Wisconsin
A Reckoning for Fake Elector Masterminds in Wisconsin
WISCONSIN ATTORNEY GENERAL JOSH KAUL was ready for the question: Why was his office only just now getting around to criminally charging three individuals who orchestrated a plan to steal the 2020 election for Donald Trump, more than three years after it happened and months before the former president will face voters as a convicted felon?
“Our focus in any investigation and any prosecution is not on the speed with which something’s done,” he said during a press conference last week on the steps of the Wisconsin State Capitol, hours after the charges were announced. “It’s on doing high-quality investigations, conducting high-quality prosecutions, and getting things right. That’s the approach we have taken. That’s the approach we will continue to take, both in this case and in any other cases that we investigate or prosecute.”
The three men charged in Wisconsin for conspiracy to commit forgery, a felony punishable by up to six years in prison, are former Trump attorneys Jim Troupis and Kenneth Chesebro, and former Trump campaign staffer Mike Roman. Troupis is a former judge appointed to the bench by Republican Governor Scott Walker. Chesebro is a Wisconsin native widely known as the architect of the fake electors scheme. And Roman was Trump’s director of Election Day operations when ballots were cast in 2020.
Kaul noted that none of the three is running for office and all are entitled to the presumption of innocence. He also said, eight times in as many minutes, that the investigation is “ongoing.” He vowed, “We will continue to move forward based on the facts, the law, and the best interest of justice.”
The fake electors scheme, hatched in Wisconsin, played out in seven states. In two of them, New Mexico and Pennsylvania, the certificates declaring Trump the winner included explicit provisos that made clear they would be valid only if Trump prevailed in subsequent litigation. No charges have been filed or are expected in those two states.
In the remaining five states—Michigan, Georgia, Nevada, Arizona, and Wisconsin—there was no such conditional wording and evidently no conditional intent. Charges against the participants have now been filed in all five of those states. In Georgia, Chesebro pleaded guilty to a single felony charge of conspiracy and was sentenced to five years’ probation. In Arizona, Roman has been charged with nine felonies, along with Trump’s former chief of staff Mark Meadows, for their roles in that state’s fake electors scheme. On Friday, both pleaded not guilty; a trial has been set for October 31. Roman is also facing charges in Georgia’s elections interference case, now on hold as the courts review whether District Attorney Fani Willis ought to be allowed to prosecute the case.
Wisconsin is different from these other states in that the only people charged—so far—are the Trump campaign officials who hatched and implemented the fake electors plan, not any of the state’s ten fake electors. In Arizona, Michigan, and Nevada, all but one of the fake electors were charged; in Georgia, three fake electors were charged along with Trump, while others cut immunity deals.
It appears as though Kaul’s office is not unsympathetic to arguments that Wisconsin’s fake electors were “tricked” into believing that the document they signed would not be used unless a court sided with Trump. Its 47-page criminal complaint quotes media accounts where this is argued, including a 60 Minutes segment that aired in mid-February. It shows Andrew Hitt (referred to in the complaint as “Individual B”), then-chairman of the Republican Party of Wisconsin, saying he was told the certificate would “only count if a court ruled in our favor.”
Troupis, Chesebro, and Roman recognized no such constraint. As the complaint spells out, they eagerly proceeded with plans to use the certificates to overturn the election result without the concurrence of any court. And, it appears, this determination was cemented after Troupis and Chesebro met with Donald Trump in the Oval Office.
ACCORDING TO THE COMPLAINT, the idea of convening groups of fake electors was raised in a memorandum dated November 18, 2020 that Chesebro sent to Troupis, who was working as a lawyer for Trump’s Wisconsin campaign. They then proceeded to enlist others and hammer out the details.
On December 7, 2020, Troupis sent a copy of the memorandum to a Trump campaign consultant referred to in the complaint as “Individual A.” Troupis’s accompanying message stated that this memo was “prepared for me on appointing a second slate of electors in Wisconsin. There is no need for the legislators to act. The second slate just shows up at noon on Monday and votes and then transmits the results. It is up to Pence on Jan 6 to open them.”
