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In Northwest Alaska, an economic engine runs low on ore

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In Northwest Alaska, an economic engine runs low on ore


Alaska’s most powerful elected officials reacted with outrage last month when the Biden administration announced it was rejecting a state agency’s plan to build a new road across remote Northwest Alaska, to access an array of mining deposits.

Mining company officials and their political allies had touted the road, and the mines that could be built alongside it, as economic lifelines for the thinly populated region.

But talk to most local leaders and their fears are centered elsewhere — specifically, on a mine that’s already in existence: Red Dog, located 75 miles north of the regional hub town of Kotzebue.

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The development produces roughly 5% of global zinc supplies. Nearly 1,000 people who are shareholders, or family of shareholders, in the local Indigenous-owned corporation, NANA, worked for the mine’s operator or for mining contractors last year.

Their earnings totaled about $63 million, and historically, the mine has generated more than one-fourth of the wage and salary payroll in the local borough, which has a population of 7,400.

Payments from Red Dog also account for 80% to 90% of the borough’s yearly revenue.

But Red Dog has an expiration date: Teck Resources, the Canadian company that operates the mine on land owned by NANA, says there’s only enough ore to keep its operations running until 2031.

For years, Teck has been studying new deposits about 10 miles from the existing development, which could sustain production for decades longer.

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But it says it needs six more years of study to prove that the deposits are worth mining. And the company’s proposed federal permits to access the area have been delayed, prompting growing anxiety among local government and business leaders about the economic harm that could result from a gap in production.

The risk extends far beyond Northwest Alaska. A provision of the state’s landmark Native claims settlement legislation requires NANA to share much of its Red Dog revenue with other Indigenous-owned corporations spread across the state’s rural villages.

Many of those corporations subsidize community stores and fuel businesses — often the only ones in a village — with the money shared with them from Red Dog.

“Once it goes away, many doors are going to shut in Alaska,” said Nathan Hadley Jr., the Northwest Arctic Borough Assembly president. “It’s really going to affect the local residents, and also the whole state.”

For its boosters, Red Dog is a fulfillment of the promise of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, or ANCSA, the 1971 federal legislation that established 12 regional Indigenous-owned corporations and allowed them to claim roughly 10% of the land in the state.

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[Many see the Red Dog mine as an ANCSA success story. What happens when the ore runs out?]

NANA was one of those 12 regional corporations and claimed the area where Red Dog now operates, which had long been seen as promising for mineral extraction.

In 1982, the corporation signed a landmark mining development agreement with Teck that has since generated ample returns for both sides.

In exchange for access to the minerals in NANA’s lands, Teck shares its profits and preferentially hires NANA shareholders and their family members, and NANA also is a partner in the mine’s oversight.

Since mining started, NANA has received more than $1.2 billion in royalties from Red Dog and, based on requirements in the Native claims settlement act, has shared another $2 billion with other Indigenous-owned corporations.

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In Kivalina, an Iñupiaq village of 420 people that’s the only settlement downstream of the mine, residents have long expressed discomfort with Red Dog’s presence and its treated wastewater discharged into the watershed — and they’ve challenged multiple aspects of the project in court.

But otherwise, the development enjoys broad regional support: NANA says 83% of shareholders support continued mining in the Red Dog area.

With what Teck says is seven years of ore remaining at the existing development, the company has long looked toward two new deposits where it could mine more ore, then transport it back to Teck’s existing processing infrastructure at the original site.

The company has already used helicoptered-in rigs to drill dozens of holes in the tundra to test the prospects, known as Aktigiruq and Anarraaq. But Teck still says it needs to tunnel underground to develop a clearer picture of the area’s potential.

And in order to get the necessary heavy equipment to the sites, the company needs environmental approvals to build a 13-mile access road — namely, a Clean Water Act permit from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers that would allow Teck to discharge dredged material into wetlands.

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Teck first applied for that permit — to cover plans including five gravel roads, six pads, four material sites, five bridges and 55 culverts — in 2018, a Corps spokesman, John Budnik, said in an email. The application was withdrawn a year later because of missing information from Teck that the Corps said it needed to complete cultural studies, Budnik added.

