World
What are NATO’s national caveats and why do they hinder fast response?
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A growing number of NATO allies are calling for harmonising national caveats that hinder the alliance’s ability to respond quickly to threats such as airspace violations — but the task is likely to be arduous.
As defence ministers from the 32 member states gathered in Brussels for a meeting on Wednesday, most allies called for a reduction in the use of national caveats in northern or eastern Europe, where an increasing number of airspace violations has been recorded in recent weeks.
Swedish Defence Minister Pål Jonson said “there’s room for improvement within the alliance” and that his country’s model should “inspire others”.
“It’s the mandate of the pilot, or commander of the surface vessels to make the call and that’s good,” he added.
His Dutch counterpart similarly lamented that different regulations among allies “make(s) it complicated when things get tough.”
“When the F35s are up in the air, you need to make sure that for everyone it’s very clear what the regulations are, the rules of engagement, and how then to also get to an agreement with the authorities,” Ruben Brekelmans said.
“We support the efforts by SACEUR by making sure that those regulations are harmonised and that we have one set of rules for this,” he added.
The two ministers echoed the US ambassador to NATO, Matthew Whitaker, who told journalists earlier this week that “it’s no secret that the more ‘national caveats’ there are on — especially our fighter jet assets — the harder it is for SACEUR to respond immediately.”
“Those are conversations that we’re going to continue to have within the alliance and to make sure that … where they can be reduced, they can be reduced,” he said.
‘Holding us back’
In effect, these caveats are limitations each nation places on the use of its forces during NATO missions.
In Afghanistan, for instance, some allies placed restrictions on where their forces could be deployed, what kind of weapons they were allowed to use and under what circumstances they could use them.
Another recurrent caveat is the requirement that the top national officer deployed to the NATO mission must first secure authorisation from their home country before taking part in any new operation.
When it comes to rules of engagement for airspace violations, one nation may allow an object to be shot down based on radar readings, whereas another may require visual confirmation first. They may also have different rules on what weapons their fighter jets can be equipped with.
This makes it very difficult for the Supreme Allied Commander (SACEUR), NATO’s top military authority, to act quickly in times of crisis.
NATO officials are nonetheless saying that national caveats were not a problem last month when nearly 20 drones violated Poland’s airspace, prompting NATO to deploy multiple fighter jets to neutralise some of them.
Mark Rutte, NATO’s secretary general, told reporters on Wednesday that allies responded “as we should have”. But he conceded earlier this week in Slovenia that national caveats “are holding us back” and “making us less effective”.
‘A greater appetite’ to resolve the issue
Complaints about how national caveats are hindering the alliance’s effectiveness are not new. NATO leaders already discussed reducing their use at a summit in Riga in 2006, in the context of operations in Afghanistan. These talks didn’t yield much.
In part, that’s because caveats are first and foremost political decisions, Rafael Loss, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), told Euronews.
“Ultimately, it’s about citizens of those countries either dying or killing in the name of NATO and so that is the highest sort of sovereign decision that governments hold on to,” Loss said.
What they show, he added, is that “NATO in the end still consists of 32 different countries.”
But the global geopolitical landscape has vastly changed since the early 2000s, and the sense of urgency in Europe is much more acute due to Russia’s belligerence.
Airspace violations, some of them blamed on Russia, were also observed in Estonia, Romania and Denmark in rapid succession last month.
“I think given that the current security environment is much more immediately threatening and requires an urgent response, there is a greater chance that this time around, relating to air defence on the eastern flank, NATO has some greater appetite to really work through this difficult issue,” Loss said.
However, he added, the idea that national caveats could soon become a thing of the past is “far-fetched”.
‘Shoot them down’
Some leaders, like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, have said the issue is simple.
“If you have drones which do not belong to your state, shoot them down,” he said earlier this month from Copenhagen where EU leaders discussed the possibility of erecting a so-called drone wall.
But while, in theory, countries may have the right to down drones or fighter jets that violate their airspace, in practice it’s not as clear-cut, especially for NATO allies.