The next day, December 8, Chesebro sent Troupis an email with further thoughts about “how leverage might be exerted” during the joint session of Congress on January 6, 2021. He added: “Court challenges pending on Jan. 6 really not necessary.” Troupis responded: “This is an excellent summary of the end game. Thank you.”
And on December 9, “Individual A” asked Troupis to prepare a “sample elector ballot” for Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Michigan, Arizona, Nevada and New Mexico. According to the complaint, “Defendant Troupis forwarded this email to Defendant Chesebro and others.”
The fake electors convened, in Wisconsin and these other states, on December 14, 2020. Chesebro attended the Wisconsin meeting in the state capitol.
Two days later, on December 16, Troupis and Chesebro flew to Washington for a meeting at the White House with then-President Trump. The meeting in the Oval Office had been arranged by Reince Preibus, Trump’s former chief of staff. Prior to this meeting, Troupis sent Chesebro a note: “Ken, Just a reminder: Reince was very explicit in his admonition that nothing about our meeting with the President can be shared with anyone. The political cross-currents are deep and fast and neither you or I have any ability to swim through them. Jim.”
The New York Times, in its article on the released documents, reported that Chesebro gave an account of this meeting to prosecutors in Michigan who were investigating that state’s fake electors scheme. He recalled telling Trump “we had until January 6 to win.” Chesebro also said that Priebus warned him and Troupis “not to get Mr. Trump’s hopes up about his chances for victory,” as the paper put it, adding, “but Mr. Chesebro acknowledged he had not listened to that advice.”
A source with knowledge of this meeting claimed to the paper it was a mere “photo op” arranged at Troupis’s request. But it appears that Chesebro and Troupis did indeed manage to “get Mr. Trump’s hopes up,” and that paved the way for what followed.
At 1:42 a.m. on December 19, 2020, Trump tweeted his now-infamous call to action: “Big protest in D.C. on January 6th. Be there, will be wild!” A few hours later, Chesebro sent a message to Troupis in response: “Wow. Based on 3 days ago, I think we have a unique understanding of this.”
FOR YEARS, JEFF MANDELL of the progressive Madison law firm Law Forward has been pushing Kaul and others to take action against the fake electors and the lawyers who organized them. In May 2022, the firm sued Troupis, Chesebro, and ten false electors, accusing them of breaking multiple laws, including creating counterfeit public records and illegally interfering with the election. The lawsuit led to two settlements.
The first, announced in December 2023, was with the ten fake electors; they acknowledged that the certificate was created as “part of an attempt to improperly overturn the 2020 presidential election results.” The second, announced in March, was with Troupis and Chesebro; they paid the law firm an undisclosed sum and released a 1,439-page file of primary documents, but made no admissions of wrongdoing.
In an email, Mandell says that while he has not spoken to anyone at Wisconsin DOJ about this, “it is clear to me from reading the complaint” that the Trump campaign consultant mentioned a half-dozen times as “Individual A” is Boris Epshteyn. Epshteyn has also been identified by the New York Times as “Co-Conspirator 6” in Special Counsel Jack Smith’s indictment of Trump for conspiring to overturn the 2020 election. Among other things, Co-Conspirator 6 took part in a conference call in which Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani pressed electors in Pennsylvania to take part in the fake electors scheme.
In 2021, Epshteyn was arrested in Arizona after being accused of groping two women at a nightclub. (“I have no idea what’s going on. I have no idea who these women are,” Epshteyn told police. Remind you of anyone?) He ultimately pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct.
For Mandell, the charges were welcome news.
“Wisconsin voters have been waiting for accountability for more than three years, seeking to hold responsible for their actions both the fake electors and those who helped them perpetrate this scheme,” he said after the charges were announced. “This coordinated and deliberate effort to subvert democratic votes must not happen again. Today is a good step towards protecting our democracy and ensuring accountability.”