The application was resubmitted in 2022, according to Budnik, and is still pending.

“What we know for sure is that every year of delay, from this point forward, we’re going to see a risk of that equivalent delay impacting us at the end of our current mine life — before we can get new production,” Les Yesnik, Teck’s general manager for Red Dog, said in an interview in April. “The most important piece, right now, to prevent delays at the tail end of the project is to have approval for that road.”

Budnik said the Corps is in the middle of government-to-government discussions with Kivalina’s tribal council to assess whether the permit area is a “traditional cultural landscape.” If that decision is made, it could require additional efforts to limit the environmental impacts of the expansion project, he said.

The Kivalina council — the village’s tribal government — wants environmental protections for caribou that migrate through the area, said President Enoch Adams.

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“Our efforts are not to shut the project down,” Adams said in a phone interview. “Our efforts are to protect our subsistence way of life.”

As it waits for approval of its road proposal, Teck also recently applied for another Clean Water Act permit — this one to allow it to build new roads and pads near one of its existing pits to examine expansion there.

Yesnik declined to comment specifically on those exploratory efforts, but a NANA official described the potential new deposits there as limited in size.

Local officials are already preparing for a steep decline in mine-related revenue. Tax-like payments made to the Northwest Arctic Borough under a negotiated agreement with Teck are tied to the value of the company’s assets at the mine, which are expected to depreciate sharply in the next few years — without offsetting new investment.

Those tax-like payments account for 80% of the revenue in the borough’s budget for the current fiscal year, and “80% of those revenues will likely be gone by 2030,” a Northwest Arctic Borough economic consultant, Jonathan King, wrote in a report last year.

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“Now is the time for the Northwest Arctic Borough to be vigorously pursuing a sustainable budget including saving as much revenue as possible, resizing services to meet future revenues, and discussing the local taxes and revenues that will be needed to support a sustainable budget even before a mine shutdown or suspension,” King wrote.

Borough leaders have been considering potential budget cuts that range from reduced donations to local events, eliminating medical coverage for Assembly members and diminished subsidies for water and sewer service, the Arctic Sounder reported this month. NANA leaders are also warning of the risk of further delays to the expansion project.

“The longer it takes for us to do that next stage of exploration, the longer the potential gap is in production. And that gap in production has implications,” said Liz Qaulluq Cravalho, NANA’s vice president of lands. “We, like the rest of the region, are concerned about what it means for jobs, what it means for borough funding and school funding.”

Even if the Red Dog expansion moves forward, the financial benefits to NANA and to the borough will look different because the Aktigiruq and Anarraaq prospects are on land owned by the state, not by NANA.

But the project would still rely on much of its original infrastructure, like milling equipment on NANA property and a state-owned road to Red Dog’s mineral shipping port on the Chukchi Sea coast, according to Yesnik, the Red Dog manager.

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“That would enable the benefits to continue to this region, for sure,” he said.

Nathaniel Herz is an Anchorage-based reporter. Subscribe to his newsletter, Northern Journal, at natherz.substack.com. Reach him at natherz@gmail.com.





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In Alaska’s warming Arctic, photos show an Indigenous elder passing down hunting traditions

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In Alaska’s warming Arctic, photos show an Indigenous elder passing down hunting traditions


KOTZEBUE, Alaska (AP) — The low autumn light turned the tundra gold as James Schaeffer, 7, and his cousin Charles Gallahorn, 10, raced down a dirt path by the cemetery on the edge of town. Permafrost thaw had buckled the ground, tilting wooden cross grave markers sideways. The boys took turns smashing slabs of ice that had formed in puddles across the warped road.

Their great-grandfather, Roswell Schaeffer, 78, trailed behind. What was a playground to the kids was, for Schaeffer – an Inupiaq elder and prolific hunter – a reminder of what warming temperatures had undone: the stable ice he once hunted seals on, the permafrost cellars that kept food frozen all summer, the salmon runs and caribou migrations that once defined the seasons.

