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Why Does This Building by the Subway Need 193 Parking Spots? (Yes, Exactly 193.)

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Why Does This Building by the Subway Need 193 Parking Spots? (Yes, Exactly 193.)

A rendering of the new apartment building at 975 Nostrand Ave. in Brooklyn. Underground parking spaces not shown.

Lemons Bucket

The apartment building under construction at 975 Nostrand Avenue in Brooklyn is the kind of project that city officials and economists say New York needs to solve the city’s severe housing shortage.

It will have 328 new homes at rents targeting young professionals, from studios up to three-bedrooms, with a grocery store on the ground floor.

But the ability to construct these homes, at this location, turns on a peculiar problem: How do you also find a place to park 193 cars on this lot?

The site is about one block from the subway.

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To fit ample parking here, the builders had to excavate 14 feet underground. And some of this cellar space is needed for utilities and storage.

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The remaining space is irregular. These are the structural columns supporting the apartments above.

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And here’s where you fit the cars.

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Actually, that’s only 146 of them. To accommodate the remaining cars, each spot here holds a two-car mechanical stacker.

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(This is the actual diagram submitted to the New York Department of Buildings for review.)

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This Brooklyn building is subject to a powerful but obscure force operating in communities all over the country: the parking minimum. Every one of its 193 parking spaces is prescribed by the city’s zoning code, in dizzying detail.

The project must provide, at minimum, half a parking spot for each housing unit; one parking spot for every 400 square feet of retail and art gallery inside; and one spot for every 300 square feet of space in part of the planned grocery store (the other part of the grocery store is exempt from parking, and we’re sorry but only a land use lawyer can explain this).

New York is now proposing to radically simplify requirements like this by ending parking mandates on all new housing citywide. The move could make it cheaper and faster to construct new homes amid a housing affordability crisis, and it would make New York the latest American city to toss out decades-old parking rules. But as a movement to end parking minimums gains traction across the country, what happens in New York will be revealing: In the least car-dependent big city in America, the instinct to accommodate cars may still prove stronger than fears about the shortage of homes.

“These rules were written at a time when cars defined everything,” said Dan Garodnick, the head of New York’s Planning Commission.

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It was a moment when cities were first racing to adapt to cars and compete with suburbs full of plentiful parking. “We are in a different era today,” he said.

That assessment will be put to the test in the coming weeks, as the City Council is set to vote on the change as part of a broader package of housing measures.

Mr. Garodnick is quick to clarify that the administration is not proposing to end parking in residential buildings — just the required minimums. Developers will still build parking, he reasons, where there’s demand for it (and in fact, today some build more than the minimum). But they’ll also have the option to build none.

Those opposed to the change are skeptical of its benefits: “I don’t see where less parking means there’s greater affordability,” said Fred Baptiste, the chair of Community Board 9, where 975 Nostrand sits. “It just means there’s less parking.”

Six Parking Spots Per Bowling Lane

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Cities and towns nationwide have had parking minimums sitting unquestioned in their zoning codes for half a century. But in recent years, dozens of cities have removed them. Buffalo was among the first in 2017. Austin, Texas, last year became the largest U.S. city to do so.

As housing has grown more expensive across the country, cities have increasingly realized that parking can make the problem worse, raising the cost and complexity of development, even discouraging the construction of homes.

Construction costs run from $10,000 per parking space in a surface lot to $70,000 per space in an underground garage. That gets baked into what developers must recoup from tenants and buyers, whether they own a car or not. The rules drive up the per-unit cost to build affordable housing (in New York, affordable units near transit are exempt from parking minimums, but the rules still apply elsewhere). And they often require more parking than people actually use.

The mandates began in the 1950s and ’60s as mass car ownership expanded beyond the capacity of on-street parking. Minimums in New York were introduced in 1950 for new residential buildings. The city’s 1961 zoning code (the one still in place today) raised the requirements and added them for offices, retail and other building types. In New York and elsewhere, the rules typically take the form of ratios that have been copied from one city to another, handed from one generation of engineers to the next without much study or skepticism.

A Sample of Minimum Parking Rules

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0.5 parking spots per unit plus 1 parking spot per employee

Senior Housing in Vallejo, Calif.

2 parking spots per dwelling unit

Manufactured Home in Knoxville, Tenn.

1 parking spot per 2 beds

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Monastery/Convent in Savannah, Ga.

1.25 parking spots per dwelling unit

Efficiency Apartment in Fargo, N.D.

