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Parenting classes are routinely ordered in child abuse cases. California isn't ensuring they work

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Parenting classes are routinely ordered in child abuse cases. California isn't ensuring they work

Before they were charged with torturing and murdering their 4-year-old son, Ursula Juarez and Jose Cuatro were ordered by a court to complete classes meant to teach them how to be better parents.

For 12 weeks in 2017, court records show, they each attended parenting classes as part of their case plan with the Los Angeles County Department of Children and Family Services in an effort to regain custody of their toddler, Noah Cuatro, who was taken by the state after allegations that another child in the home had been abused.

Juarez attended “culturally relevant” classes held at a community resource center in Palmdale that taught parents how to instill responsibility and “discipline with love,” according to a description of the program named in Los Angeles County Superior Court records. The records show Cuatro attended classes at a church, where a pastor taught parents how to create structured schedules and to use prayer to cope with family stress.

Juarez and Cuatro submitted certificates of completion of those classes to officials, a factor considered when a court commissioner ruled in 2018 that it was safe for Noah to be in their care.

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By 2019, the tiny boy with big brown eyes and bouncing curls was dead. An autopsy ruled that the cause was suffocation, and found numerous injuries, including rib fractures caused by “significant force.” It was a month before his fifth birthday.

Court-ordered parenting classes like those that Noah’s parents were required to attend are routine in juvenile abuse and neglect cases, but go largely unregulated in California, a Times investigation has found.

The state does not ensure that parent education programs meet any sort of standards, allows parents facing abuse allegations to take classes that experts have deemed low quality, and cannot provide research evidence for half the programs listed in a state-funded database meant to act as a key tool for local officials to ensure child safety.

The lack of scrutiny can put some of California’s most vulnerable children — those whose parents are fighting for custody while under investigation by protective services — at risk of more abuse.

“I don’t think judges look very closely at the quality of the parenting classes,” said former Judge Leonard Edwards, who oversaw child abuse cases for decades before retiring from Santa Clara County Superior Court in 2006.

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“It’s sort of a rubber stamp in most cases.”

Court-ordered parenting classes were part of family reunification plans in horrific Los Angeles County cases such as those of 8-year-old Gabriel Fernandez, who died in 2013, and 10-year-old Anthony Avalos, who died in 2018. In both cases, the boys were known to child protective services before their torture and murder, for which their guardians were sent to prison.

A photo of Anthony Avalos taken in 2013 at age 6. Between 2013 and 2016, Los Angeles County’s child abuse hot line received at least 13 calls related to Anthony, who died in 2018.

(Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times)

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As part of California’s emphasis on family reunification, juvenile court judges, in collaboration with county social service agencies, order parents to complete classes to maintain or regain custody of their children. Courses may cover basic safety tips, anger management and healthy communication skills.

But most judges do not know whether the programs are any good, Edwards said.

“If you’re a good judge, you’re supposed to go out and find something that works,” he said.

Although national research shows that some parenting classes can help prevent child abuse and keep deserving families together, in California they often amount to an over-prescribed bureaucratic remedy with no clear track record of success. Participation in them can sway custody rulings despite a lack of oversight and data, according to more than 20 child welfare experts who spoke to The Times, including social workers, attorneys, retired judges, parents and providers.

“This is the big myth of child welfare,” said David Myers, a Modesto-based attorney who has represented parents involved with child protective services for 30 years.

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Most of the parenting classes that his clients are required to complete are assigned with a “cookie cutter” approach, he said, and are “a waste of taxpayer dollars.”

The issue is compounded by a statewide social worker shortage and what critics say is a lack of foster care funding, making it difficult for counties to provide services as more than 430,000 child maltreatment allegations were made in California in the last year alone.

Still, experts such as Edwards, who is a member of the California Child Welfare Council, believe in some of the programs and have seen them benefit children and parents.

“A good parenting class can change lives,” he said.

Decisions about parenting classes are left to individual counties, which have an array of community needs, budgets and staffing capabilities.

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Theresa Mier, spokesperson for the California Department of Social Services, said that although the state does not set requirements for parenting classes, county officials are “encouraged to tailor services” to meet the specific needs of individual families. Parenting classes may be just “one of many services” that contribute to successful family reunification, she said, and the onus is on California’s 58 counties in lieu of a statewide mandate for good reason.

“In California, child welfare services are administered by counties, who have broad discretion in how they design family reunification programs. Each county is unique and serves a unique population,” Mier said.