Now another pressure loomed. A 211-mile mining road that would cut through caribou and salmon habitat was approved by the Trump administration this fall, though the project still faces lawsuits and opposition from environmental and native groups. Schaeffer and other critics worry it could open the region to outside hunters and further devastate already declining herds. “If we lose our caribou – both from climate change and overhunting – we’ll never be the same,” he said. “We’re going to lose our culture totally.”

Still, Schaeffer insists on taking the next generation out on the land, even when the animals don’t come. It was late September and he and James would normally have been at their camp hunting caribou. But the herd has been migrating later each year and still hadn’t arrived – a pattern scientists link to climate change, mostly caused by the burning of oil, gas and coal. So instead of caribou, they scanned the tundra for swans, ptarmigan and ducks.

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A lifetime of hunting

Caribou antlers are stacked outside Schaeffer’s home. Traditional seal hooks and whale harpoons hang in his hunting shed. Inside, a photograph of him with a hunted beluga is mounted on the wall beside the head of a dall sheep and a traditional mask his daughter Aakatchaq made from caribou hide and lynx fur.

He got his first caribou at 14 and began taking his own children out at 7. James made his first caribou kill this past spring with a .22 rifle. He teaches James what his father taught him: that power comes from giving food and a hunter’s responsibility is to feed the elders.

“When you’re raised an Inupiaq, your whole being is to make sure the elders have food,” he said.

But even as he passes down those lessons, Schaeffer worries there won’t be enough to sustain the next generation – or to sustain him. “The reason I’ve been a successful hunter is the firm belief that, when I become old, people will feed me,” he said. “My great-grandson and my grandson are my future for food.”

That future feels tenuous

These days, they’re eating less hunted food and relying more on farmed chicken and processed goods from the store. The caribou are fewer, the salmon scarcer, the storms more severe. Record rainfall battered Northwest Alaska this year, flooding Schaeffer’s backyard twice this fall alone. He worries about the toll on wildlife and whether his grandchildren will be able to live in Kotzebue as the changes accelerate.

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“It’s kind of scary to think about what’s going to happen,” he said.

That afternoon, James ducked into the bed of Schaeffer’s truck and aimed into the water. He shot two ducks. Schaeffer helped him into waders – waterproof overalls – so they could collect them and bring them home for dinner, but the tide was too high. They had to turn back without collecting the ducks.

The changes weigh on others, too. Schaeffer’s friend, writer and commercial fisherman Seth Kantner grew up along the Kobuk River, where caribou once reliably crossed by the hundreds of thousands.

“I can hardly stand how lonely it feels without all the caribou that used to be here,” he said. “This road is the largest threat. But right beside it is climate change.”

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Follow Annika Hammerschlag on Instagram @ahammergram.

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The Associated Press receives support from the Walton Family Foundation for coverage of water and environmental policy. The AP is solely responsible for all content. For all of AP’s environmental coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/climate-and-environment



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Trump signs bills to ease way for drilling and mining in Arctic Alaska

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Trump signs bills to ease way for drilling and mining in Arctic Alaska


An access road runs between the community of Kobuk and the Bornite camp in the Ambler Mining District, on July 24, 2021. The area has been explored for its mineral potential since the 1950s, and contains a number of significant copper, zinc, lead, gold, silver and cobalt deposits. (Loren Holmes / ADN)

President Donald Trump has signed bills nullifying Biden-era environmental protections in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and in Northwest Alaska in an effort to promote oil and mining activity.

The actions were a win for Alaska’s congressional delegation, which sponsored the measures to open opportunities for drilling in the refuge and development of the 200-mile road through wilderness to reach the Ambler mineral district.

The actions are part of Trump’s effort to aggressively develop U.S. oil, gas and minerals with Alaska often in the limelight.

Potential drilling in the refuge and the road to minerals are two of the standout issues in the long-running saga over resource development in Alaska, with Republican administrations seeking to open the areas to industry and Democratic administrations fighting against it.

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The signings were a loss for some Alaska Native tribal members and environmental groups that had protested the bills, calling them an unprecedented attack against land and wildlife protections that were developed following extensive public input.

An Alaska Native group from the North Slope region where the refuge is located, however, said it supported the passage of the bill that could lead to oil and gas development there.

