Connect with us

World

Myanmar anti-coup forces retain optimism in face of air attacks

Published

on

Myanmar anti-coup forces retain optimism in face of air attacks

Resistance to army rule in Myanmar has been outlined by optimism.

When the army first seized energy on February 1, 2021, the mass peaceable protests that emerged have been harking back to a jubilant road celebration. Demonstrators sang within the streets, wore foolish costumes and carried humorous indicators.

There have been no illusions about what may come subsequent in a rustic the place the armed forces have a historical past of brutality in opposition to people who oppose them. One protester mentioned they have been ready to endure 100 and even 1,000 deaths to see the army defeated.

Two years on, some civilians have taken up arms and joined forces with ethnic armed teams which were combating for larger autonomy for years. The nation now seems embroiled in a fully-fledged civil struggle and the army is more and more utilizing air energy and heavy weaponry in opposition to their poorly-armed opponents.

Some estimates put the 2022 loss of life toll at greater than 20,000, together with civilians and fighters – second solely to Ukraine – however these decided to push the generals from energy stay hopeful.

Advertisement

“A few of our comrades have died in battle however giving up now isn’t an possibility,” mentioned Albert, a battalion commander for the anti-coup Karenni Nationalities Defence Power (KNDF), which primarily operates in Kayah State and southern Shan State, close to the Thai border.

“There shall be a breakthrough in 2023 if we are able to maintain present momentum.”

New evaluation (PDF) launched on the eve of the coup anniversary by Tom Andrews, the United Nations particular rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, discovered there had been some 10,000 assaults and armed clashes between the army and opponents because the coup, and violent incidents in not less than 78 % of townships between July and December 2022.

Whereas that means the regime is not any nearer to cementing its grip on the nation, it doesn’t look to be on the breaking point both.

“A brand new equilibrium has emerged. There should be vital developments on both facet to vary the present stalemate,” mentioned Min Zaw Oo, government director on the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Safety, who has years of expertise on battle in Myanmar.

Advertisement

“The panorama has remained the identical in general 2022,” he mentioned, including that the army has did not revert most theatres to “a pre-coup established order”, whereas the resistance has been unable to “safe strategic areas”.

The ruins of a village college destroyed in a army air assault on Karen state’s Mutraw district earlier this month [File: Free Burma Rangers via AP Photo]

Anti-coup forces have sought to take management of a number of key city centres – just like the cities of Moebye in southern Shan State, and Kawkareik and Kyondoe in Kayin State. However whereas they’re usually profitable at driving the armed forces out, the army’s growing use of distant artillery and air energy is making it laborious to carry onto the territory they achieve.

“Airstrikes have a huge impact on this… We wish to take management of cities and concrete areas however with out air defence, it’s fairly tough. Even when we are able to seize an space, it’s tough to manage it with out air defence,” mentioned Taw Nee, spokesperson for the Karen Nationwide Union (KNU), considered one of Myanmar’s oldest and strongest ethnic armed teams, which has allied with the pro-democracy resistance broadly generally known as Folks’s Defence Forces (PDF).

Min Zaw Oo additionally identified that the success price of assaults on “fortified positions of the army” is about 40-45 %, however resistance teams are sometimes unable to carry and defend seized bases or outposts. As a substitute, they usually choose to destroy them, as illustrated by the current burning of an outpost in Kayah State’s Bawlakhe Township.

“The character of the opposition’s strike continues to be a guerrilla assault,” Min Zaw Oo mentioned.

Advertisement

Some battle analysts have argued that resistance teams ought to proceed to whittle away on the regime by way of guerrilla assaults, reasonably than making an attempt to grab territory. Anthony Davis, a safety analyst with the publication Jane’s Defence, warned in November in opposition to “making an attempt prematurely to transition from guerrilla ways to semi-conventional operations”.

Shifting the stability

Min Zaw Oo mentioned there are 4 “obstacles” for the resistance to beat, together with higher entry to weapons (he estimates solely 10 % of resistance fighters have computerized weapons), securing the backing of extra highly effective ethnic armed teams and an improved chain of command.

He says help from neighbouring international locations equivalent to China and Thailand can be needed.

“With out overcoming these obstacles, the oppositions wouldn’t be capable to make a shift of their favour,” he mentioned.

Whereas some main ethnic armed organisations have thrown their weight behind the pro-democracy motion – just like the KNU, Chin Nationwide Entrance (CNF), Karenni Military and Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) – others have been extra cautious.

