Midwest
Indiana beauty queen arrested in Mexican cartel bust that included one of feds' most wanted fugitives
An Indiana beauty queen was swept up in a sweeping drug bust with ties to a Mexican cartel that’s been years in the making.
Glenis Zapata, 34, who was crowned Miss Indiana Latina in 2011, allegedly used her job as a flight attendant to move drug money from Chicago to the southern states and into Mexico, according to a federal indictment.
She’s charged with two counts of money laundering stemming from a $170,000 cash transport on August 7, 2019, and at least $140,000 on September 10, 2019.
Zapata was one of 18 suspects arrested when federal law enforcement took down their main target, Oswaldo Espinosa, who was among the Drug Enforcement Administration’s (DEA) most wanted fugitives.
KILLERS IN MEXICO ‘CAN LOOK LIKE ANYONE,’ INCLUDING A KIM KARDASHIAN LOOKALIKE OR SEVEN-YEAR-OLD CHILD
Glenis Zapata, who was crowned Miss Indiana Latina in 2011, was arrested as part of a Mexico-based international drug operation. (Rio Wray Photography)
Zapata, along with two bank tellers – Zapata’s sister, Ilenis Zapata and Georgina Banuelos – were the latest to be arrested in the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces’ take down of Oswaldo Espinosa.
Espinosa is the alleged ring leader of a multi-million dollar, Mexico-based drug trafficking ring that flooded US streets with thousands of kilograms of cocaine, according to the latest federal indictment filed on May 16.
AMERICAN KIDNAPPED IN MEXICO, LEFT TO DIE IN JUNGLE WITH EYES, WRISTS TAPED
From 2018 to 2023, Espinosa recruited seemingly ordinary, under-the-radar workers like Zapata, as part of his alleged criminal enterprise, which used warehouses and garages all over the Windy City to hide money and drugs.
Cash and cocaine were loaded into semi-trailer trucks and on planes from the Midwest stash houses to the southern part of the U.S. and into Mexico, “including via commercial flights and using the assistance of Glenis Zapata,” the indictment alleges.
Oswaldo Espinosa was a wanted fugitive by the DEA who allegedly ran a multi-million dollar, Mexico-based international drug trafficking organization. (DEA)
Glenis Zapata is accused of using her job as a flight attendant to transport over $300,000. (Rio Wray Photography)
Espinosa was the head of his own Mexican international drug trafficking organization (DTO) called the Espinosa DTO, according to court documents.
The last filing, which included the charges against Zapata, detailed eight drug trafficking operations from 2021 to 2023 and 15 cash transports between November 2019 and March 2022.
‘MOST RUTHLESS’ MEXICAN CARTELS OPERATE IN ALL 50 STATES, BRING TURF WARS TO US: DEA
The investigation into Espinosa was spearheaded by the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces, which was created to attack major drug rings in the U.S.
The ESPINOSA DTO is a small cartel in comparison to powerhouses like The Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) and El Chapo’s Sinaloa Cartel, which control nearly all of Mexico and its maritime ports and spread their tentacles throughout the U.S.
Glenis Zapata was charged with two counts of federal money laundering. (Rio Wray Photography)
Court documents detailed eight alleged drug trafficking operations from 2021 to 2023. (Department of Justice )
In total, researchers estimate there are about 150 Mexican cartels of various sizes with about 175,000 “active members” (as of 2022), according to a September 2023 study by Science.
And many of these organized crime syndicates spread their illegal businesses into the US, and smuggle drugs and money across the border.
TROPICAL RESORTS POPULAR WITH AMERICANS NO LONGER ‘OFF LIMITS’ FOR CARTEL KILLERS: ‘THE RULES HAVE CHANGED’
A May DEA report said Mexico’s “most powerful and ruthless cartels” — The Jalisco New Generation and Sinaloa cartels — operate in all 50 states.
Both cartels’ primary products are meth and fenantyl, according to the report, which said that Mexican cartels have “caused the worst drug crisis in US history.”
The Oswaldo Espinosa DTO allegedly made 15 cash transports between November 2019 and March 2022, according to federal court documents. (Department of Justice )
The Oswaldo Espinosa DTO allegedly made 15 cash transports between November 2019 and March 2022, according to federal court documents. (Department of Justice )
Dismantling major drug operations is among federal law enforcement agencies’ primary goals.
In 2023, law enforcement agencies within 150 miles of the border conducted nearly 600 bulk cash seizures valued at $18 million, the DEA report says.
“DEA’s top operational priority is to relentlessly pursue and defeat the two Mexican drug cartels … that are primarily responsible for driving the current fentanyl poisoning epidemic in the United States,” the report says.
The operation “puts resources into the U.S.’s most violence- and overdose-plagued cities to target the violent dealers who kill thousands of Americans every week with fentanyl and with weapons.”
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Illinois
Keaton Wagler scored 19 points and No. 16 Illinois holds off No. 19 Iowa in 75-69 victory
Indiana
Who has more 5-star recruits? Indiana football or Miami? Take a look
BLOOMINGTON — Indiana football’s roster is on more equal footing with Miami, even though the star rankings have meant little to the final results in this year’s CFP.
