Business
State Farm accused of funneling excess profits to parent as it seeks rate hike
State Farm General, California’s largest home insurer, is being accused of boosting the profits of its parent company at the expense of state policyholders — while claiming it’s in financial distress and in need of a 30% rate hike.
The company bought hundreds of millions of dollars of excess reinsurance from parent State Farm Mutual Automobile Insurance Co. over the past decade, while getting little back in return, according to Consumer Watchdog, a Los Angeles group that is challenging the hike.
Insurers buy reinsurance to protect themselves from catastrophic events that could put them out of business. It is often acquired from multinational firms that specialize in the product, but subsidiaries of large insurance companies sometimes buy reinsurance from a parent.
Even during the catastrophic fire years of 2017 and 2018, during which thousands of structures were destroyed by the Thomas fire in Ventura County, the Camp fire in Butte County and others, the company would have been better off not buying the reinsurance it got, the group alleges.
“Reinsurance is a main reason State Farm is asking for its massive 30% rate hike — but the company is overpaying for reinsurance and consumers shouldn’t foot the bill,” said Carmen Balber, executive director of the group.
State Farm declined comment on the allegations, saying it was “not appropriate” to do so while the rate filing is being reviewed by the state Department of Insurance.
“The appropriate place to share facts and bring clarity to this complex matter is within the formal rate filing process. We are prepared to do that,” said Sevag Sarkissian, a spokesperson for the State Farm insurance group.
State Farm General bought a total of $2.2 billion worth of homeowners reinsurance from multiple parties from 2014-23. It received $400 million back to cover claims, meaning it recovered less than 20% of what it paid for in reinsurance, according to calculations by Consumer Watchdog. The group estimates about two-thirds came from State Farm Mutual.
In making its allegations, Consumer Watchdog analyzed 10 years of reinsurance data filed by the number two, three and four California home insurers by market share: CSAA Insurance Exchange; California Automobile Ins. Co., a subsidiary of Mercury General; and Fire Insurance Exchange, a member of Farmers Insurance Group.
While Fire Insurance Exchange also purchased substantial amounts of reinsurance from its parent, Balber said all three companies received more reimbursements for every dollar of reinsurance they purchased than did State Farm — and especially benefited during the 2017 and 2018 fire years.
As an “intervenor” in the rate review — a process established by Proposition 103, the landmark 1988 insurance reform initiative spearheaded by Consumer Watchdog — the group has asked State Farm General to provide more details about its reinsurance agreements. Balber said it has yet to receive any documents.
Actuary James Naughton, a professor at the University of Virginia’s Darden School of Business, said that Consumer Watchdog had cause to question State Farm over its reinsurance practices since the parent company appeared to financially benefit from the arrangement.
“[They] are right to be suspicious of the fact that it’s basically a State Farm-to-State Farm movement of risk,” he said.
But he added that the reinsurance did protect State Farm General from catastrophic claims, and that reinsurance contracts are customized, making it difficult to draw definitive conclusions about them.
The allegations against State Farm General come not only as the company is seeking steep rate hikes in its homeowners — as well as its condominium and renters — policies, but after it said in March it would not be renewing 72,000 home, apartment and other property policies. It cited soaring reconstruction costs, increasing wildfire risks and outdated state regulations.
State Farm General also has already received significant home insurance rate increases, including a 6.9% boost in January 2023 and a 20% jump that went into effect in March.
The company is one of a number of California insurers that have either stopped writing new policies, withdrawn from the market, raised prices or tightened underwriting standards amid a sharp increase in wildfires attributed to climate change. Others include Farmers Insurance, the Hartford and Allstate, which is seeking its own 34% rate hike.
In response, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara has proposed a series of reforms intended to stabilize California’s insurance market and attract insurers back into the market. Called the Sustainable Insurance Strategy, it includes a regulation that would allow insurers to pass through their reinsurance costs to policyholders.
Consumer Watchdog opposes the regulation, and Balber cited State Farm General’s reinsurance arrangements as “exhibit one” of why it’s not a good idea.
Michael Soller, the department’s deputy commissioner for communications, declined to respond to the criticism but said the group’s allegations about State Farm’s reinsurance practices “echo concerns” of regulators, who are seeking more information about State Farm’s financial status and its reinsurance arrangements as it reviews the request for a rate increase.
“Our goal is to hold all parties accountable in our thorough and transparent rate review. We are not going to make any decisions until we have our questions answered,” he said.
In filing for its rate increase, State Farm, which also sells auto, commercial and other policies, warned that its financial condition would deteriorate if it was not approved.
The company saw its net losses grow to $880 million last year from $98.4 million in 2022. However, losses narrowed to $53.8 million in the first six months of this year, according to rating agency A.M. Best, which this month rated the company’s financial strength as “B” with a stable outlook, meaning it had a “fair” ability to meet its financial obligations.
Parent State Farm Mutual Automobile Insurance Co., which lost $4.7 billion last year, earned $1.56 billion in the first six months of this year. This month it earned A.M. Best’s top financial strength rating of A++ but with a “negative outlook.”
Business
Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan
Nike is cutting about 1,400 jobs in its operations division, mostly from its technology department, the company said Thursday.
In a note to employees, Venkatesh Alagirisamy, the chief operating officer of Nike, said that management was nearly done reorganizing the business for its turnaround plan, and that the goal was to operate with “more speed, simplicity and precision.”
“This is not a new direction,” Mr. Alagirisamy told employees. “It is the next phase of the work already underway.”
Nike, the world’s largest sportswear company, is trying to recover after missteps led to a prolonged sales slump, in which the brand leaned into lifestyle products and away from performance shoes and apparel. Elliott Hill, the chief executive, has worked to realign the company around sports and speed up product development to create more breakthrough innovations.
In March, Nike told investors that it expected sales to fall this year, with growth in North America offset by poor performance in Asia, where the brand is struggling to rejuvenate sales in China. Executives said at the time that more volatility brought on by the war in the Middle East and rising oil prices might continue to affect its business.
The reorganization has involved cuts across many parts of the organization, including at its headquarters in Beaverton, Ore. Nike slashed some corporate staff last year and eliminated nearly 800 jobs at distribution centers in January.
“You never want to have to go through any sort of layoffs, but to re-center the company, we’re doing some of that,” Mr. Hill said in an interview earlier this year.
Mr. Alagirisamy told employees that Nike was reshaping its technology team and centering employees at its headquarters and a tech center in Bengaluru, India. The layoffs will affect workers across North America, Europe and Asia.
The cuts will also affect staffing in Nike’s factories for Air, the company’s proprietary cushioning system. Employees who work on the supply chain for raw materials will also experience changes as staff is integrated into footwear and apparel teams.
Nike’s Converse brand, which has struggled for years to revive sales, will move some of its engineering resources closer to the factories they support, the company said.
Mr. Alagirisamy said the moves were necessary to optimize Nike’s supply chain, deploy technology faster and bolster relationships with suppliers.
Business
Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes
A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.
The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.
The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.
The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.
It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.
However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.
Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.
Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.
“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.
In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”
The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.
“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.
Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.
Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.
Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.
The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.
But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.
Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.
A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.
“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .
Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.
Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.
Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.
Business
How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner
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Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.
But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.
Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.
While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.
“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.
It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”
Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.
“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.
The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.
Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.
Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”
Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.
Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.
“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”
For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.
“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”
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