Some countries, including those on the eastern flank, may just not have the capabilities to do so and therefore rely on NATO missions for air policing. And then there is the political element.
“Even if you’re capable of unilaterally shooting down a potential threat, you still have to wrestle with the fact that if this is not a somewhat coordinated response, you face the risk of other NATO allies not agreeing with your course of action and thereby your actions fracturing alliance cohesion,” Loss said.
Rutte on Wednesday said he disagreed with calls for Russian planes to be systematically downed if they enter NATO airspace.
“I think you have to make sure that you are absolutely convinced whether yes or no it is posing a threat. If it is posing a threat, we can do everything needed to make sure the threat will not materialise,” he said.
But if it is not posing a threat, he continued, allies should ensure the plane “will gently be guided outside of our airspace.”
World
Unexpected birth brings hope to near-extinct Amazon tribe
Pugapia and her daughters Aiga and Babawru lived for years as the only surviving members of the Akuntsu, an Indigenous people decimated by a government-backed push to develop parts of the Amazon rainforest. As they advanced in age without a child to carry on the line, many expected the Akuntsu to vanish when the women died.
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That changed in December, when Babawru – the youngest of the three, in her 40s – gave birth to a boy. Akyp’s arrival brought hope not just for the Akuntsu line but also for efforts to protect the equally fragile rainforest.
“This child is not only a symbol of the resistance of the Akuntsu people, but also a source of hope for Indigenous peoples,” says Joenia Wapichana, president of Brazil’s Indigenous protection agency, known as Funai. “He represents how recognition, protection and the management of this land are extremely necessary.”
Protecting Indigenous territories is widely seen as one of the most effective ways to curb deforestation in the Amazon, the world’s largest rainforest and a key regulator of global climate.
Researchers warn that continued forest loss could accelerate global warming. A 2022 analysis by MapBiomas, a network of nongovernmental groups tracking land use, found Indigenous territories in Brazil had lost just 1 per cent of native vegetation over three decades, compared with 20 per cent on private land nationwide.
In Rondonia state, where the Akuntsu dwell, about 40 per cent of native forest has been cleared, and what remains untouched is largely within conservation and Indigenous areas. The Akuntsu’s land stands out in satellite images as an island of forest surrounded by cattle pasture as well as soy and corn fields.
In the 1980s, an agriculture push sparked attacks in Rondonia
Rondonia’s deforestation traces back to a government-backed push to occupy the rainforest during Brazil’s military regime in the 1970s. Around the same time, an infrastructure program financed in part by the World Bank promoted domestic migration to the Amazon, including the paving of a highway across the state.
In the 1980s, Rondonia’s population more than doubled, according to census data. Settlers were promised land titles if they cleared the forest for agriculture and risked losing claims if Indigenous people were present, fuelling violent attacks by hired gunmen on Indigenous groups such as the Akuntsu.
Funai made first contact with the Akuntsu in 1995, finding seven survivors. Experts believe they had numbered about 20 a decade earlier, when they were attacked by ranchers seeking to occupy the area. Funai agents found evidence of the assault, and when they contacted the Akuntsu, the survivors recounted what happened. Some still bore gunshot wounds.
The last Akuntsu man died in 2017. Since then, Babawru lived with her mother, Pugapia, and Aiga, her sister. The women, whose ages aren’t known for certain, have chosen to remain isolated from the non-Indigenous world, showing little interest in it.
In 2006, Funai granted territorial protection to the Akuntsu, establishing the Rio Omere Indigenous Land, which they have since shared with the Kanoe people. The two groups, once enemies, began maintaining contact, usually mediated by officials. The relationship is complex, with cooperation but also cultural differences and language barriers.
The Associated Press requested a facilitated interview with the women through Funai, but the agency didn’t respond.
Amanda Villa, an anthropologist with the Observatory of Isolated Peoples, says Akuntsu women depend on Kanoe men for tasks considered masculine, such as hunting and clearing fields. The two groups have also exchanged spiritual knowledge – the current Kanoe spiritual leader, for example, learned from the late Akuntsu patriarch.
