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DEA agents joked about rape in WhatsApp chat before one was accused of the crime, secret files show

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DEA agents joked about rape in WhatsApp chat before one was accused of the crime, secret files show

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In a WhatsApp chat that quickly devolved into depravity, a group of U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration agents boasted about their “world debauchery tour” of “boozing and whoring” on the government’s dime. They swapped lurid images of their latest sexual conquests. And at one point they even joked about “forcible anal rape.”

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Within months of that jaw-dropping exchange, an agent in the group chat was accused of that very crime.

The 2018 arrest of George Zoumberos for allegedly forcing anal sex on a 23-year-old woman in a Madrid hotel room set off alarms at the highest levels of the DEA, beginning with a middle-of-the-night phone call from a supervisor to the agency’s headquarters outside Washington. But U.S. officials never even spoke with the woman and made only cursory efforts to investigate.

The DEA has refused for years to discuss its handling of the arrest, instead telling The Associated Press in response to its questions that “the alleged misconduct in this case is egregious and unacceptable and does not reflect the high standards expected of all DEA personnel.”

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This October 2014 photo obtained by The Associated Press shows then-U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration Agents Jose Irizarry and George Zoumberos in a rooftop pool at a luxury hotel in Cartagena, Colombia, during a DEA assignment for “Operation White Wash.” Irizarry long considered Zoumberos a brother but in his interviews with investigators accused his former partner of a list of crimes. 

AP Photo

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The details of the case and the graphic group chat are outlined in a trove of thousands of secret law enforcement documents obtained by the AP that offer a never-before-seen window into a culture of corruption among federal narcotics agents who parlayed the DEA’s shadowy money laundering operations into a worldwide pursuit of binge drinking and illicit sex.

Zoumberos, married and 38 at the time, maintained the interaction was consensual and, after a jailhouse visit from U.S. Embassy officials, was released and flew home within hours of his arrest. A Spanish judge later dismissed the case, ruling only that the allegations were not “duly justified.” The agent eventually returned to duty with a DEA letter of reprimand chiding him for “poor judgment.”

“I told him very clearly that I didn’t want to have sex,” the woman recently told AP, which does not typically identify those who say they are victims of sexual assault.

The woman, speaking about her allegations for the first time, says her anguish led to severe panic attacks that forced her to drop out of college, and to this day she’s haunted by fears her attacker will return.

“I’m very afraid,” she said, her voice trembling over the phone. “He could try to find me or take revenge.”

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“A very fun game”

Many of the documents AP obtained focus on ongoing investigations following the scandalous 2020 arrest of José Irizarry, an agent in the group chat considered the ringleader of the debauchery and perhaps the most corrupt agent in the DEA’s 50-year history.

But despite his conviction and repeated claims that dozens of others were involved in his scheme to skim millions from money laundering seizures to bankroll a junket of partying and sex, no criminal charges have been filed against any other DEA agents, supervisors or prosecutors allegedly tied to the corruption. The U.S. Justice Department did not respond to questions asking why. More than a dozen, however, have been quietly disciplined or ousted from their jobs.

Irizarry, serving a 12-year federal prison term for laundering money for the very Colombian drug cartels he was sworn to police, has maintained to AP in recent interviews that he was not a rogue agent and accountability is long overdue for the many others who joined him in a wild ride that mocked the DEA’s mission.

DEA Files-Rape Accusation
Jose Irizarry, a once-standout DEA agent sentenced to more than 12 years in federal prison for conspiring to launder money with a Colombian cartel, pauses during an interview the night before going to a federal detention center, in San Juan, Puerto Rico, Wednesday, Jan. 5, 2022. 

Carlos Giusti / AP

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“You can’t win an unwinnable war,” Irizarry said before reporting to prison. “The drug war is a game. … It was a very fun game that we were playing.”

That game revolved around the DEA’s undercover money laundering operations, including one codenamed White Wash that was led by the agents in the group chat. It was shut down in 2017 before a blistering internal audit found agents’ globetrotting through the bars, strip clubs and hotels of Paris, Madrid, and the Caribbean was “unacceptable” and rife with corruption.

“The agents would set up one meeting in the city of their choice but in reality were just going on vacation,” reads an FBI investigative report in the files obtained by AP. Other records detailed how agents frequented the red-light district of Amsterdam for prostitutes and recorded “no enforcement operations” whatsoever during a weeklong trip to Norway, a country with one of the lowest crime rates in the world.