The No. 1 Hoosiers (15-0) beat Alabama and Oregon by a combined score of 94-25 despite having no former 5-star players in the starting lineup and just one former top 100 recruit.
The No. 10 Hurricanes (13-2) will have a pair of former 5-star recruits in their starting lineup but are only starting a total of three former top-100 prospects. It’s a sharp drop off in top talent from the likes of Alabama (14), Ohio State (10) and Oregon (eight).
| Category | Indiana | Miami | Oregon | Ohio State | Alabama |
| 5-stars | 0 | 2 | 2 | 3 | 9 |
| 4-stars | 2 | 7 | 11 | 16 | 9 |
| Top 100 recruits | 1 | 3 | 8 | 10 | 14 |
| 2-stars or below | 9 | 4 | 2 | 1 | 2 |
Indiana’s starting lineup still leads the way in overlooked recruits — it will start nine players that ranked 2-stars or below, including starting quarterback Fernando Mendoza — but Miami almost has more (four) than IU’s past three opponents combined (five).
The Hurricanes also has a more of a transfer laden starting lineup (11) than any of Indiana’s postseason opponents.
Here’s a position-by-position breakdown of the recruiting rankings for this year’s participants in the CFP championship game:
Re-live IU’s 2025 season
Indiana football’s quarterbacks vs. Miami
| Position | Indiana (Year) | Rating (National rank) | Miami (Year) | Rating (National rank) |
| Quarterback | Fernando Mendoza (2022) | 2-stars (No. 2,149) | Carson Beck (2020) | 4-stars (No. 254) |
Indiana football’s skill positions vs. Miami
| Position | Indiana (Year) | Rating (National rank) | Miami (Year) | Rating (National rank) |
| Wide receiver | Elijah Sarratt (2022) | 0-stars (N/A) | Malachi Toney (2025) | 4-stars (No. 359) |
| Wide receiver | Omar Cooper Jr. (2022) | 4-stars (No. 299) | Keelan Marion | 2-stars (No. 3,390) |
| Wide receiver | E.J. Williams Jr. (2020) | 4-stars (No. 69) | CJ Daniels (2020) | 3-stars (No. 2,450) |
| Running back | Roman Hemby (2021) | 3-stars (No. 1,767) | Mark Fletcher Jr. (2023) | 4-stars (No. 149) |
| Tight end | Riley Nowakowski (2020) | 0-stars (N/A) | Alex Bauman (2022) | 3-stars (No. 1,770) |
Indiana football’s offensive line vs Miami
| Position | Indiana (Year) | Rating (National rank) | Miami (Year) | Rating (National rank) |
| Left tackle | Carter Smith (2022) | 3-stars (No. 730) | Markel Bell (2022) | N/A |
| Left guard | Drew Evans (2022) | 0-stars (N/A) | Matthew McCoy (2022) | 3-stars (No. 735) |
| Center | Pat Coogan (2021) | 3-stars (No. 613) | James Brockermeyer (2021) | 4-stars (No. 194) |
| Right guard | Bray Lynch (2022) | 3-stars (No. 1,033) | Anez Cooper (2022) | 3-stars (No. 1,149) |
| Right tackle | Kahlil Benson (2020) | 3-stars (No. 714) | Francis Mauigoa (2023) | 5-stars (No. 9) |
Indiana football’s defensive line vs. Miami
| Position | Indiana (Year) | Rating (National rank) | Miami (Year) | Rating (National rank) |
| Defensive tackle | Mario Landino (2024) | 3-stars (No. 2,398) | Ahmad Moten Sr. (2022) | 3-stars (No. 558) |
| Defensive tackle | Tyrique Tucker (2022) | 0-stars (N/A) | Justin Scott (2024) | 5-stars (No. 10) |
| Defensive end | Mikail Kamara (2020) | 0-stars (N/A) | Rueben Bain (2023) | 4-stars (No. 62) |
| Defensive end | Stephen Daley (2022) | 3-stars (No. 1,987) | Akheem Mesidor (2020) | 3-stars (No. 636) |
Indiana football’s linebackers vs. Miami
| Position | Indiana (Year) | Rating (National rank) | Miami (Year) | Rating (National rank) |
| Linebacker | Aiden Fisher (2022) | 0-stars (N/A) | Wesley Bissainthe (2022) | 4-stars (188) |
| Linebacker | Rolijah Hardy (2023) | 0-stars (N/A) | Mohamed Toure (2019) | 3-stars (No. 1,024) |
Indiana football’s secondary vs. Miami
| Position | Indiana (Year) | Rating (National rank) | Miami (Year) | Rating (National rank) |
| Cornerback | D’Angelo Ponds (2023) | 3-stars (No. 1,966) | OJ Frederique Jr. (2024) | 3-stars (No. 784) |
| Cornerback | Jamari Sharpe (2022) | 3-stars (No. 826) | Ethan O’Conner (2023) | 3-stars (No. 673) |
| Safety | Louis Moore (2020) | 0-stars (N/A) | Zechariah Poyser (2023) | N/A |
| Safety | Amare Ferrell (2022) | 3-stars (No. 578) | Jakobe Thomas (2021) | 3-stars (No. 2,048) |
| Rover | Devan Boykin (2020) | 3-stars (No. 833) | Keionte Scott (2020) | N/A |
Michael Niziolek is the Indiana beat reporter for The Bloomington Herald-Times. You can follow him on X @michaelniziolek and read all his coverage by clicking here.