But the most consequential development for the future of the Akuntsu may have occurred last year, when Babawru became pregnant by a Kanoe man.
Linguist Carolina Aragon is the only outsider able to communicate with the three women after years studying and documenting their language. She works closely with Funai, translating conversations almost daily through video calls. Aragon also supported Babawru remotely during her labour and was with her during an ultrasound exam that confirmed the pregnancy.
Aragon said Babawru was stunned by the news. “She said, ‘How can I be pregnant?’” Aragon recalled. Babawru had always taken precautions to avoid becoming pregnant.
Social collapse shaped the Akuntsu’s choices
The surviving Akuntsu women had decided they would not become mothers. The decision was driven not only by the absence of other men in their community, but also by the belief that their world was disorganised – conditions they felt were not suitable for raising a child.
“You can trace this decision directly to the violent context they lived through,” says Villa, the anthropologist. “They have this somewhat catastrophic understanding.”
The Akuntsu believed they could not bring new life into a world without Akuntsu men who could not only perform but also teach tasks the group considers male responsibilities, such as hunting and shamanism.
“A breakdown of social relations that followed the genocide shaped their lives and deepened over the years. That does lead people to think – and rethink – the future,” Aragon says. “But the future can surprise everyone. A baby boy was born.”
Aragon says the women were embarking on a “new chapter”, choosing to welcome the child and adapt their traditions with support from the Kanoe and Funai. Villa says the fact that the newborn is a boy creates the possibility of restoring male roles like hunter.
Researchers and officials who have long worked with the three women understood that protecting the territory depended on the Akuntsu’s survival as a people. They sought to avoid a repeat of what happened to Tanaru, an Indigenous man who was discovered after living alone and without contact for decades.
After the discovery, authorities struggled to protect Tanaru’s territory. After he died in 2022, non-Indigenous groups began disputing the land. Late last year, the federal government finally secured the area, turning it into a protected conservation unit.
Funai’s Wapichana says Babawru’s child “is a hope that this next generation will indeed include an Indigenous person, an Akuntsu, ensuring the continuity of this people.”
Through years of careful work, Funai secured territorial protection for the Akuntsu and helped foster ties with the Kanoe. The agency also arranged spiritual support from an allied shaman, allowing the women to feel safe bringing new life into the world after decades of fear and loss.
The Akuntsu form emotional bonds with the forest and with the birds. Now, they are strengthening those bonds with a new human life in their world.
“What kind of relationship will this boy have with his own territory?” Aragon says. “I hope it will be the best possible, because he has everything he needs there.”
World
A look at some of the contenders to be Iran’s supreme leader after the killing of Khamenei
Iran’s leaders are scrambling to replace Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who ruled the country for 37 years before he was killed in the surprise U.S. and Israeli bombardment.
It’s only the second time since the 1979 Islamic Revolution that a new supreme leader is being chosen. Potential candidates range from hard-liners committed to confrontation with the West to reformists who seek diplomatic engagement.
The supreme leader has the final say on all major decisions, including war, peace and the country’s disputed nuclear program.
In the meantime, a provisional governing council composed of President Masoud Pezeshkian, hard-line judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei and senior Shiite cleric Ayatollah Ali Reza Arafi is guiding the country through its biggest crisis in decades. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Sunday that a new supreme leader would be chosen early this week.
The supreme leader is appointed by an 88-member panel called the Assembly of Experts, who by law are supposed to quickly name a successor. The panel consists of Shiite clerics who are popularly elected after their candidacies are approved by the Guardian Council, Iran’s constitutional watchdog.
Khamenei had major influence over both clerical bodies, making it unlikely the next leader will mark a radical departure.
Here are the top contenders.
Mojtaba Khamenei
The son of Khamenei, a mid-level Shiite cleric, is widely considered a potential successor. He has strong ties to Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard but has never held office. His selection could prove awkward, as the Islamic Republic has long criticized hereditary rule and cast itself as a more just alternative.