In the end, the DEA audit found the five-year operation could claim credit for just five convictions while agents shelled out $900,000 on travel, and $26,000 on meals as they partied around the world tapping a $1.9 million government fund of lawful money laundering proceeds they referred to as their “debauchery piggy bank.”

“It was all bulls—” Irizarry told the FBI, adding that White Wash was compromised from its first day by reports falsified to justify the next party spree. “It was all a novel.”

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An unending, degenerate party

The WhatsApp chat, recovered during the FBI’s criminal investigation of DEA misconduct, included five DEA agents identified by AP, one of whom remains with the agency today, and hundreds of exchanges from 2017. Irizarry was the only agent willing to discuss the chat with AP.

The chat backed up many of his allegations that portrayed life in the DEA as an unending, degenerate party. Agents planned DEA travel around binge-drinking and sex with no fear their encrypted messages would ever be read by anyone else. And rather than reporting Irizarry’s misconduct, agents pressed him for X-rated images of his exploits.

“José you’re just smashing ass,” one agent wrote of Irizarry in February 2017, a month into a new U.S. presidential administration. “Nothing wrong with that under Trump. … Your good.”

Before one jaunt, an agent wrote colleagues he was “hoping you’ve organized some welcome p—y for me tomorrow when I land.”

“Tough life this war on drugs,” an agent quipped in one message.

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Added another: “Think of how different our experience on the job is than most.”

Federal authorities’ extraction of the deleted chat does not identify the author of every message, but AP identified the senders through context, federal law enforcement records and interviews. AP is only identifying two of the agents who have been accused of crimes: Irizarry and Zoumberos.

Irizarry told federal authorities in 2020 that he had direct knowledge of 15 DEA agents soliciting prostitutes. He attributed the most damning exchanges in the group chat to Zoumberos, the agent briefly jailed on suspicion of sexual assault in Spain.

“Irizarry stated Zoumberos talked about forcing anal sex on hookers,” a Homeland Security Investigations report states.

References to anal sex were so common in the group chat that agents coined a term for it – pancaking – and often accompanied such mentions with an emoji of a stack of pancakes.

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“I’m coming old school to pancake a few Colombia chicks,” Zoumberos texted before one 2017 trip.

There were frequent mentions of prostitutes and at least two references to assaulting them and leaving it to an informant to “clean up” the mess.

They also joked about creating a “hooker app” in which agents would sneak prostitutes past everything from a hotel front desk to DEA internal affairs while trying to avoid federal prison.

“These are some expensive bitches,” one agent wrote in an exchange that included the sharing of a prostitute’s phone number. “She’s telling me $1,000 for the night.”

Ben Greenberg, a former U.S. attorney in Miami who reviewed the messages at AP’s request, called them “beyond inappropriate.”

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“In the context of such serious criminal allegations, the chats look like evidence of a crime and not just grotesque banter,” he said. “U.S. law enforcement has an obligation to fully investigate this case and to hold anyone involved in criminal activity accountable regardless of their position.”

The lewd texts came even as the DEA was making public promises to clean up its act following a highly publicized scandal in which agents participated in “sex parties” with prostitutes hired by Colombian cartels. That prompted the suspension of several agents and the 2015 retirement of then-DEA Administrator Michele Leonhart.

Misconduct in the 4,100-agent DEA has hardly been isolated. AP has tallied at least 16 agents over the past decade brought up on federal charges ranging from child pornography and drug trafficking to leaking intelligence to defense attorneys and selling firearms to cartel associates, revealing gaping holes in the agency’s supervision.

After Administrator Anne Milgram took the reins of the DEA in 2021, the agency placed new controls on how funds can be used in money laundering stings, and warned agents they can now be fired for a first offense of misconduct if serious enough, a departure from prior administrations.

“The DEA has made significant advancements in oversight measures, disciplinary processes and accountability of personnel,” the agency said in a statement to AP, adding it will “remain vigilant in our pursuit for excellence and integrity and will take decisive action should serious misconduct occur.”

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Quiet casualties

The FBI and a federal grand jury in Tampa have been investigating DEA misconduct in money laundering probes for years, following a roadmap sketched out by Irizarry.

Recently, an informant who traveled the world partying with the agents – and was with Zoumberos when he met his accuser at the Madrid bar – was arrested in Colombia on a U.S. warrant for failing to pay taxes on more than $3.8 million in snitch money.

But so far, Irizarry is the only government employee to be charged. The internal records obtained by AP show the DEA disciplined or ousted at least a dozen other agents for either participating in the bacchanalia or failing to sound the alarms about it.