1 parking spot per 4 rooms

Rooming House in New Orleans

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1 parking spot per 2 beds

Fraternity/Sorority in Baltimore

2 parking spots per dwelling unit plus garage

Single-Family Home in Oklahoma City

1 parking spot per million gallons of capacity

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Sewage Treatment Plant in Dallas

1 parking spot per 100 sq. ft.

Haunted House in Gilbert, Ariz.

1 parking spot per 8 occupants plus 1 spot per 2 employees

Cemetery in Carver, Mass.

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1 parking spot per 10 migrants at max capacity

Migrant Labor Camp in Queen Anne’s County, Md.

10 parking spots per 1 mile of trail

Nature/Bike Trail in Jefferson Hills, Pa.

1 parking spot per 250 sq. ft. of office/retail area

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Butterfly/Moth Breeding in SeaTac, Wash.

6 parking spots per lane

Bowling Center in Folsom, Calif.

1 parking spot per 50 sq. ft. of floor area

Night Club in Port Angeles, Wash.

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8 parking spots per green

1 parking spot per 10 children plus 1 per employee

Child Care Center in Charlotte, N.C.

1.2 parking spots per bed

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3 parking spots per court

Tennis Club in Rochester, N.Y.

1 parking spot per 100 sq. ft. of sanctuary seating area

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1 parking spot per 60 sq. ft. of batting area

1 parking spot per 50 sq. ft. water surface plus 1 spot per 2 employees

Swimming Pool in Allentown, Pa.

“People just assume these numbers are right because they’re in the zoning code,” said Tony Jordan, who runs the Parking Reform Network, which advocates ending minimums. “No, they’re just made up.”

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Beyond increasing construction costs, the rules have squeezed out of existence many common prewar urban housing forms, like four-unit apartment buildings on lots too small for parking. Mandates have meanwhile produced their own specific kinds of places: stores surrounded by surface lots, strip malls wrapped around parking, apartment complexes that have no ground-floor retail because the ground floor is full of cars.

And because the rules apply broadly, they can require parking in subsidized housing for low-income households least likely to own a car. They can force builders to construct 350 square feet of garage space for a 400-square-foot studio.

Given that cities have only recently begun to change these rules, there’s limited evidence of what happens after they’re gone. In the first years after Buffalo ended parking minimums, about half of new developments built fewer parking spaces than they were previously required to, supporting the idea that the standards are too high for some properties, too low for others.

Proponents also hope that by ditching parking mandates, cities communicate another message: “If you require a place to park a car, you’re automatically saying a car is welcome,” said Felicity Maxwell, a planning commissioner in Austin who voted to end minimums there last year. And many of the prewar buildings and neighborhoods cherished today are places that have long thrived without welcoming cars.

Compared with Austin and Buffalo, New York is proposing a half-measure: to end mandates only for housing (at 975 Nostrand, for example, the retail space would still require some parking). Mr. Garodnick demurred on whether ending all minimums would be a logical future step for the city.

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An Expensive Hole in the Ground

New York is also a particularly tough place to create parking. Land is so scarce and valuable that it seldom makes sense to use it just to park cars. 975 Nostrand was originally a single-story grocery store with a large parking lot. Now it will become home to 500 to 600 people, with a grocery store on the ground floor.

But making the best use of that limited space means developers frequently turn to the hardest possible parking solution: putting it underground.

“When you go below grade in New York City, you are talking about the most expensive and the most risky part of a project,” said Sam Charney, principal of the developer Charney Companies. His worst construction horror story involved a mixed-use building that required two levels of underground parking in a corner of bustling Williamsburg in Brooklyn. He thought the parking actually necessary was none.

Before Charney Companies built The Dime in Williamsburg, it first dug this 30-foot-deep hole (while propping up the neighboring properties) for a two-story underground garage.

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Charney Companies LLC

Excavation is costly and onerous. Neighboring buildings must be underpinned. Buried oil tanks and boulders get in the way. Below the water table, everything must be waterproofed. And all of this adds months to construction, during which time developers are carrying large loans.

Parking stackers help save space by lifting cars up so others can park underneath. But then garages require parking attendants to operate them — and that’s another cost someone has to pay.

All of this is further complicated by the fact that the exact quantity of parking required depends on how the land at a given site is zoned.

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Here are just the few blocks around 975 Nostrand:

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Buildings across the street from each other are often zoned differently.

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And each zone has its own minimum parking ratios for housing.

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Source: New York City Zoning & Land Use Map

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Certain zones also exempt parking on the first five or 15 housing units, incentivizing builders to stay below that cutoff — or to carve lots up into several smaller buildings with fewer total housing units.