Representatives for several counties, including Los Angeles and Sacramento, told The Times they do not require evidence-based programs to be used when courts order parenting classes. Instead, they said, they have their own set of standards and individualize programming based on specific family needs and factors such as location and affordability.

In 2004, California spent $430,000 to launch the Evidence-Based Clearinghouse for Child Welfare, an online database meant to help social workers find high-quality programs for families in crisis. Parenting programs listed on the site include lessons on anger management, nonviolent discipline, nurturing behaviors and how to recognize child hazards and signs of illness.

Yet nearly half of the more than 500 programs listed on the site were classified as “unable to be rated” due to a lack of evidence that they work, according to a 2022 report by the clearinghouse. Only 8% of the programs were rated as a 1 on the state’s 1-to-5 scale, the highest possible category based on well-supported research evidence.

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The state does not require county child welfare agencies to use the clearinghouse at all when selecting services, nor does it prohibit the use of poorly rated programs, Mier said. Unrated classes do not mean that the practices are concerning, according to the clearinghouse’s website, but that they are commonly used programs that lack published peer-reviewed studies demonstrating their validity.

The Times investigation found that:

  • Los Angeles County does not rely on the state’s clearinghouse when selecting programs. While the county contracts with some providers that offer evidence-backed services, it also allows parents to choose unregulated services at community and faith organizations. “These services are tailored to meet the parents’ individual needs. … The goal is to provide parents with the necessary supports and services that will allow families to safely reunite,” L.A. County Department of Children and Family Services spokesperson Amara Suarez said.
  • Orange County contracts with some providers that use “evidence-informed practices” but does not require that all parents use them. A spokesperson for the county’s Social Services Agency said it takes “a collaborative approach” that considers a family’s location and schedule and in some cases allows parents to choose their own providers if appropriate. “These options are not formally vetted but assessed on a case-by-case basis to meet the client’s individual needs,” spokesperson Jamie Cargo said.
  • The Sacramento County Department of Child, Family and Adult Services does not rely on the state’s evidence-based clearinghouse. Melissa Lloyd, deputy director of the department’s Child Protective Services, said that the agency makes “consistent, diligent” efforts to connect parents with the right services for them and that her staff monitors provider contracts. “We are doing intentional and meaningful work with community partners to expand our offerings,” she said, adding that “services do not equal safety.”

California’s approach has some leading experts stunned.

“Why would you send a family to a parenting class that either you know is not effective or you have no evidence that it is? That doesn’t make a lot of sense,” said Amy Dworsky, a nationally recognized researcher at Chapin Hall at the University of Chicago, a policy research institution with a focus on child welfare.

“I don’t think it’s too much to demand that when families are being referred to services that we have some sense that those services are effective.”

The death of 8-year-old Gabriel Fernandez in 2013 prompted demands for reform of Los Angeles County’s safety net to protect abused and neglected children.

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(Family photo)

Concerns about parenting classes have been raised before.

Former L.A. County Department of Children and Family Services Director Philip Browning tried to impose higher standards for the programs used before he left the agency in 2017, but backed off the proposal after local service providers, including churches, opposed it. Browning did not respond to interview requests.

More than 20 years ago, California legislators passed a law dedicated to the “improvement and accountability” of child welfare services.

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“The State of California has failed in its fundamental obligation to protect and care for children removed from their homes due to parental abuse and neglect,” the 2001 law stated.

According to another decades-old California law, counties must provide family preservation services that are “reasonable and meritorious,” and should contract with providers that are “specially trained, experienced, expert and competent.”

But that doesn’t always happen. In Noah Cuatro’s case, his father fulfilled his court requirement by attending classes at Desert Vineyard Church in Palmdale, taught by a pastor who is not a licensed therapist.

Executive Pastor Larry Ali said in a statement that the church offered classes “as a resource” for parents and is “not able to speak to decisions of the state or court” regarding their use in family reunification plans.

“We seek to connect people to God and a local community of faith; offering church gatherings, spiritual guidance and other resources based on biblical principles to individuals and families both in the church and our local community,” he said.

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The Desert Vineyard Church course is not mentioned by California’s program clearinghouse. The program that Juarez, Noah’s mother, attended is listed on the site and marked as “unable to be rated.”