Among the quiet casualties was the head of the St. Louis division who retired amid allegations that he rented a New York apartment for his paramour with DEA funds. Another who quit was a veteran supervisor of the jet-setting agents who lied to the FBI about soliciting prostitutes, according to a law enforcement official who wasn’t authorized to discuss the investigation.

The DEA records also contain new details about one agent, Danielle Dreyer, who was fired last year for what the Justice Department called “outlandish behavior” during a rooftop party in 2017 in Cartagena, Colombia, attended by a half-dozen DEA agents and then-federal prosecutor Marisa Darden. An internal DEA investigation found Dreyer used ecstasy and that her antics in a hot tub included squirting breast milk on colleagues, fondling Darden’s breasts and grinding on her supervisor’s lap.

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After leaving the Justice Department, Darden was confirmed by the Senate in 2022 to be the first Black woman U.S. attorney in northern Ohio. She abruptly withdrew before taking the position, however, telling AP through an attorney that she did so for personal reasons.

Law enforcement records obtained by AP show Darden had been interviewed by the Justice Department’s Office of Inspector General just days before she pulled out. Neither Darden nor her attorney responded to requests for comment.

“I didn’t want him to do this to others”

The overseas rape accusation turned out to be the beginning of the end for Zoumberos, who more than a year after his rape arrest resigned from the DEA after invoking his Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination in refusing to testify to the federal grand jury in Tampa.

Irizarry long considered Zoumberos a brother but in his interviews with investigators accused his former partner of a list of crimes, including that he used DEA snitch money to buy a personal boat.

“Zoumberos could do whatever he wanted and would not get caught because he was in charge of the AGEO,” Irizarry told the FBI, using the acronym for the money laundering probes, Attorney General Exempt Operations.

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DEA Files-Rape Accusation
This combination of 2012-2017 photos obtained from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration shows U.S. dollars, Colombian pesos, euros and Canadian dollars involved in the DEA’s shadowy international money laundering investigations. 

/ AP


Zoumberos’ attorney, Raymond Mansolillo, has called Irizarry a serial liar and previously told AP that federal authorities were “looking to find a crime to fit this case as opposed to a crime that actually took place.”

On the night of the alleged sexual assault in Spain in April 2018, Zoumberos and a partner ate dinner with an informant at an Irish pub in Madrid, according to DEA records, and Zoumberos told authorities the woman later approached him at the bar.

The woman told AP that, over drinks, Zoumberos showed her smartphone photos of him fishing and playing with his dogs.

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“He seemed like a good person,” she recalled.

The conversation was pleasant, she said, and she lost track of time. With the subway closed, Zoumberos made what seemed like a gentlemanly offer.

“He told me, ‘Don’t worry, you can sleep in my hotel room. We’ll watch a movie and in the morning you can catch the metro,’” she told AP. “Honestly, I was a student and I didn’t have 60 euros to pay for a taxi home.”

Around 1:30 a.m., the two walked a few blocks to Zoumberos’ government-paid hotel. The woman said she told Zoumberos she could not have sex because she was having her period. Zoumberos told the DEA that she agreed to consensual sex and was “never upset.”

About 3 a.m., the woman said, police and an ambulance arrived and found her bruised around the wrists and Zoumberos very drunk. She told AP she locked herself in the bathroom before fleeing the hotel through the fire exit in a state of utter shock.

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A few hours later, the DEA chief in Spain placed an urgent telephone call to the agency’s command center outside Washington. Records show nearly three dozen DEA officials were eventually notified of Zoumberos’ arrest, including then-acting administrator Robert W. Patterson.

Within hours, the U.S. Embassy in Madrid dispatched a small delegation to visit Zoumberos in jail. What happened next is unclear. The U.S. State Department didn’t respond to repeated requests for comment and would not release any records related to its response. The DEA also denied Freedom of Information Act requests for records of Zoumberos’ arrest, citing the former agent’s privacy.

A day after his arrest, Zoumberos was released without bail with only an order to stay away from his accuser and he quickly caught an American Airlines flight home to Tampa. There’s no record of why the judge didn’t seize his passport.

Six weeks later, the case was dismissed at prosecutors’ request. Judge Enrique De la Hoz Garcia determined the allegations were not “duly justified” but didn’t elaborate, according to Spanish court records. He and prosecutors did not respond to emails seeking further comment.