“You really don’t want to build a bigger building than you can provide parking for,” said David West, an architect.

These trade-offs for developers don’t garner a lot of sympathy with New Yorkers who have a more prosaic concern: where to park after a long work day or when there’s a hungry child in the back seat. The community board that encompasses the Nostrand development opposes getting rid of the minimums, as do politicians representing parts of the city that don’t have good transit access.

“For Staten Islanders, it’s almost impossible to not have at least one car per household,” said Joseph Borelli, who represents southern Staten Island as minority leader of the City Council.

Source: New York Times survey; New York City Zoning Application Portal

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The City Planning Commission expects that the greatest change to come from ending parking mandates would be in the “inner outer” boroughs — not in the lowest-density neighborhoods that have opposed it the most, but in places like Nostrand Avenue in Crown Heights. That’s where the gap is widest today between the quantity of parking required and the demand for it around public transit. In the densest parts of the city — much of Manhattan, and Long Island City in Queens — parking minimums are already waived (Manhattan, in fact, has had parking maximums since 1982, in a bid to reduce car travel and improve air quality).

Some suggest the city should more narrowly tailor its proposal rather than sweep away requirements citywide. But that would be an extension of what New York has done for years — carving out piecemeal exemptions for certain geographies, lot sizes, affordability levels and building amenities, until it has arrived at an intricate web of parking rules.

To proponents of ending minimums, the citywide simplicity is part of the point: The requirements aren’t just arbitrary near the subway; they are arbitrary everywhere because a prescribed ratio can never be just right for every lot. And even on Staten Island, lifting the minimums might allow someone to build an accessory dwelling unit — without extra parking — in the backyard. That would serve the city’s housing goals too.

At 975 Nostrand, where the developer Hudson Companies is about a year away from completing the building, the managing director of development, Marlee Busching-Truscott, struggled to estimate exactly how much parking would have been built if that number weren’t dictated by a zoning table. This is one of the other distortions of parking mandates. Developers typically try to study the market for nearly every facet of a project — the mix of apartment sizes, the targeted rents, the building amenities, the outdoor spaces, the kitchen finishes. But they don’t do that basic exercise for something as costly and sizable as a parking garage, because they have little choice in the matter.

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Though Ms. Busching-Truscott couldn’t say exactly how the building would have taken shape without parking minimums, “I don’t think we would have gotten to 193 spaces that would have required having a fully excavated cellar and a chaotic layout.”

That result speaks to the building’s essential paradox: “This is transit-oriented development,” she said, “that you’re still building around the car.”

New York

Man Dies in Subway Attack; Mamdani Orders Inquiry Into Suspect’s Release From Bellevue

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Man Dies in Subway Attack; Mamdani Orders Inquiry Into Suspect’s Release From Bellevue

A 76-year-old man died on Friday after being shoved down the stairs at the 18th Street subway station in Manhattan, and the police arrested a suspect who had been arrested multiple times in recent months and had been discharged from Bellevue Hospital’s psychiatric ward just hours before.

The victim, Ross Falzone, landed on his head at the bottom of the stairs and suffered a traumatic brain injury, a fractured spine and a fractured rib after a stranger rushed forward and pushed him, the police said.

Mr. Falzone had been walking north on Seventh Avenue toward the subway station in the Chelsea neighborhood on Thursday evening, said Brad Weekes, assistant commissioner of public information for the Police Department. Walking about 30 yards behind him was the stranger, according to surveillance footage from the scene, Mr. Weekes said. As Mr. Falzone reached the station, the man rushed forward and pushed him down the stairs. He was taken to Bellevue where he died shortly before 3 a.m. on Friday.

The death sparked outrage at City Hall. Mayor Zohran Mamdani quickly called for an investigation into how Bellevue handled the discharge of the suspect and suggested that institutional problems at the hospital might have led to the random attack.

“I am horrified by the killing of Ross Falzone and the circumstances that led to it,” Mr. Mamdani said in a news release on Friday, in which he ordered “an immediate investigation on what steps should have been taken to prevent this tragedy.”

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Police identified the suspect as Rhamell Burke, 32.

In the three months preceding the attack, Mr. Burke was arrested four times, Mr. Weekes said, including an arrest on Feb. 2 in connection with an assault on a Port Authority police officer.