One of the bills nullifies the 2024 oil and gas leasing program that put more than half of the Arctic refuge coastal plain off-limits to development. The former plan was in contrast to the Trump administration’s interest in opening the 1.5-million-acre area to potential leasing.

The federal government has long estimated that the area holds 7.7 billion barrels of “technically recoverable oil” on federal lands alone, slightly more than the oil consumed in the U.S. in 2024. The refuge is not far from oil infrastructure on state land, where interest from a key Alaska oil explorer has grown.

Two oil and gas lease sales in the refuge so far have generated miniscule interest. But the budget reconciliation bill that passed this summer requires four additional oil and gas lease sales under more development friendly, Trump-era rules.

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Voice of Arctic Iñupiat, a group of leaders from tribes and other North Slope entities, said in a statement that it supports the withdrawal of the 2024 rules for the refuge.

The group said cultural traditions and onshore oil and gas development can coexist, with taxes from development supporting wildlife research that support subsistence traditions.

“This deeply flawed policy was drafted without proper legal consultation with our North Slope Iñupiat tribes and Alaska Native Corporations,’ said Nagruk Harcharek, president of the group. “Yet, today’s development shows that Washington is finally listening to our voices when it comes to policies affecting our homelands.”

The second bill that Trump signed halts the resource management plan for the Central Yukon region. The plan covered 13.3 million acres, including acreage surrounding much of the Dalton Highway where the long road to the Ambler mineral district would start before heading west. The plan designated more than 3 million acres as critical environmental areas in an effort to protect caribou, salmon and tundra.

The bills relied on the Congressional Review Act, which gives Congress a chance to halt certain agency regulations while blocking similar plans from being developed in the future.

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U.S. Rep. Nick Begich and Sens. Lisa Murkowski and Dan Sullivan attended the signing in the White House.

“We’ve known the road to American prosperity begins in Alaska; the rest of America now knows that as well,” Begich said in a post on social media platform X.

Begich introduced the measures. Murkowski and Sullivan sponsored companion legislation in the Senate.

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They were part of five bills Trump signed Thursday to undo resource protections plans for areas in Montana, North Dakota and Wyoming, using the Congressional Review Act.

Trump last week also signed a bill revoking Biden-era restrictions on oil and gas activity in the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, another Arctic stretch of federal lands west of the refuge. That measure was also sponsored by the Alaska delegation.

The Wilderness Society said in a statement Thursday that the bills destabilize public lands management.

“Americans deserve public lands that protect clean air and water, support wildlife and preserve the freedom of future generations to explore,” said the group’s senior legal director, Alison Flint. “Instead, the president and Congress have muzzled voices in local communities and tossed aside science-based management plans that would deliver a balanced approach to managing our public lands.”

Alaska tribal members criticize end of Central Yukon plan

The Bering Sea-Interior Tribal Commission, consisting of 40 Alaska tribes, said in a statement Thursday that it condemns the termination of the Central Yukon management plan using the Congressional Review Act.

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The action dissolves more than a dozen years of federal and tribal collaboration, the group said.

The termination of the Central Yukon plan will hurt tribes that hunt caribou and other subsistence foods, the group said.

“On the heels of the seventh summer without our Yukon River salmon harvest, we are stunned at the idea our leaders would impose more uncertainty around the management of the lands that surround us,” said Mickey Stickman, former first chief of the Nulato tribal government. “The threat of losing our federal subsistence rights, and confusion over how habitat for caribou, moose, and salmon will be managed, is overwhelming.”

After the signing, federal management of the Central Yukon region will revert back to three separate old plans, removing clarity for tribes and developers and requiring the Bureau of Land Management to start again on a costly new plan, the group said.

“This decision erases years of consultation with Alaska Native governments and silences the communities that depend on these lands for food security, cultural survival, and economic stability,” said Ricko DeWilde, a tribal member from the village of Huslia, in a statement from the Defend the Brooks Range coalition. “We’re being forced to sell out our lands and way of life without the benefit of receiving anything in return.”