Back in Tampa, the DEA opened an internal investigation and suspended Zoumberos from normal duties. But within a few months, his firearm and top-secret clearance were returned and Zoumberos resumed his job with a letter reprimanding him for showing “poor judgment.”

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“As a DEA Special Agent, you are held to a higher standard of personal conduct and must take responsibility for your actions,” read the letter, which under DEA policy was to be removed automatically from the file after two years.

Zoumberos, who now lives in North Carolina, did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Internal records and interviews show the DEA never spoke with the woman or attempted to reconstruct what happened the night of the alleged rape. The records indicate the ranking DEA official in Spain did not even have the accuser’s contact information and make no mention of any inquiries with Spanish authorities to obtain it.

The records also don’t mention any efforts to secure surveillance footage from the hotel or the results of medical examinations that the woman says would have corroborated her account.

“We dropped the ball,” a law enforcement official familiar with the matter told AP, speaking on condition of anonymity because he wasn’t authorized to discuss internal investigations.

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About a year ago, the woman said she was approached by Spanish police asking if she would be willing to speak to the FBI as part of its broader probe of misconduct in the DEA.

At first, she said yes.

“I didn’t want him to do this to others,” she said.

But her willingness to speak out eventually gave way to fear of the powerful man she was confronting.

“I don’t want to reopen this,” she said. “I want to forget it.”

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Lifestyle

Is the viral cheese pull saving chain restaurants?

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Is the viral cheese pull saving chain restaurants?

Images from Karissa Dumbacher’s TikTok account, @karissaeats, where she makes videos about food. She has over 4.5 million followers on the platform.

@karissaeats via TikTok/Screenshots by NPR


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@karissaeats via TikTok/Screenshots by NPR

Affordable, familiar and reassuring are the features that make American chain restaurants a near-ubiquitous presence throughout the country; it is almost as if they are baked into our roadside culture.

Despite well-documented financial struggles, a tough economy and shifting diet trends, these restaurants withstand time.

This series explores why these places have such strong staying power and how they stay afloat at a time of rapid change.

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Go back to read our first two pieces on how these restaurants trigger nostalgia and how these places stay afloat in a tough economy.

The magical cheese pull.

It’s a viral social media trend and a powerful marketing tool, where diners post videos of themselves slowly pulling apart gooey strings of cheese from a steaming hot slice of pizza or deep-fried mozzarella sticks.

A good one brings in millions of views and, increasingly, helps lure diners off their phones and into seats.

Sara Rafael, 23, flew from Ireland to New York City in November. She and her mother had a list of must-stop eats, including Olive Garden, The Cheesecake Factory, Raising Cane’s — all of which were discovered on TikTok, Rafael tells NPR.

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The platform’s food videos – including those trendy cheese pulls – she says, “always make the food look so appetizing.” So, most of her dining itinerary consisted of mid-tier American chains straight from the recommendations of strangers online.

This is a critical moment for restaurants, says Stephen Zagor, a restaurant industry expert, consultant and adjunct professor at Columbia Business School.

With many American diners spending less and eating at home more, restaurants, especially older chains, risk fading into what he calls “the wallpaper.”

Zagor says that every restaurant needs to “have a viral moment” either in their menu or inside the restaurant in order to survive now.

But, he admits, the tradeoff is “a certain loss of authenticity.”

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Chili’s cheese pull moment

Few restaurants, particularly chains, have ridden the viral cheese pull wave as well as Tex-Mex national chain, Chili’s.

Its Triple Dipper – a mix-and-match trio of appetizers and sauces – has become popular online thanks to the thick, stretchy fried mozzarella sticks. The company tells NPR it sold 41 million Triple Dippers in fiscal year 2025.

And that’s been a boon to the company’s bottom line. The Triple Dipper accounted for approximately 10% of sales in the fourth quarter of fiscal year 2024. A year later, that figure rose to 15% of sales, according to data Chili’s shared with NPR.

Chili’s Chief Marketing Officer George Felix says the sales numbers reflect “a massive gain in a short amount of time” for a company the size of Chili’s. “Essentially 100% of that can be attributed to social media,” he says.

Once it became clear just how popular the menu item was, the company’s culinary team leaned into the fandom and innovated on the fried mozzarella sticks by developing Nashville Hot and Honey-Chipotle flavors, Felix says.

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For a 50-year-old chain restaurant that had been suffering from the “wallpaper” effect, Zagor says, this was a huge boost in helping the restaurant stage a stunning comeback.