Ed Howard, senior counsel and policy advocate for the Children’s Advocacy Institute at the University of San Diego School of Law, is calling for more scrutiny of the classes. He’s alarmed that there appears to be no “systemic, standardized effort by any county or the state” to track the competence of providers.

“If nobody actually knows or is checking if these services are meeting any sort of base line, then the premise of our entire system is just one big question mark,” Howard said. “At best, there’s an arbitrariness to the programs, and at worst, there’s no quality assurance.”

The issue is not unique to California, though the impact could be the most felt here: The foster care population exceeds 60,000.

Nearly $920 million was dedicated to child welfare services in California’s 2023 budget, including funding for in-home parenting programs that are considered the gold standard because they meet families where they live and provide lessons with undivided attention.

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But those programs are not utilized enough, said Jill Berrick, a professor of social welfare at UC Berkeley, who called for more funding to support county agencies.

“You have to wonder why we would keep asking parents to sit in a room with 30 other people to learn like this, if in fact the result is generally insufficient,” she said. “Often judges will ask if a parent complied, and they say ‘yes.’ That’s a proxy. It isn’t the kind of evidence that we probably would like to have to give us the confidence that the situation has appreciably changed and that the parenting has notably become more safe.”

Kathy Icenhower, chief executive for Shields for Families, which offers parenting classes in Los Angeles County, has been a social worker for decades and said “there aren’t any real parameters” around the court orders she sees.

“It’s like nobody is watching the gate,” she said. “We should really be looking at what a family truly needs instead of checking the same boxes for everybody and calling it a day.”

Icenhower said it’s not that good classes don’t exist, but it’s that it’s too difficult for families to access them and for counties to provide them. Programs like hers are not available in every neighborhood, and even if the state were to issue new mandated standards, counties would require more financial support and staffing to make it happen, she said.

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California continues to grapple with inequities in its child welfare system, as the state’s foster youths remain disproportionately low income, Black and Native American. The omission of standards for court-ordered parenting classes could cause those children further harm.

Some parents, desperate to get their kids back, have attended classes to fulfill a judge’s requirement that don’t actually suit their specific needs.

Tiffany Perez, 30, of Modesto has attended numerous parenting classes in an attempt to regain custody of her four children.

(Tomas Ovalle/For The Times)

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Tiffany Perez, 30, of Modesto has attended multiple court-ordered parenting classes.

Perez’s four children, ages 8 to 13, were taken out of her custody by child protective services in 2016 because of the alleged abuse of another child in their home, she and her attorney told The Times.

Since then, she has tried but failed to get them back. She has missed work to attend classes and paid for some out of her own pocket in order to prove to a judge that she’s worthy of regaining custody.

But Perez, who grew up in the foster care system herself and struggles with mental health issues such as post-traumatic stress disorder, has not seen much value in the classes. Most of them give meaningless “packets of homework,” she said, and are filled with people who don’t take the lessons seriously.

She said for her kids, she is willing to complete more courses even if she has her doubts about their use.

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“It takes a real parent … somebody who is actually willing to learn,” Perez said, “versus someone who just has to show up because the court said so.”

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Trump ally diGenova tapped to lead DOJ probe into Brennan over Russia probe origins

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Trump ally diGenova tapped to lead DOJ probe into Brennan over Russia probe origins

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The Justice Department is turning to former Trump attorney Joeseph diGenova to spearhead a probe into ex-CIA Director John Brennan and others over the origins of the Trump-Russia investigation, as the department reshuffles leadership of the sprawling inquiry.

Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche has tapped diGenova to serve as counsel overseeing the matter, according to a New York Times report, putting a former Trump attorney in a key role in the high-profile probe. A federal grand jury seated in Miami has been impaneled since late last year.

The Department of Justice did not immediately respond to Fox News Digital’s request for comment.

DOJ ACTIVELY PREPARING TO ISSUE GRAND JURY SUBPOENAS RELATING TO JOHN BRENNAN INVESTIGATION: SOURCES

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Joseph diGenova represented President Donald Trump during special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images)

DiGenova, a former U.S. attorney in Washington, D.C., who represented Trump during special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation, has repeatedly accused Brennan of misconduct tied to the origins of the Russia probe—allegations that have not resulted in criminal charges.

He also said in a 2018 appearance on Fox News that Brennan colluded with the FBI and DOJ to frame Trump.

The origins of the Russia investigation have been the subject of ongoing scrutiny by Trump allies, who have argued that intelligence and law enforcement officials improperly launched the probe.