THE CRIMINAL COMPLAINT filed by Kaul’s office against the three Trump associates includes references to communications that were not included in the document dump secured by Law Forward. Mandell said the settlement included the release of “all text exchanges between Chesebro and Troupis.” A key text message from December 17, the day after the Oval Office meeting with Trump, was sent by Chesebro to Roman and Epshteyn without Troupis being included; hence, it “falls outside of that agreement.” (No wonder it took the Wisconsin DOJ so long to pull its case together.)
That text message from Chesbro reads:
Things might have been different if we’d won Wisconsin, and that had led other courts, and state legislatures, to take a closer look, but now the idea of the President of the Senate [Mike Pence] throwing a wrench into the Electoral Count Act process seems even less plausible than before, for both legal and political reasons.
But I think the Act can be weaponized.
In response to this missive, Epshteyn asked Chesebro: “What’s the bottom line?” Chesebro answered: “If the Trump campaign were to weaponize the Electoral Count Act in this fashion it could put the Biden camp in a no-win situation.”
The concept of “weaponization,” admitted to as a goal by these pro-Trump plotters, is now being used widely by Trump allies to avoid accountability. Here’s how Wisconsin Republican Sen. Ron Johnson reacted to news that Kaul had brought charges against the three Trump associates:
It’s hard to imagine that Johnson himself is not worried about facing charges for his role in this scheme. He has publicly claimed he had no idea what was in the envelope from Troupis that he attempted to deliver to Pence. But the documents unearthed by Law Forward tell a different story.
In an email to Chesebro on December 8, 2020, Troupis wrote that he “spoke with Senator Johnson late last night about the Pence angle at the end,” adding, “Just wanted to take his temperature.” And in a text to Chesebro on the morning of January 6, Troupis said he had “been on phone w Mike Roman and Senator Johnson and Johnson’s COS to get an original copy of Wi slate to VP.” Johnson did try to deliver the original copy of the fraudulent certificate, but an aide to Pence rebuffed this attempt.
Chesebro, Troupis, and Roman are due in court on September 19. In the meantime, Troupis continues to serve as an adviser on a state judicial ethics panel, the Wisconsin Judicial Conduct Advisory Committee. It is a position he was reappointed to in 2023, long after his role in the fake electors scheme was known, by what was at the time a majority-conservative Wisconsin Supreme Court.
“Troupis should have stepped down or been removed from his seat overseeing judicial ethics months ago when he admitted to his role in the fake elector plot of 2020,”said Mike Browne, deputy director of A Better Wisconsin Together, an advocacy group that backs Democrats, in a statement last week. “That he now has been formally charged at a felony level for his schemes yet continues to advise on judicial ethics in Wisconsin is wholly unacceptable.”
Meanwhile, one of Wisconsin’s ten fake electors, Robert Spindell, continues to sit on the Wisconsin Elections Commission, which will decide contested issues in the upcoming election.
As it prepares to host the Republican National Convention next month in Milwaukee, the state of Wisconsin still has a lot of cleaning up to do.
Wisconsin
Sen. Ron Johnson tells Minnesota elected official ‘you disgust me’ in heated hearing on ICE
Republican U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson blamed Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison for the fatal shootings of Alex Pretti and Renee Macklin Good by federal immigration agents during the recent immigration enforcement action in Minnesota.
The comments came in a heated exchange Thursday at a U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee hearing.
“I, as a government official, would have said, ‘Back off. Let us work with ICE, let’s cooperate with them, let’s see if we can’t de-escalate this,’” Johnson said. “But Attorney General (Ellison), you did the exact opposite, and two people are dead because you encouraged them to put themselves into harm’s way.”
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Johnson castigated Ellison for what Johnson called a “smirk.”
“Everything you said was untrue,” Ellison said in response. “It was a nice theatrical performance, but it was all lies.”
“You disgust me,” Johnson replied.
Johnson has accused Democrats of encouraging residents to interfere with federal immigration actions in Minnesota. During Thursday’s hearing, Ellison also took exception to Johnson’s claims that he encouraged people to “put themselves into harm’s way” to impede federal immigration agents in Minnesota.
Ellison said that “never happened.”
“We at all times said if you want to protest, protest peacefully, protest safely,” Ellison said.