“I think it speaks to the fact that Chili’s is back in the culture,” Felix says, Chili’s chief marketing officer.

In a crowded market, content, and cheese pulls, are king

Content creators like Karissa Dumbacher, who focuses on food posts as @karissaeats, has made a host of videos about Chili’s, including one listed as a paid partnership that’s received 2 million likes documenting none other than the iconic cheese pull.

She’s found the recipe to success for making a video pop on social media.

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“The first three to five seconds of the video has to pull you in visually,” she explains. “People are gonna stick around to see if it’s worth it, and that’s what you want. That’s why so many people go for the cheese pull.”

Dumbacher has posted consistently since first beginning her TikTok journey during a COVID quarantine in Beijing. Almost daily she posts “everything I ate” videos from her home, fast food chains, casual chains and high-end, gourmet restaurants in the U.S. and abroad.

Her recording style has garnered her a legion of more than 4.5 million followers on TikTok alone.

Even though viewers have a chance to virtually travel the world and eat alongside her at luxury restaurants, Dumbacher says she still finds that her videos from classic chain restaurants like the Cheesecake Factory do “really, really well.”

And while Dumbacher has found success eating at casual sit-down establishments, the restaurants themselves benefit as well from the extra air time.

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“Most people that are posting these viral videos aren’t getting paid by the restaurants, and it’s creating a bunch of traffic. So it’s huge,” she says. “That’s why there’s so much money going into TikTok, YouTube, Instagram ads these days, as opposed to ads on TV or billboards.”

Michael Lindquist, senior vice president of social for the media company, BarkleyOKRP, says social media “is now what I would consider a key business driver” and “an infinite feedback loop” for businesses.

Lindquist works in the company’s social content studio that works with brands like Red Lobster, Marco’s Pizza and others.

“It really does start and end on social media,” he says. “So you’re starting to see even broadcast and TV campaigns that take more of their cues from social [media] behavior, and comments and the way that we interact with one another.”

But Zagor, the restaurant industry expert, says virality can only get restaurants so far.

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“You would like all businesses to be organic, because people love it, and they come back because the food is great,” Zagor says. “Not because you saw this incredible dessert, and [say], ‘Wow, I need to have that.’”

Zagor teaches college students and is struck by their focus on documenting the meal for social media instead of eating. He says he asks his students how many of them take pictures of their food:

“Everyone raises their hand. And then I say, ‘How many of you take more pictures of your food than you do of your family and friends?’ And they all raise their hands.”

For Zagor, that’s concerning. So much of the human experience now, including eating at a restaurant, is focused on capturing the perfect, photographable moment rather than an organic, enjoyable, social experience.

“And something’s just weird about that.”

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Retired, they moved from 6 bedrooms to a tiny L.A. ADU built in 3.5 months

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Retired, they moved from 6 bedrooms to a tiny L.A. ADU built in 3.5 months

Ever wondered how long it would take to build an accessory dwelling unit, or ADU, in your backyard?

In the case of Alvaro “Al” and Nenette Alcazar, a retired couple, who downsized from a six-bedroom home in New Orleans to a one-bedroom ADU in Los Angeles, it took just 3½ months.

“We went on vacation to the Philippines in November, right as they were getting started on construction,” Al says of the ADU his son Jay Alcaraz and his partner Andy Campbell added behind their home in Harbor Gateway. “When we returned in March of this year, the house was ready for us.”

The Alcazars were surprised by the rapid completion of their new 570-square-foot modular home by Gardena-based Cover. By the time construction was finished, they hadn’t yet listed their New Orleans home, where they lived for 54 years while raising their two sons.

Andy Campbell, seated left, and his partner Jay Alcazar’s home is reflected in the windows of the ADU where Alcazar’s parents Al and Nenette Alcazar, standing, now reside.

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Jay Alcazar and Andy Campbell's backyard in Harbor Gateway before they added an ADU.

Jay Alcazar and Andy Campbell’s backyard in Harbor Gateway before they added an ADU.

(Jay Alcazar)

Alexis Rivas, co-founder and CEO of Cover, was also surprised by how quickly the ADU was permitted, taking just 45 days. “The total time from permit submittal to certificate of occupancy was 104 days,” he says, crediting the city’s Standard Plan and the ADU’s integrated panelized system for making it the fastest Clover has ever permitted.

For Al, a longtime religious studies professor at Loyola University New Orleans and community organizer, the construction process was more than just demolition and site prep. Seeing the Cover workers collaborate on their home reminded him of “bayanihan,” a Filipino core value emphasizing community unity and collective action.