Ayatollah Ali Reza Arafi
Arafi is a member of the provisional government council. The senior Shiite cleric was handpicked by Khamenei to be a member of the Guardian Council in 2019, and three years later he was elected to the Assembly of Experts. He leads a network of seminaries.
Hassan Rouhani
Rouhani, a relative moderate, was president of Iran from 2013 to 2021 and reached the landmark nuclear agreement with the Obama administration that U.S. President Donald Trump scrapped during his first term. Rouhani served on the Assembly of Experts until 2024, when he said he was disqualified from running for reelection. Rouhani criticized it as an infringement on Iranians’ political participation.
Hassan Khomeini
Khomeini is the most prominent grandson of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. He is also seen as a relative moderate, but has never held government office. He currently works at his grandfather’s mausoleum in Tehran.
Ayatollah Mohammed Mehdi Mirbagheri
Mirbagheri is a senior cleric popular with hard-liners who serves on the Assembly of Experts.
He was close to the late Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a fellow hard-liner who wrote that Iran should not deprive itself of the right to produce “special weapons,” a veiled reference to nuclear arms.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, Mirbagheri denounced the closure of schools as a “conspiracy.”
He is currently the head of the Islamic Cultural Center in Qom, the main center for Islamic teaching in Iran.
World
US cleared to use British bases for limited strikes on Iranian missile capabilities
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The U.S. has been cleared to use British bases for limited strikes on Iran’s missile capabilities after Prime Minister Keir Starmer signed off on the plan, and while U.K. Defense Secretary John Healey stated on Sunday Britain had “stepped up alongside the Americans.”
“The only way to stop the threat is to destroy the missiles at source, in their storage depots or the launchers which are used to fire the missiles,” Starmer confirmed in a recorded statement to the nation.
“The U.S. has requested permission to use British bases for that specific and limited defensive purpose,” he said. “We have taken the decision to accept this request.”
The decision came amid escalation across the Middle East in the wake of U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran and Tehran’s retaliatory missile and drone attacks, raising fears of a broader regional conflict.
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer signed off on a plan to use British bases for limited strikes on Iranian missile capabilities. (Kin Cheung / POOL / AFP via Getty Images)
On Feb. 28, in the wake of Operation Epic Fury, Starmer confirmed British planes “are in the sky today” across the Middle East “as part of coordinated regional defensive operations to protect our people, our interests and our allies.”
Healey went on to disclose Sunday that two Iranian missiles were fired in the direction of Cyprus, where Britain maintains key sovereign base areas.
The Royal Air Force confirmed that Typhoon jets operating from Qatar as part of the joint U.K.-Qatar Typhoon Squadron successfully intercepted an Iranian drone heading toward Qatar.
About 300 British personnel are stationed at a naval facility in Bahrain, where Iranian missiles and drones struck nearby areas.
“We’re taking down the drones that are menacing either our bases, our people or our allies,” Healey told “Sunday Morning with Trevor Phillips” on Sky. “We’ve stepped up alongside the Americans. We’ve stepped up our defensive forces in the Middle East. We’re flying those sorties.”
ISRAEL’S LARGEST EVER MILITARY FLYOVER HAMMERS IRANIAN MILITARY TARGETS
British Defense Secretary John Healey stressed that the U.K. had “no part” in the American-Israeli strikes on Iran. (Peter Nicholls/Pool via Reuters)
Healey also made sure to stress that the U.K. had “no part” in the U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran and insisted all British actions were defensive. “All our actions are about defending U.K. interests and defending U.K. allies,” he said.
When asked if the U.K. would join the U.S. in offensive action, Healey said, “I’m not going to speculate,” according to Sky News.
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Downing Street also confirmed Feb. 28 that Starmer and President Donald Trump had spoken by phone about the “situation in the Middle East,” the BBC reported.
Fox News Digital has reached out to Downing Street for comment.
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