respects the human rights of all, and creates a path for both societies to live side by side in peace.”
It would have been good to have heard Carter’s own voice, his Southern-inflected resolve and traveler’s wisdom.
What struck me most in that Khartoum hotel room were his empathy and his insatiable need to know. He was relentless in his pursuit, to track down threads and unfold scenarios, to follow the great maneuverings and go where needed — like to Sudan, where years earlier he‘d landed to try to help end fighting between Bashir’s troops and rebels who later ascended to power in a new country. Bashir was overthrown in 2019, and Sudan is again in turmoil.
It is difficult to mend the hard corners of the world. To find justice amid the stain of transgression. Carter’s gift was his capacity to wonder; to know the bitter truths and imagine something better.
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By Shawn Paik
April 22, 2026
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Sparks flew on Capitol Hill as Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., accused Federal Reserve nominee Kevin Warsh of being a potential “sock puppet” for President Donald Trump.
Warsh, tapped by Trump in January to lead the Federal Reserve, faced a two-and-a-half-hour confirmation hearing before the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee.
If confirmed, he would take the helm of the world’s most powerful central bank, shaping interest rates, borrowing costs and the financial outlook for millions of American households for the next four years.
WHO IS KEVIN WARSH, TRUMP’S PICK TO SUCCEED JEROME POWELL AS FED CHAIR?
Kevin Warsh, nominee for chairman of the Federal Reserve, listens to ranking member Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., make an opening statement during his Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee confirmation hearing on Tuesday, April 21, 2026. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
In her opening remarks, Warren sharply criticized Warsh’s record and questioned his independence, arguing he is “uniquely ill-suited for the job as Fed chair” and warning he could give Trump influence over the central bank.
She accused Warsh of enabling Wall Street during the 2008 financial crisis, which fell during his tenure as a Federal Reserve governor when he served from 2006 to 2011.
“In our meeting last week, we discussed the 2008 financial crash, where 8 million people lost their jobs, 10 million people lost their homes and millions more lost their life savings,” Warren said. “Giant banks, however, got hundreds of billions of dollars in bailouts… and he said to me that he has no regrets about anything he did.”
She added that Warsh “worked tirelessly to arrange multibillion-dollar bailouts” for Wall Street CEOs, with nothing for American families.
The hearing grew more tense as Warren pivoted to ethics concerns, pressing Warsh over his undisclosed financial holdings and questioning him over links to business dealings connected to the late convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
The two spoke over each other and raised their voices in a heated exchange on Capitol Hill.
WARSH’S $226 MILLION FORTUNE UNDER SCRUTINY AS FED NOMINEE FACES SENATE CONFIRMATION
Sen. Elizabeth Warren: The Fed has been plagued by deeply disturbing ethics scandals in recent years. It’s critical that the next chair have no financial conflicts — none. You have more than $100 million in investments that you have refused to disclose. So let me ask: do the Juggernaut Fund or THSDFS LLC invest in companies affiliated with President Trump or his family, companies tied to money laundering, Chinese-controlled firms, or financing vehicles linked to Jeffrey Epstein?
Kevin Warsh: Senator, I’ve worked closely with the Office of Government Ethics and agreed to divest all of my financial assets.
Warren: Could you answer my question, please? You have more than $100 million in undisclosed assets. Are any of those investments tied to the entities I just mentioned? It’s a yes-or-no question.
Warsh: I have worked tirelessly with ethics officials and agreed to sell all of my assets before taking the oath of office.
Warren: Are you refusing to tell us if you have investments in vehicles linked to Jeffrey Epstein? You just won’t say?
Warsh: What I’m telling you is those assets will be sold if I’m confirmed.
Warren: Will you disclose how you plan to divest these assets? The public might question your motives if, for example, someone who profits from predicting Fed policy cuts you a $100 million check as you take office.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren questions Kevin Warsh during his Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee confirmation hearing on Tuesday, April 21, 2026. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
Warsh: I’ve reached a full agreement with the Office of Government Ethics and will divest those assets before taking the oath.
Warren: I’m asking a very straightforward question. Will you disclose how you divest those assets?
Warsh: As I’ve said, I’ve worked with ethics officials.
Warren: I’ll take that as a no.
In a separate exchange, Warren invoked Trump’s past statements about the Fed and challenged Warsh to prove his independence in real time.
She insisted that Warsh answer whether he believes Trump won the 2020 presidential election and if he would name policies of the president with which he disagrees. The hopeful future Fed chair dodged the question and said he would remain apolitical, if confirmed.
THE ONE LINE IN WARSH’S TESTIMONY SIGNALING A BREAK FROM THE FED’S STATUS QUO
Warren: Donald Trump has made clear he does not want an independent Fed. He has said, “Anybody that disagrees with me will never be Fed chairman.” He’s also said interest rates will drop “when Kevin gets in.” Let’s check out your independence and your courage. We’ll start easy. Mr. Warsh, did Donald Trump lose the 2020 election?
Warsh: Senator, we should keep politics out of the Federal Reserve.
Warren: I’m asking a factual question.
Warsh: This body certified the election.
Warren: That’s not what I asked. Did Donald Trump lose in 2020?
Warsh: The Fed should stay out of politics.
Warren: In our meeting, you said you’re a “tough guy” who can stand up to President Trump. So name one aspect of his economic agenda you disagree with.
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Kevin Warsh listens to a question during a Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee confirmation hearing on Tuesday, April 21, 2026. (Graeme Sloan/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Warsh: That’s not something I’m prepared to do. The Fed should stay in its lane.
Warren: Just one place where you disagree.