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“Both of my parents were public school teachers,” says Al, who was exiled from the Philippines in 1972. “When they moved to a village where there were no schools, the parents were so happy their children wouldn’t have to walk to another village to go to school that they built them a home.”

A living room of an ADU with a yellow chair and orange sofa
A dining room with a birch dining table and red area rug

“It’s only one bedroom but we love it,” says Nenette Alcazar. “It’s the right size for two people.”

Like his childhood home in the village of Cag-abaca, Al says his and Nenette’s ADU “felt like a community built it somewhere and carried it into the garden for us to live in.” Only in this instance, the home was not a Nipa hut made of bamboo but a home made of steel panels manufactured in a factory in Gardena and installed on-site.

Jay Alcaraz, 40, and Campbell, 43, had been renting a house in Long Beach for three years when they started looking for a home to buy in 2022. Initially, they had hoped to stay in Long Beach, but when they realized they couldn’t afford it, they broadened their search to include Harbor Gateway. “It was equidistant to my job as a professor of critical studies at USC, and Jay’s job as a senior product manager at Stamps.com near LAX,” Campbell says.

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When they eventually purchased a three-bedroom Midcentury home that needed some work, they were delighted to find themselves in a neighborhood filled with multigenerational households within walking distance of Asian supermarkets and restaurants.

A wood-clad ADU and deck in a garden
Orange tree
Purple sage

The ADU does not overwhelm the backyard. “It looks like a house in a garden,” says Al Alcazar.

“We can walk to everything,” says Jay. “The post office. The deli. The grocery store. We love Asian food, and can eat at a different Asian restaurant every day.”

Adds Campbell: “We got the same thing we had in Long Beach here, plus space for an ADU.”

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At a time when multigenerational living is growing among older men and women in the United States, according to the Pew Research Center, it’s not surprising that the couple began considering an ADU for Jay’s parents soon after purchasing their home, knowing that Al and Nenette, who no longer drives, would feel comfortable in the neighborhood.

They started by reviewing ADUs that the city has pre-approved for construction as part of the ADU Standard Plan Program on the city’s Building and Safety Department website. The initiative, organized by former L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti’s office in collaboration with Building and Safety in 2021, was designed to simplify the lengthy permitting process and help create more housing.

A white bathroom.
A hallway leads to a bedroom.

The 570-square-foot house has a single bedroom and bathroom.

Jay and Al Alcazar have coffee in the kitchen of their ADU.

Jay and Al Alcazar have coffee in the kitchen of the ADU.

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They reached out to several potential architects and secured a line of credit for $300,000. They decided to go with Cover after touring its facility and one of its completed ADUs. “We liked that they were local and their facility was five minutes away from us,” Campbell says.

The couple originally envisioned removing their backyard pergola and lawn and adding an L-shaped ADU. But after consulting with Rivas, they decided on a rectangular unit with large-format glass sliders and warm wood cladding to preserve the yard.

The configuration was the right choice, as the green space between the two homes, which includes a deck and drought-tolerant landscaping, serves as a social hub for both couples, who enjoy grilling, sharing meals at the outdoor dining table and gardening. Just a few weeks ago, the family celebrated Al’s 77th birthday in the garden along with their extended family.

Nenette, a self-described “green thumb,” is delighted by the California garden’s bounty, including oranges, lemons, guava trees and camellias. “I can see the palm trees moving back and forth and the hummingbirds in the morning,” she says.

A family of four visits in an open dining room and kitchen.

“They’re a lot of fun,” Jay Alcazar says of his parents. “They are great dinner companions.”

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Although some young couples might hesitate to live close to their parents and in-laws, Jay and Campbell see their ADU as a convenient way to stay close and support Jay’s parents as they age in place.

Besides, Jay says, they’re a lot of fun. “They are great dinner companions,” he says.

Campbell, who enjoys having coffee on the outdoor patio with Al, agrees. “When I met them for the first time 12 years ago, they had a group over for dinner and hosted a karaoke party until 3 a.m.,” he said. “I was like, ‘Is this a regular thing?’”

A hand-carved teak bed
A family photo and accessories on a bedside table

A teak bed from the Philippines and family mementos help to make the new ADU feel like home.