Mr. Burke’s most recent interaction with the police began at around 3:30 p.m. Thursday, when he approached a group of N.Y.P.D. officers outside the 17th Precinct station house on East 51st Street, Mr. Weekes said. He grabbed a stick from a pile of garbage on the street and approached the officers, who told him to drop the stick. When he did, officers placed Mr. Burke in a police vehicle and drove him to Bellevue, where he was admitted to the emergency room at around 3:40 p.m., Mr. Weekes said. Mr. Burke was taken to the hospital’s Comprehensive Psychiatric Emergency Program for evaluation and treatment, Mr. Weekes said, and was released from the hospital one hour later.

He was just a mile and a half from the hospital when he encountered Mr. Falzone at around 9:30 p.m. Thursday.

On Friday afternoon, police officers found Mr. Burke in Penn Station, where they arrested him. He was in custody on Friday evening. It was unclear Friday if Mr. Burke had a lawyer.

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The mayor said he had requested help from the New York State Department of Health, which will investigate the decision to release Mr. Burke from Bellevue and conduct a review of similar cases at the hospital. The state agency also will investigate psychiatric evaluation and discharge procedures across NYC Health and Hospitals, the city’s public hospital system, according to the news release.

Mr. Falzone was a retired high school teacher who lived alone for many years in an apartment building on the Upper West Side. His friends were in shock on Friday about his death. They shared memories of an affable but private man who rarely spoke about his family or personal life.

Mr. Falzone had been recovering from a recent surgery and seemed more mobile and happy, said Marc Stager, 78, Mr. Falzone’s next-door neighbor on a tree-lined block of West 85th Street. He was known as a cheerful “yapper,” said Briel Waxman, a neighbor. He was the kind of New Yorker who enjoyed chatting with neighbors about historical details of his building and seeing performances at Lincoln Center with friends.

“He was always out and about,” said Ms. Waxman, 35, who often returned to her apartment at midnight or 1 a.m. to find Mr. Falzone arriving home at the same time. “I was like, ‘I don’t know if I’m proud of you or embarrassed of myself,’” she remembered telling him.

Mr. Falzone had wide taste in music — opera, classical, jazz, pop — and neighbors could tell he was home when they heard notes escaping from under his apartment door, Mr. Stager said.

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He was “a helpless old guy,” said Mr. Stager, who added that he was “disappointed and shocked, frankly, that somebody could do such a thing” as shove such a defenseless person down the stairs.

When Ms. Waxman moved into the building five years ago, Mr. Falzone was among the first people to welcome her, she said. He once brought a package to her door that had been delivered to the wrong unit and shared that what is now a blank wall in her apartment had once been a fireplace.

Ms. Waxman sat in her living room on Friday and cried as she talked, dabbing her eyes with a tissue. She remembered Mr. Falzone as “just overall, nice, talkative, genuine human.”

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Compare the Purported Epstein Suicide Note to His Writings

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Compare the Purported Epstein Suicide Note to His Writings

A suicide note purported to be written by the sexual predator Jeffrey Epstein while he was in jail in 2019 uses language that in some cases echoes his past writings to friends and family.

One phrase found in the apparent suicide note — “No Fun” — also appears on a handwritten page found in Mr. Epstein’s jail cell at the time of his death, as well as in emails he sent over the years.

And another saying in the suicide note — “watcha want me to do — bust out cryin!!” — appears in emails that Mr. Epstein had written to people close to him.

A cellmate claimed that Mr. Epstein left the suicide note before he was found unresponsive in their cell weeks before his death. The New York Times reported on the note last week and successfully asked a federal judge to unseal it.

If authentic, the note gives a view into Mr. Epstein’s mind-set before he was found dead at age 66 in August 2019. The New York City medical examiner ruled his death a suicide.

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A different handwritten note was found in Mr. Epstein’s cell when he died, and investigators believed it was written by him. In that document, Mr. Epstein complained about jail conditions — burned food, giant bugs and being kept in a locked shower. He concluded it with the underlined phrase, “NO FUN!!”

Mr. Epstein also used the phrase in emails when describing things he was unhappy about, or situations that had not gone his way.

Mr. Epstein used the phrase “watcha want me to do — bust out cryin” with friends, and in messages to his brother, Mark Epstein.

Like the note released by the judge, Mr. Epstein’s emails were often short, with staccato phrases and erratic punctuation. The emails were contained in millions of pages of documents the Justice Department released in response to a law passed last year requiring disclosure of records pertaining to Mr. Epstein.

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New York’s Budget Deal Is Still Hazy. Here Are 5 Key Questions.

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New York’s Budget Deal Is Still Hazy. Here Are 5 Key Questions.

It has become an article of faith in the New York State Capitol that when Gov. Kathy Hochul enters the Red Room on the building’s second floor to announce a budget agreement, the deal is actually far from sealed.