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska


Speaker Bryce Edgmon speaks with members of the Alaska House at the Alaska State Capitol on August 2, 2025. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Alaska may soon face major decisions about the future of the Alaska LNG project and, if so, the Legislature will need to ensure that every step serves the best interests of Alaskans.

It is essential to remember that Senate Bill 138, the blueprint for state involvement in Alaska LNG, was passed in 2014 for a very different project: one led by ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips, with a key role fulfilled by TransCanada. Today’s project is led by a private-equity developer, Glenfarne, pursuing a structure that diverges dramatically from what lawmakers contemplated more than a decade ago. When a project changes this much, the underlying statutes need to be revisited.

In June, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s president told his board that AGDC would be coordinating with the developer, the administration and the Legislature regarding legislation needed to support project development. He also noted that AGDC would work with the administration and Legislature on policies required to exercise the corporation’s option to invest 5% to 25% equity at Final Investment Decision, or FID. When AGDC itself signals that legislation is necessary, we should look forward to their outreach.

SB 138 also assigned important responsibilities to the departments of revenue and natural resources that may require legislative action. One key responsibility is the Legislature’s authority to approve major gas project contracts negotiated by the DNR commissioner. The law clearly states that balancing, marketing and gas sale agreements for North Slope gas cannot take effect without explicit legislative authorization. That statutory requirement was intentional and recognizes a project of this scale demands legislative oversight.

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We also know that the pressure for speed on complex megaprojects often backfires, sometimes creating more problems than it solves. The Legislature must balance the legitimate need for progress with the responsibility to ensure Alaskans are not asked to assume unreasonable financial risk. As Speaker Bryce Edgmon recently observed, legislation of this magnitude “could dominate the session” and “take significant time.” Senate Finance Co-Chair Bert Stedman was even more direct: if we get this wrong, it could be “detrimental for generations.”

Last week, 4,000 miles away in Washington, D.C., Glenfarne and POSCO International announced a major strategic partnership. It is a meaningful milestone. But Alaska has seen similar announcements before, and it does not diminish the need for hard questions. If anything, it raises them.

Final Investment Decision is when investors and lenders commit billions based on the project’s economics and the state’s fiscal terms. Any legislation affecting property taxes, payments-in-lieu-of-taxes, aka PILTs, state equity, fiscal stability, or upstream royalties and production taxes must be decided before this takes place.

The Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has focused on providing lawmakers and the public with the information needed to understand the choices ahead. I revisited the Legislature’s 2014 “Alaska LNG: Key Issues” report, which helped lawmakers evaluate the original SB 138 framework. Building on that model, I directed our consultants, GaffneyCline, to prepare an updated “key issues” report; not to endorse or oppose the current project, but to provide a high-level overview of potential policy choices, which should be available to the public within the next few days.

The refreshed “key issues” report will be an important starting point. I ask Alaskans to approach it with an open mind and to read it as objectively as possible, free from assumptions shaped by past disappointments or early optimism. Keep asking tough questions of the Legislature, AGDC, Glenfarne and the administration. Don’t assume the project is a done deal or a doomed one. This is not about cheerleading or obstruction, but insisting on rigorous analysis, strong oversight and a fair deal for our children and grandchildren.

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Some Alaskans have raised questions about a potential conflict of interest: GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of Baker Hughes, which recently announced agreements with Glenfarne to help advance the Alaska LNG project. I share those concerns, which is why I have met with the Legislature’s director of Legal Services and with GaffneyCline’s North America director. I have been assured by GaffneyCline’s leadership that no one outside the GaffneyCline project team has influenced their analysis, and that their global reputation for independence and trust remains intact. Still, we also must fully vet this issue when we convene in Juneau next month. Transparency and independence are non-negotiable.

The recent ceremony in Washington, D.C., with Glenfarne and POSCO International underscores the project’s potential; however, the authority to determine how and when Alaska monetizes its resources rests here, not with dignitaries celebrating overseas commitments. Our future will be determined in Alaska, by Alaskans, based on the fullest and most honest understanding of the choices before us.

Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, represents Senate District G, which includes Midtown, Spenard and Taku Campbell in Anchorage. Sen. Gray-Jackson serves as the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee.

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