Brian Evans, a spokesperson for the Office of the Minnesota Attorney General, wrote in an email that Ellison has “always and only encouraged Minnesotans to peacefully protest, lawfully document the activities of DHS (Department of Homeland Security) agents, and take care of their neighbors who are suffering due to Operation Metro Surge. “
“Any claims to the contrary are simply untrue,” Evans wrote in the email.
The hearing came as Trump administration border czar Tom Homan announced the administration will end its enforcement action in Minneapolis-St. Paul.
Milwaukee officials seek to address local concerns
Meanwhile, the Milwaukee Common Council is introducing local legislation to prepare for any potential escalation of federal immigration enforcement in the community in the future.
The legislative package, which the council has titled “ICE Out Milwaukee,” was discussed by alders and immigrant rights advocates during a press conference Wednesday.
One proposal would seek to require all law enforcement officers interacting with residents in the city to be unmasked and to display identification. Another would prohibit ICE agents from staging on city property.
“We can’t wait until we’re under siege,” Milwaukee Common Council President Jose Perez said at the press conference.
Milwaukee Alder JoCasta Zamarripa said the council is “taking preemptive action today to protect Milwaukeeans from ICE.”
Alder Marina Dimitrijevic also discussed the creation of a new city office to welcome immigrants and other newcomers to Milwaukee. She said it would be a place to offer them resources like workforce training and information on schools and hospitals.
The introduction of the city legislation comes as Milwaukee County has already passed a measure to prohibit federal immigration enforcement agents from staging in county parks without prior authorization. That ordinance was passed by the Milwaukee County Board of Supervisors last week.
Milwaukee’s goal to unmask federal law enforcement agents comes days after a judge blocked a California law that sought to require federal agents to remove their masks during operations, according to a Politico report.
“We do not believe that any secret police should have any covering at any time, that their identification should be always out in public as a form of authority,” Dimitrijevic said. “That is what we’re trying to change here.”
A spokesperson for the Milwaukee Police Department said officers with the department are “not allowed to conceal their identity by policy.”
In a statement, Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs at the U.S. Department of Homeland Security Tricia McLaughlin called the proposed legislation “legally illiterate.”
“Enforcing federal immigration laws is a clear federal responsibility under Article I, Article II and the Supremacy Clause,” McLaughlin wrote in the statement.
Regarding masks, McLaughlin said officers wear them to “protect themselves from being doxxed and targeted by known and suspected terrorist sympathizers.”
Milwaukee Police Association President Alexander Ayala said he’d also like to see more details of the proposed legislation. In an interview with WPR, he said there’s a “slew” of federal agencies the Milwaukee Police Department already assists, including the FBI and the DEA.
If officers with the Milwaukee Police Department were to respond to a large protest or respond to a call for backup from federal immigration agents, Ayala said officers would “set order.”
“We’re there obviously to protect the citizens, but we’re not there to arrest ICE agents,” Ayala said. “We have a duty to help out federal agents.”
Wisconsin Public Radio, © Copyright 2026, Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System and Wisconsin Educational Communications Board.
Wisconsin
Wisconsin lawmakers try again with bill to reduce road salt pollution
Tips on how to reduce how much salt you use to de-ice your sidewalk in winter
Using salt to de-ice roads and sidewalks can have a negative impact on Wisconsin’s rivers and lakes. You can help reduce salt usage by following these tips.
Lou Saldivar, Wochit
Wisconsin lawmakers are reintroducing a bill that would shield road salt applicators from slip-and-fall lawsuits if they are trained on salting practices that also safeguard water quality.
Gov. Tony Evers vetoed the bill in 2024 after Democrats pulled their support for it, saying the liability shield it created was too broad. Republican Sen. André Jacque of De Pere, who authored the legislation, said the risk that road salt poses to Wisconsin’s fresh water is too serious not to try again.
Salt is a cheap and easy way to melt ice. But in excess, it gets swept into rivers, streams and lakes – and also pollutes drinking water. Chloride, one component of road salt, harms aquatic life and corrodes pipes. Sodium, the other component, has become so prevalent in Wisconsin’s public wells that more than one-third of the wells tested for sodium in the last decade were above the recommended limit for people on low-salt diets.