Iowa
Iowa voters shifted left in 2025. Is a blue wave coming in 2026?
In five of six legislative special elections last year, Democrats overperformed by more than 20 percentage points compared with the 2024 presidential election.
Here are the top 2026 midterm races to follow in Iowa
Des Moines Register Chief Politics Reporter Brianne Pfannenstiel breaks down Iowa’s top races ahead of the 2026 midterms.
Iowa Democrats ended 2025 on a high note, winning a Dec. 30 special election in Des Moines’ western suburbs by a wider margin than during the presidential election.
That capped off a year in which Democrats won four of the six legislative special elections and ended Republicans’ supermajority in the Iowa Senate.
In five of those six special elections, Democrats overperformed by more than 20 percentage points compared with 2024.
They’ll look to build off the momentum going into the pivotal 2026 midterms that will include open races for governor and U.S. senator as well as regular Iowa congressional and Legislature elections.
Whether 2025’s Democratic Party victories are bellwethers or blips will play out this year.
Democrats saw Iowa special elections consistently tilt left
Though Republicans won in two special elections in 2025s, their margins of victory were significantly smaller than 2024.
Republican Wendy Larson won December’s special election for the vacant seat in House District 7 by 40 points. That’s a wide margin, but wide margins are expected for Republicans in that part of the state: The party holds strong advantages in voter registration totals in Calhoun, Pocahontas, Sac and Webster counties, where the district is located.
And even that 40-point margin represented a shift toward the Democrats.
In the 2024 presidential election, Republican Donald Trump defeated Democrat Kamala Harris by 50 points in House District 7. Democrats didn’t even field a candidate for the district’s legislative seat that year.
The 10-point shift toward Democrats from the 2024 presidential election to the 2025 special election in House District 7 was the smallest of any legislative district that held a special election last year.
Each of the five other districts shifted toward Democrats by more than twice as much.
Moreover, those special elections were spread across the state.
Democrats consistently gathered a greater share of votes from Senate District 1 in the northwest part of the state to House District 100 in the state’s southeast corner, ranging from 10 to 26 percentage points.
The two seats Democrats flipped in special elections — Senate Districts 1 and 35 — each shifted to the left by more than 20 points compared with the 2024 presidential election.
In Senate District 1, Trump outpaced Harris by 11 percentage points in 2024, while Democrat Caitlin Drey won the seat there by more than 10 points in August.
In Senate District 35, Trump’s victory margin in Senate District 35 was more than 21 points. In January 2025, Democrat Mike Zimmer won the district’s Senate seat by 3½ points.
In 2022, Republicans won both those seats by even wider margins than Trump in 2024.
Should Democrats expect momentum to carry over to 2026?
Pushing voters to the left in six isolated special elections is one thing. Parlaying those successes into November’s midterm elections is quite another.
Turnout was key in 2025’s special elections, and it will be again in 2026.
The numbers of votes cast in 2025’s special elections equaled roughly one-quarter to one-third the votes cast in the 2024 presidential election in those districts.
Turnout should be higher in November’s midterms.
Since 2000, the percentage of Iowa’s registered voters who have participated in the midterm elections typically has hovered around 55%. (About 75% of registered Iowans usually vote in presidential elections.)
But what determines an election is less about the number of people who show up and more about who those people are.
An increased share of those who went to the polls in the special elections were Democratic voters — or, perhaps more accurately, a greater number of Republican voters stayed home.
Republicans will be working to get those voters back to the polls this November.
Republicans maintain advantage in Iowa voter registration data
The leftward shift in last year’s special elections has yet to materialize in Iowa’s voter registration numbers.
Over roughly the past 15 years, voter registrations in Iowa have swung heavily toward Republicans.
Democrats, conversely, have lost 200,000 voters in that time, and Republicans have opened up an overall advantage of more than 10 percentage points.
Despite their victories at the ballot box in 2025, Democrats have not chipped into Republicans’ significant lead in voter registrations.
Last year was the first since at least 2000 when the share of active voters who were Republicans was at least 10 percentage points higher than the share who were Democrats throughout the entire year.
Republicans began 2026 with nearly 200,000 more active registered voters than Democrats, among their largest leads this century.
Those two parties do not comprise the entirety of Iowa’s electorate — a large share of Iowa’s active voters are not registered to a party, and a smaller amount are registered to other parties, including Libertarians.
And just because a voter is registered as a Democrat or Republican doesn’t mean they’ll vote for their party’s candidates.
But the large voter deficit indicates Democrats are starting from a less favorable position.
Their special election victories in 2025 proved they can win elections, but they’ll need to make up some ground to replicate that success in 2026.
Tim Webber is a data visualization specialist for the Register. Reach him at twebber@registermedia.com and on Twitter at @HelloTimWebber.
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