BRENNAN INDICTMENT COULD COME WITHIN ‘WEEKS’ AS PROSECUTORS REQUEST OFFICIAL TRANSCRIPTS

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Joseph diGenova has previously said that ex-CIA chief John Brennan colluded with the FBI and DOJ to frame Trump. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images)

DiGenova’s appointment follows the ouster of Maria Medetis Long, a national security prosecutor in the South Florida U.S. attorney’s office. She had been overseeing the inquiry, including a false statements probe related to Brennan and broader conspiracy-related investigations.

As the investigation continues, federal investigators have issued subpoenas seeking information related to intelligence assessments of Russian interference in the 2016 election.

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John Brennan has denied any wrongdoing related to the Russia investigation. (William B. Plowman/NBC/NBC NewsWire via Getty Images; Alex Wong/Getty Images)

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Brennan has previously denied wrongdoing related to the Russia investigation and has defended the intelligence community’s assessment that Moscow interfered in the 2016 election.

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Supreme Court weighs phone searches to find criminals amid complaints of ‘digital dragnets’

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Supreme Court weighs phone searches to find criminals amid complaints of ‘digital dragnets’

A man carrying a gun and a cellphone entered a federal credit union in a small town in central Virginia in May 2019 and demanded cash.

He left with $195,000 in a bag and no clue to his identity. But his smartphone was keeping track of him.

What happened next could yield a landmark ruling from the Supreme Court on the 4th Amendment and its restrictions against “unreasonable searches.” The court will hear arguments on the issue on April 27.

Typically, police use tips or leads to find suspects, then seek a search warrant from a judge to enter a house or other private area to seize the evidence that can prove a crime.

Civil libertarians say the new “digital dragnets” work in reverse.

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“It’s grab the data and search first. Suspicion later. That’s opposite of how our system has worked, and it’s really dangerous,” said Jake Laperruque, an attorney for the Center for Democracy & Technology.

But these new data scans can be effective in finding criminals.

Lacking leads in the Virginia bank robbery, a police detective turned to what one judge in the case called a “groundbreaking investigative tool … enabling the relentless collection of eerily precise location data.”

Cellphones can be tracked through towers, and Google stored this location history data for hundreds of millions of users. The detective sent Google a demand for information known as a “geofence warrant,” referring to a virtual fence around a particular geographic area at a specific time.

The officer sought phones that were within 150 yards of the bank during the hour of the robbery. He used that data to locate Okello Chatrie, then obtained a search warrant of his home where the cash and the holdup notes were found.

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Chatrie entered a conditional guilty plea, but the Supreme Court will hear his appeal next week.

The justices agreed to decide whether geofence warrants violate the 4th Amendment.

The outcome may go beyond location tracking. At issue more broadly is the legal status of the vast amount of privately stored data that can be easily scanned.

This may include words or phrases found in Google searches or in emails. For example, investigators may want to know who searched for a particular address in the weeks before an arson or a murder took place there or who searched for information on making a particular type of bomb.

Judges are deeply divided on how this fits with the 4th Amendment.

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Two years ago, the conservative U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit in New Orleans ruled “geofence warrants are general warrants categorically prohibited by the 4th Amendment.”

Chief Justice John Roberts sided with the court’s liberals in a 4th Amendment privacy case in 2018.

(Alex Wong / Getty Images)

Historians of the 4th Amendment say the constitutional ban on “unreasonable searches and seizures” arose from the anger in the American colonies over British officers using general warrants to search homes and stores even when they had no reason to suspect any particular person of wrongdoing.

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The National Assn. of Criminal Defense Lawyers relies on that contention in opposing geofence warrants.

Its lawyers argued the government obtained Chatrie’s “private location information … with an unconstitutional general warrant that compelled Google to conduct a fishing expedition through millions of Google accounts, without any basis for believing that any one of them would contain incriminating evidence.”

Meanwhile, the more liberal 4th Circuit in Virginia divided 7-7 to reject Chatrie’s appeal. Several judges explained the law was not clear, and the police officer had done nothing wrong.

“There was no search here,” Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson wrote in a concurring opinion that defended the use of this tracking data.

He pointed to Supreme Court rulings in the 1970s declaring that check records held by a bank or dialing records held by a phone company were not private and could be searched by investigators without a warrant.

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Chatrie had agreed to having his location records held by Google. If financial records for several months are not private, the judge wrote, “surely this request for a two-hour snapshot of one’s public movements” is not private either.