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Unlike the Alcazars’ spacious 1966 home in New Orleans, their new ADU’s interiors are modern and simple, with white oak floors and cabinets and Bosch appliances, including a stackable washer and dryer. Despite downsizing a lifetime of belongings, Al and Nenette were able to keep a few things that help make the ADU feel like home. In the living room, mother of pearl lamps and wood-carved side tables serve as a reminder of their old house. In their bedroom, a hand-carved teak bed from the Philippines, still showing signs of water damage from Hurricane Katrina, was built by artisans in Nenette’s family.

“Madonna and Jack Nicholson both ordered this bed,” Nenette says proudly.

Wood cladding

The couple chose a thermally processed wood cladding for its warmth. “It will develop a silver hue over time,” says Alexis Rivas of Cover. “It’s zero maintenance.”

But one thing didn’t work out in their move West. When they realized their sofa would take up too much room in the 8-foot portable storage pod they rented in New Orleans, they decided to purchase an IKEA sleeper sofa in L.A. It’s now in the mix along with their personal artifacts and family photos that further add memories to the interiors, including a reproduction of the Last Supper, a common tradition in many Filipino homes symbolizing the importance of coming together to share meals. With limited storage, the families share the two-car garage, where Al stores his tools.

“It’s only one bedroom, but we love it,” says Nenette, 79, of the ADU, which cost $380,000. “It’s just the right size for two people.”

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The ADU feels private, both couples say, thanks to the 9-foot-long custom curtains they ordered online from Two Pages Curtains. “When the curtains are open, we know they are awake, and when their curtains are down, we know to leave them alone,” Jay says, laughing at their ritual.

In terms of aging in place, the ADU can accommodate a wheelchair or walker if necessary, and Rivas says a custom wheelchair ramp can be added later if necessary.

Now, if only Jay could mount the flat-screen television on the wall, Al says, teasing his son. It’s hard to escape dad jokes when he’s living in your backyard — and that’s the point.

“It’s really nice having them here,” Andy says.

Jay Alcazar and Andy Campbell pose at a dining room table.
Al and Nenette Alcazar in their living room.

Jay Alcazar and Andy Campbell enjoy having Al and Nenette Alcazar close. “They feel like neighbors,” Jay says.

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After losing his family and home in the Philippines when Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law in the country, Al, who once studied to be a priest, says he’s deeply moved to be the recipient of the bayanihan spirit once again.

“I was tortured in the Philippines, and it didn’t break me,” he says. “So having a home built by a friendly community really points to a shorter but more spiritual meaning of bayanihan, which is, ‘when a group of friends,’ as my grandma Marta used to say, ‘turns your station of the cross into a garden with a rose.’ Now, we have Eden here in my son’s backyard.”

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Her 1951 walkout helped end school segregation. Now her statue is in the U.S. Capitol

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Her 1951 walkout helped end school segregation. Now her statue is in the U.S. Capitol

A model of the statue of Barbara Rose Johns pictured in 2023, two years before the real thing was unveiled at the U.S. Capitol.

Amy Davis/The Baltimore Sun/ZUMA Press Wire via Reuters


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Amy Davis/The Baltimore Sun/ZUMA Press Wire via Reuters

In 1951, a Black teenager led a walkout of her segregated Virginia high school. On Tuesday, her statue replaced that of a Confederate general in the U.S. Capitol.

Barbara Rose Johns was 16 when she mobilized hundreds of students to walk out of Farmville’s Robert Russa Moton High School to protest its overcrowded conditions and inferior facilities compared to those of the town’s white high school.

That fight was taken up by the NAACP and eventually became one of the five cases that the U.S. Supreme Court reviewed in Brown v. Board of Education, whose landmark 1954 ruling declared school segregation unconstitutional.

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“Before the sit-ins in Greensboro, before the Montgomery bus boycott, there was the student strike here in 1951, led by Barbara Johns,” Cameron Patterson told NPR in 2020, when he led the Robert Russa Moton Museum, located on the former school grounds.

Johns’ bronze statue is the latest addition to Emancipation Hall, a gathering place in the U.S. Capitol Visitor Center that houses many of the 100 statues representing each state.

Every state legislature gets to honor two notable individuals from its history with statues in the Capitol. For over a century, Virginia was represented by George Washington and, until a few years ago, Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee.

Lee’s statue was hoisted out of the Capitol — at the request of then-Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam, a Democrat — in December 2020, the year that a nationwide racial reckoning spurred the removal of over 100 Confederate symbols across the U.S.