Warsh: I do have one disagreement — he said I looked like I was out of central casting. I think I’d look older and grayer.
Warren: That’s adorable. But we need a Fed chair who is independent. If you can’t answer these questions, you don’t have the courage or the independence.
On March 28, a sunny Saturday in southwestern Utah, Jack Hoopes and his wife, Lorna, brought their homemade signs to the local “No Kings” rally.
The couple joined a crowd of 1,500 or so marching through the main picnic area of a park in downtown St. George. Their signs — cut-out words on a black background — chided lawmakers for failing to stand up to President Trump and urged America to “make lying wrong again.”
After about an hour, the two were ready to go home. They got in their silver Volvo SUV, but before pulling away, Jack Hoopes decided to swing past the demonstration, which was still going strong. He tooted his horn, twice, in a show of solidarity.
That’s when things took a curious turn.
A police officer parked in the middle of the street warned Hoopes not to honk; at least that’s what he thinks the officer said as Hoopes drove past the chanting crowd. When he spotted two familiar faces, Hoopes hit the horn a third time — a friendly, howdy sort of honk. “It wasn’t like I was being obnoxious,” he said, “or laying on the horn.”
Hoopes turned a corner and the cop, lights flashing, pulled him over. He asked Hoopes for his license and registration. He returned a few moments later. A passing car sounded its horn. “Are you going to stop him, too?” Hoopes asked.
That did not sit well. The officer said he’d planned to let Hoopes off with a warning. Instead, he charged the 71-year-old retired potato farmer with violating Utah’s law on horns and warning devices. He issued a citation, with a fine punishable up to $50.
Hoopes — a law school graduate and prosecutor in the days before he took up potato farming — is fighting back, even though he estimates the legal skirmishing could cost him considerably more than the maximum fine. The ticket might have resulted from pique on the officer’s part. But Hoopes doesn’t think so. He sees politics at play.
“I’ve beeped my horn for [the pro-law enforcement] Back the Blue. I’ve beeped my horn for Black Lives Matter,” Hoopes said. “I’ve seen a lot of people honk for Trump and for MAGA.”
He’s also seen plenty of times when people honked their horns to celebrate high school championships and the like.
But Hoopes has never heard of anyone being pulled over, much less ticketed, for excessive or unlawful honking. “I think it’s freedom of expression,” he said.
Or should be.
Jack and Lorna Hoopes made their own protest signs to bring to the “No Kings” rally in St. George, Utah.
(Mikayla Whitmore / For The Times)
St. George is a fast-growing community of about 100,000 residents set amid the jagged red-rock peaks of the Mojave Desert. It’s a jumping-off point for Zion National Park, about 40 miles east, and a mecca for golf, hiking and mountain-bike riding.
It’s also Trump Country.
Washington County, where St. George is located, gave Trump 75% of its vote in 2024, with Kamala Harris winning a scant 23%. That emphatic showing compares with Trump’s 59% performance statewide.
St. George is where Hoopes and his wife live most of the time. When summer and its 100-degree temperatures hit, they retreat to southeast Idaho. The couple get along well with their neighbors in both places, Hoopes said, even though they’re Democrats living in ruby-red country. It’s not as though they just tolerate folks, or hold their noses to get by.
“Most of my friends are conservative,” Hoopes said. “Some of the Trump people are very good people. We just have a difference of opinion where our country is going.”
He was speaking from a hotel parking lot in Arizona near Lake Havasu while embarked on an annual motorcycle ride through the Southwest: four days, a dozen riders, 1,200 miles. Most of his companions are Trump supporters, Hoopes said, and, just like back home, everyone gets on fine.
“Right?” he called out.
“No!” a voice hollered back.
Actually, Hoopes joked, his charitable road mates let him ride along because they consider him handicapped — his disability being his political ideology.
Hoopes is not exactly a hellion. In 2014, he and his wife traveled to Africa to participate in humanitarian work and promote sustainable agriculture in Kenya and Uganda. In 2020, they worked as Red Cross volunteers helping wildfire victims in Northern California.
Virtually his entire life has been spent on the right side of the law, though Hoopes allowed as how he has racked up a few speeding tickets over the years. (His career as a prosecutor lasted four years and involved three murder cases in the first 12 months before he left the legal profession behind and took up farming.)
He’s never had any problems with the police in St. George. “They seem to be decent,” Hoopes said.
A department spokesperson, Tiffany Mitchell, said illicit honking is not a widespread problem in the placid, retiree-heavy community, but there are some who have been cited for violations. She denied any political motivation in Hoopes’ case.
“He must’ve felt justified,” Mitchell said of the officer who issued the citation. “I can’t imagine that politics had anything to do with it.”
And yes, she said, honking a horn can be a political statement protected by the 1st Amendment. “But, just like anything else, it can turn criminal,” Mitchell said, and apparently that’s how the officer felt on March 28 “and that’s the direction he took it.”
The matter now rests before a judge, residing in a legal system that has lately been tested and twisted in remarkable ways.
Jack Hoopes’ case is now before a judge in St. George, Utah.
(Mikayla Whitmore / For The Times)
As he left an initial hearing earlier this month, Hoopes said his phone pinged with a fresh headline out of Washington. Trump’s Justice Department, it was reported, was asking a federal appeals court to throw out the convictions of 12 people found guilty of seditious conspiracy for their roles in the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection.
“We have a president that pardons people that broke into the Capitol and defecated” in the hallways and congressional offices, Hoopes said. “Police officers died because of it, and yet I get picked up for honking my horn?”
Hoopes’ next court appearance, a pretrial conference, is set for July 15.
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