Google changed its policy in 2023 and no longer stores location history data for all of its users. But cellphone carriers continue to receive warrants that seek tracking data.

Wilkinson, a prominent conservative from the Reagan era, also argued it would be a mistake for the courts to “frustrate law enforcement’s ability to keep pace with tech-savvy criminals” or cause “more cold cases to go unsolved. Think of a murder where the culprit leaves behind his encrypted phone and nothing else. No fingerprints, no witnesses, no murder weapon. But because the killer allowed Google to track his location, a geofence warrant can crack the case,” he wrote.

Judges in Los Angeles upheld the use of a geofence warrant to find and convict two men for a robbery and murder in a bank parking lot in Paramount.

The victim, Adbadalla Thabet, collected cash from gas stations in Downey, Bellflower, Compton and Lynwood early in the morning before driving to the bank.

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After he was robbed and shot, a Los Angeles County sheriff’s detective found video surveillance that showed he had been followed by two cars whose license plates could not be seen.

The detective then sought a geofence warrant from a Superior Court judge that asked Google for location data for six designated spots on the morning of the murder.

That led to the identification of Daniel Meza and Walter Meneses, who pleaded guilty to the crimes. A California Court of Appeal rejected their 4th Amendment claim in 2023, even though the judges said they had legal doubts about the “novelty of the particular surveillance technique at issue.”

The Supreme Court has also been split on how to apply the 4th Amendment to new types of surveillance.

By a 5-4 vote, the court in 2018 ruled the FBI should have obtained a search warrant before it required a cellphone company to turn over 127 days of records for Timothy Carpenter, a suspect in a series of store robberies in Michigan.

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The data confirmed Carpenter was nearby when four of the stores were robbed.

Chief Justice John G. Roberts, joined by four liberal justices, said this lengthy surveillance violated privacy rights protected by the 4th Amendment.

The “seismic shifts in technology” could permit total surveillance of the public, Roberts wrote, and “we decline to grant the state unrestricted access” to these databases.

But he described the Carpenter decision as “narrow” because it turned on the many weeks of surveillance data.

In dissent, four conservatives questioned how tracking someone’s driving violates their privacy. Surveillance cameras and license plate readers are commonly used by investigators and have rarely been challenged.

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Solicitor Gen. D. John Sauer relies on that argument in his defense of Chatrie’s conviction. “An individual has no reasonable expectation of privacy in movements that anyone could see,” he wrote.

The justices will issue a decision by the end of June.

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Trump renews bridge, power plant threat against Iran in push for deal, mocks ‘tough guy’ IRGC

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Trump renews bridge, power plant threat against Iran in push for deal, mocks ‘tough guy’ IRGC

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President Donald Trump mocked the Islamic Revolutionary Guard on Sunday morning for staking claim to a Strait of Hormuz “blockade” the U.S. military had already put in place.

“Iran recently announced that they were closing the Strait, which is strange, because our BLOCKADE has already closed it,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “They’re helping us without knowing, and they are the ones that lose with the closed passage, $500 Million Dollars a day! The United States loses nothing. 

“In fact, many Ships are headed, right now, to the U.S., Texas, Louisiana, and Alaska, to load up, compliments of the IRGC, always wanting to be ‘the tough guy!’”

Trump declared Saturday’s IRGC fire was “a total violation” of the ceasefire.

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“Iran decided to fire bullets yesterday in the Strait of Hormuz — A Total Violation of our Ceasefire Agreement!” his post began.

“Many of them were aimed at a French Ship, and a Freighter from the United Kingdom. That wasn’t nice, was it? My Representatives are going to Islamabad, Pakistan — They will be there tomorrow evening, for Negotiations.”

Trump remains hopeful about diplomacy, but is not ruling out a return to force, where he once warned about ending “civilation” in Iran as they know it.

“We’re offering a very fair and reasonable DEAL, and I hope they take it because, if they don’t, the United States is going to knock out every single Power Plant, and every single Bridge, in Iran,” Trump’s stern warning continued. 

“NO MORE MR. NICE GUY! 

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“They’ll come down fast, they’ll come down easy and, if they don’t take the DEAL, it will be my Honor to do what has to be done, which should have been done to Iran, by other Presidents, for the last 47 years. IT’S TIME FOR THE IRAN KILLING MACHINE TO END!”

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