The same month, Virginia’s Commission on Historical Statues in the United States Capitol voted unanimously to select a statue of Johns to replace it. Johns, who died in 1991, was chosen from a list of 100 names and five finalists, including Pocahontas and Maggie Lena Walker, the first Black woman to serve as president of a U.S. bank.

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Exactly five years and a multi-step approval process later, the 11-foot statue — created by Maryland artist Steven Weitzman — has finally moved in. It shows a teenage Johns standing at a podium, raising a book overhead mid-rallying cry.

Its pedestal is engraved with the words: “Are we going to just accept these conditions, or are we going to do something about it?”

Johns is credited with helping end school segregation

Johns was born in New York City in March 1935, and moved to Virginia’s Prince Edward County during World War II to live on her grandmother’s — and later, father’s — farm.

According to the Moton Museum, Johns — the niece of civil rights pioneer the Rev. Vernon Johns — grew increasingly frustrated by the lack of resources at her school. Classrooms were located in free-standing tar-paper shacks that lacked proper plumbing, with no science laboratories, cafeteria or gymnasium at all.

She later wrote in an unpublished memoir that when she finally took her concerns to a teacher, they responded, “Why don’t you do something about it?” She felt dismissed at first, but gave the idea more thought and decided to unite the student council members to coordinate a strike.

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“We would make signs and I would give a speech stating our dissatisfaction and we would march out [of] the school and people would hear us and see us and understand our difficulty and would sympathize with our plight and would grant us our new school building and our teachers would be proud and the students would learn more and it would be grand,” Johns wrote, according to the museum.

On April 23, 1951, Johns gathered all 450 students in the auditorium and convinced them to walk out, to protest their school’s conditions and campaign for a new building. The strike lasted roughly two weeks and caught the attention of the NAACP.

NAACP lawyers Spottswood Robinson and Oliver Hill filed a lawsuit (Davis et al. v. County School Board of Prince Edward County, Virginia) in federal court, challenging the constitutionality of segregated education in the county’s schools.

The court ultimately sided with the county, but did order that its Black schools be made physically equal to white schools. A new Black Moton High School — known as “Moton 2” — was built in 1953 to avoid integration.

The following year, the Supreme Court declared school segregation unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Ed, based on the Farmville case and four others from across the country. But it took years for the ruling to actually be enforced throughout the U.S., especially in Virginia, which enacted a set of anti-integration laws that came to be known as “Massive Resistance.”

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Prince Edward County schools were officially integrated in 1964, after being closed for five years in an attempt to avoid it. Moton 2 was reopened as the Prince Edward County High School and remained in use until 1993.

As for Johns, she was sent after the walkout to live with relatives and finish her schooling in Alabama due to safety concerns. She attended Spelman College and graduated from Drexel University before working as a librarian for Philadelphia Public Schools. She married the Rev. William Powell, with whom she raised five children before her death at age 56.

Johns has been recognized in Virginia over the years. Her story is now a required part of lessons in the public school curricula. In 2017, the Virginia Attorney General’s Offices were renamed in her honor. And the following year, the Virginia General Assembly designated April 23 — the anniversary of the walkout — as Barbara Johns Day statewide.

Johns’ sister, Joan Johns Cobbs, told member station VPM last year that their family is honored by this newest tribute in the nation’s capital.

“I think Virginia is trying to correct some of its inequities,” Johns Cobbs said. “I think the fact that they chose her was one way they are trying to rectify what happened in the past.”

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Bucking a trend in 2025

Plans for Johns’ statue have been in motion since well before President Trump’s second term, which has been marked by a rollback in diversity initiatives and the reinstallment of Confederate monuments.

One of Trump’s executive orders along those lines, aimed at “restoring truth and sanity to American history,” calls on the secretary of the Interior to restore public monuments and markers on federal lands that have been changed or removed since 2020.

In October, a statue of Confederate Gen. Albert Pike was reinstalled in a D.C. park, five years after protesters tore it down and set it ablaze.

As is customary, state leaders and members of Congress will be in attendance at Tuesday’s statue unveiling. Among them will be House Speaker Mike Johnson as well as Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a Republican who campaigned in part against critical race theory and has eliminated DEI initiatives in office.

Sen. Tim Kaine, D-Va., who also plans to attend the ceremony, issued a statement beforehand praising Johns’ “incredible bravery and leadership she displayed when she walked out of Moton High School.”

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“I’m thrilled that millions of visitors to the U.S. Capitol, including many young people, will now walk by her statue and learn about her story,” he added. “May she continue to inspire generations to stand up for equality and justice.”

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