Sodium and chloride in water can come from a variety of sources, including water softener salt. In colder states, road salt is typically a dominant source.
One coffee mug’s worth of salt is enough to de-ice 10 sidewalk squares. But many people lay down much more with good intentions of preventing others from slipping. On private properties, where as much as half of salting occurs, road salt applicators say they lay down more salt than is necessary because they fear they or the property owner will get sued.
“Once you get salt in [water], it doesn’t really leave easily,” Jacque said. “Unless we start to do things a little bit differently, it’s going to continue to move in that direction.”
Bill would grant legal immunity to commercial salt applicators
Like the earlier version, the bill would require the state’s Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer Protection to create a program to train commercial salt applicators in snow and ice removal methods that would also protect water quality.
Sweeping up excess salt, calibrating equipment so it doesn’t dump large piles of salt and brining – where salt is mixed with water before being applied to roads – are all methods that can help applicators use less salt, according to Allison Madison, program manager for the salt pollution awareness coalition Wisconsin Salt Wise.
Commercial applicators who voluntarily complete the training, pass an exam and become registered with the department would not be held liable for damages caused by snow and ice provided they used the de-icing methods they were trained on. That protection also applies to the owner of the property that contracted with the applicator.
Many states have programs that help road salt applicators learn safer salting practices. But only one, New Hampshire, includes the limited liability aspect. That law passed in 2013.
Liability shield remains a sticking point for trial lawyers
Wisconsin Democrats who supported the original bill, including Senate Minority Leader Dianne Hesselbein of Middleton and Sen. Mark Spreitzer of Beloit, backed away after an amendment that strengthened its liability shields. Hesselbein’s office said at the time that the change made the legislation “less about salt reduction and the environment and instead [enacted] more unnecessary liability shields.”
The Wisconsin Association for Justice, an association of trial lawyers, was the only organization to register against the bill and spent nearly 290 hours lobbying on the matter between 2023 and 2024, state lobbying records show.
In a Feb. 4 memo seeking cosponsorship of the reintroduced bill, Jacque and Assembly cosponsor Rep. Elijah Behnke, R-Crivitz, said it incorporates changes “following negotiations with the Wisconsin Association of Justice.”
The new version of the bill requires that salt applicators show proof that they’ve completed the training and are currently registered in the program to claim immunity from liability, Jacque said. It’s meant to assuage trial lawyers’ concerns that anyone could falsely claim they’d completed the training and be shielded from liability.
However, in a Feb. 5 letter, Jim Rogers, government affairs director for the Wisconsin Association for Justice, said his organization has not spoken to Jacque or his staff in nearly a year.
“WAJ does not support this bill nor were we given the opportunity to evaluate its language before it was circulated with the false claims about our position,” Rogers wrote.
The bill’s path forward
Spreitzer declined to comment and Hesselbein’s office did not respond to a request for comment on whether they would support the reintroduced bill.
Madison of Wisconsin Salt Wise said she was surprised the bill was being introduced now.
“I’m always happy to see this issue be discussed,” she said, but added that its path forward seems challenging.
Her organization is still making headway. Last year, Wisconsin Salt Wise trained more than 900 people from municipalities and commercial snow and ice removal companies on safe salting methods, according to its annual report.
Madeline Heim covers health and the environment for the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. Contact her at 920-996-7266 or mheim@gannett.com.
Wisconsin
The Huge New American Olympic Star No One Saw Coming
This is part of Slate’s 2026 Olympics coverage. Read more here.
On Wednesday at the Milan Cortina Games, America’s long national speedskating nightmare finally came to an end. With an exhilarating come-from-behind sprint in the last lap of the 1,000-meter race, 21-year-old Wisconsinite Jordan Stolz passed Dutch superstar Jenning de Boo to set a new Olympic record and win gold to boot. Before Wednesday, Team USA hadn’t won an individual men’s long-track speedskating Olympic medal in 16 years. Stolz’s gold doesn’t just mark the end of a long fallow period in a sport at which America once excelled. It could also herald the beginning of a new golden age.