This year was no different.

Despite declaring that “today is the day” to announce an agreement on a $268 billion state budget, Ms. Hochul on Thursday acknowledged that several key initiatives — including a new tax surcharge on multimillion-dollar second homes in New York City — had been agreed on in principle, but that the details still needed work.

Even the top-line figure had not been finalized.

Lawmakers are fond of saying that the devil is in the details. But in the absence of the lengthy budget bills that include those details, which have yet to be printed and voted on, a host of unanswered questions remain.

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Here are five of them:

New York’s opaque budget process, which starts in January with the State of the State address and is supposed to be completed by April 1, has become far more than a negotiation over a fiscal document.

Governors have tended to use the budget to wedge in legislative priorities, wielding their leverage over billions of dollars to get their way.

Ms. Hochul has embraced this practice. And, in a re-election year, she wanted to convey to voters that she intended to stand up to President Trump’s immigration crackdown, help out New York City and lower costs for everyday New Yorkers.

She made that case on Thursday at a news conference flanked by several of her top aides. Notably missing were the leaders of the State Assembly and Senate.

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Not this week. The Assembly speaker, Carl E. Heastie, said on Thursday that it was “very premature” of the governor to say a deal had been reached. He would not even say that the Legislature had agreed to the $268 billion figure.

He complained about Ms. Hochul’s penchant for jamming nonfiscal policies into the budget and said he would not discuss such matters with his members until he had a better sense of the total amount the state would be spending.

As he spoke, members of the Senate and Assembly, who are currently not being paid, were wrapping up their legislative business for the week in a rush to return to their districts. They will be back in Albany on Monday; it is unclear what bill language, if any, will have been printed and distributed by then.

Mr. Mamdani, the mayor of New York City, campaigned on wresting more than $10 billion in tax increases from the state to pay for his ambitious agenda. That will not happen this year.

Ms. Hochul did accede to a new tax on second homes that targets the city’s richest property owners whose primary residences are outside New York City. The goal is to raise $500 million each year, which will go toward closing the city’s estimated $5.4 billion budget deficit.

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But she spurned the mayor’s request to make changes to a tax credit called the Pass Through Entity Tax that is used by some business owners. Mr. Mamdani had said that the measure, which was also backed by the City Council speaker, Julie Menin, could raise up to $1 billion a year in tax revenue.

Aside from tax increases, Mr. Mamdani’s overarching priority has been expanding child care in the city. Ms. Hochul’s budget does just that, with $4.5 billion allotted for child care and prekindergarten programs across the state.

It’s not the whole loaf, or even half. But Mr. Mamdani can point to that funding and say that he is advancing toward his goal of providing free child care for every New York City child under 5. And while the governor rejected his efforts to fund a program to make buses free, she directed more than $1 billion in additional aid to the city that, combined with revenue from the second-home tax and other proposed measures like delays in pension payments, could help Mr. Mamdani work to close its budget gap.

State lawmakers — and just about everyone else — are scratching their heads about the details of this tax surcharge, which Ms. Hochul proposed with great fanfare last month. The New York Times previously reported that one proposal being discussed would apply one tax rate to pieds-à-terre with values between $5 million and $15 million; a higher rate for ones valued between $15 million and $25 million; and an even higher rate for properties valued at $25 million or more, according to three people familiar with the matter.

How much the property owners would pay is still up in the air. Ms. Hochul said on Thursday that more details would be coming in the near future and that the tax would apply to units worth $5 million or more.

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Also being sorted out is how, exactly, the value of each co-op or apartment would be determined.

“It’s going to take some time to get to the right number to assess that,” the governor said, noting the city’s complex system for calculating a property’s assessed value.

“We’re looking at the difference between what is currently assessed but what is market value,” she added. “We’re working it out with the city. We have had some really good conversations.”

Facing pressure from the state’s largest public unions, Ms. Hochul has been trying to determine how to restore certain pension benefits that had been cut for public employees hired after 2012.

Any changes could end up costing the state hundreds of millions of dollars, while also saddling local municipalities and school districts with increased spending burdens. Several of the labor groups have prioritized lowering the minimum retirement age to 55 from 63.

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Ms. Hochul said on Thursday that the particulars were still being negotiated, but stressed that the cost to the state and local governments would be less than the $1.5 billion that has been requested by the unions.

“We are willing to look at this and make changes, but a much more scaled-back monetary proposal,” she said.

“We will release these numbers as soon as it’s absolutely done,” she added.

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