For decades, American long-track and short-track speedskaters were an international force, with athletes such as Bonnie Blair, Dan Jansen, Shani Davis, and Apolo Anton Ohno racking up Olympic titles. You probably still recognize these names, which speaks to the outsized cachet that speedskating long enjoyed in the United States. Despite the sport’s relative obscurity, America’s top speedskaters have often become crossover celebrities.
Twelve years ago, this stretch of dominance came to an abrupt end. Team USA failed to win a single long-track medal at either the 2014 Sochi Games or the 2018 Pyeongchang Games, and won only a single short-track medal at each. The Americans did a little better in 2022—Erin Jackson won gold in the 500 meters, and the men won a bronze in the team sprint—but got no medals at all in short track. Theories varied as to why American speedskating took such a nosedive. Some blamed substandard racing suits. Others blamed US Speedskating leadership. Still others blamed the very mean short-track coach who’d been hired to shape up Team USA.
Maybe the real reason was that Team USA was waiting for Jordan Stolz to reach his prime. As a kid, Stolz idolized Ohno and emulated him throughout long Wisconsin winters spent skating on his backyard pond. When Stolz outgrew his backyard, his parents took him to one of the closest indoor rinks they could find—the Pettit National Ice Center, in Milwaukee, which just so happens to be the best speedskating training center in the country. There, Stolz worked with a succession of top coaches—including, briefly, Shani Davis—to develop his training routine and skating style.
Stolz’s development skyrocketed when he started working with Bob Corby, a former U.S. speedskater who had coached the 1984 Winter Olympics squad that left Sarajevo empty-handed. The medal shutout gnawed at Corby for years. “I was incredibly frustrated,” he said in a 2024 interview. “I asked myself: what did you do wrong? I thought a lot about it and said to myself: if I ever do this again, [I’d] do it differently.”
More than 30 years later, long after Corby had forsaken speedskating for a career in physical therapy, Stolz called out of the blue and asked to work with him. (“How can you say no to a 14-year-old kid who calls you on the phone?” Corby remembered.) Corby’s long layoff from the sport gave him a different perspective from many other top skating coaches. While contemporary trends in speedskating development tend to focus on data and analytics, Corby chose to emphasize Stolz’s strength and conditioning. “He likes work,” Corby said. “I pushed him on almost everything, and he just responded.”
This old-school focus made sense for Stolz, who seems to have a preternatural feel for speedskating technique. He excels at timing and turn mechanics, while minimizing “wasted motion” as well as any skater alive. “The things that he does well typically take people an entire career of microadjustments to get there,” 2006 Olympic gold medalist Joey Cheek told NPR in 2023. Gold medalist Dan Jansen concurred: “Jordan’s just a freak. You don’t learn to be as good technically as he is at 18 years old. You have to just feel it.”
Stolz clearly “feels it” while on the ice, which is perhaps one reason why a data-centric training regimen wasn’t for him. Rather than let the analytics tell him how to eke out incremental improvements, Stolz leans into what he already does well, while counting on Corby to push his body hard enough during training so that he can power through the final lap on race day.
This strategy paid off for Stolz on Wednesday. In many of the preceding heats, I watched as skaters took early leads only to run out of gas. Stolz, too, took an early lead against de Boo—but the Dutchman eventually passed him and led going into the final lap. Then, in the final turn, Stolz made his move, passing de Boo on the inside and surging across the finish line and into the Olympic record book.
Stolz has three races left to skate in Milan Cortina—and after Wednesday’s dominant performance, he’ll be marked as the man to beat in the 500-meter and 1,500-meter events and as a contender in the mass start.
If you think the pressure will rattle him, then you don’t know Jordan Stolz. “I like the feeling of being the hunted one,” he told CBC Sports last year. At long last, the rest of the world is chasing an American speedskater—and at these Olympics, Stolz might never get caught.
Additional reporting by Rosemary Belson.
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