Advertisement

The nation’s strongest non-state armed group, the United Wa State Military, has as an alternative taken benefit of the army’s weakened place to demand extra formal recognition of the territory it controls. However in a possible game-changer, two different influential teams have more and more proven indicators of cooperating with anti-regime forces.

Albert says he has seen enhancements for the KNDF in 2022 in contrast with the 12 months earlier than, together with a extra established chain of command, higher entry to trendy weapons and extra skilled army coaching.

However he says there have additionally been setbacks, equivalent to shedding the early component of shock, when the regime was caught off guard by widespread armed uprisings to its rule.

“Previously, the junta underestimated us… now they’re properly ready. They plant many landmines round their bases. It takes weeks for retconning to assault them now,” he mentioned.

Advertisement

“And now we have to assault it fast and retreat as a result of after 30 or 45 minutes… army jets will come.”

In current months, the army has escalated its air marketing campaign, shifting from its typical coverage of largely utilizing air assaults to help floor troops or terrorise civilian communities it believes to be aiding resistance fighters.

Now, it’s extra recurrently bombing high-level targets, usually within the absence of floor combating, equivalent to a KIO occasion in November, the CNF headquarters in early January and a PDF base in late January.

Anti-regime armed teams and human rights activists have repeatedly known as for the worldwide group to declare a no-fly zone or impose an embargo on supplying aviation gas to Myanmar. An Amnesty Worldwide investigation final 12 months confirmed that even gas despatched to Myanmar ostensibly for industrial use was being accessed by the army.

Even within the face of this highly effective onslaught, the resistance’s optimism stays obvious.

Advertisement

“We hoped the army would use airstrikes on us sooner or later,” mentioned Myo Thura Ko Ko, spokesperson for the combined command Cobra Column, which operates below KNU and PDF management. He sees the regime’s elevated reliance on air assaults as proof it’s shedding floor.

“The army makes use of air strikes when their troops are shedding on the battlefield or when their morale is low,” he added.

Myanmar soldiers in uniform and carrying weapons march at a ceremony marking Myanmar's 75th day of independence
The army has turned more and more to air assaults over the previous 12 months in a transfer opponents say is an indication of their weak spot [File: Aung Shine Oo/AP Photo]

Htet Ni, a spokesperson for the CNF, agrees.

“Now we have to proceed our revolution even when the worst occurs. There’s nothing else to say. The stronger the revolution turns into, the extra the army’s airstrikes will come to us,” he mentioned.

Htet Ni says the elevated reliance on air assaults has solely pushed the established ethnic armed teams nearer to their new PDF allies.

“It has created extra unity amongst us… There’ll by no means be any retreat. That is our likelihood to overthrow the army, so we are going to go into battle with the folks.”

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

World

The CW’s Top Exec on Walker’s Uncertain Fate, Potential All American ‘Reboot’ and Superman & Lois’ ‘F–king Awesome’ Sendoff

Published

on

The CW’s Top Exec on Walker’s Uncertain Fate, Potential All American ‘Reboot’ and Superman & Lois’ ‘F–king Awesome’ Sendoff


CW Exec Talks Cancelled and Renewed Shows: ‘Walker,’ ‘All American’



Advertisement


















Advertisement





















Advertisement



Advertisement

ad


Advertisement





Advertisement


Quantcast



Continue Reading

World

Justice Dept. makes arrests in North Korean identity theft scheme involving thousands of IT workers

Published

on

Justice Dept. makes arrests in North Korean identity theft scheme involving thousands of IT workers

The Justice Department announced Thursday multiple arrests in a series of complex stolen identity theft cases that officials say are part of a wide-ranging scheme that generates enormous proceeds for the North Korean government, including for its weapons program.

The conspiracy involves thousands of North Korean information technology workers who prosecutors say are dispatched by the government to live abroad and who rely on the stolen identities of Americans to obtain remote employment at U.S.-based Fortune 500 companies, jobs that give them access to sensitive corporate data and lucrative paychecks. The companies did not realize the workers were overseas.

NORTH KOREA’S MENACING NUCLEAR THREAT IS TOO DANGEROUS TO IGNORE. US MUST LEAD BEFORE TIME RUNS OUT

The fraud scheme is a way for heavily sanctioned North Korea, which is cut off from the U.S. financial system, to take advantage of a “toxic brew” of converging factors, including a high-tech labor shortage in the U.S. and the proliferation of remote telework, Marshall Miller, the Justice Department’s principal associate deputy attorney general, said in an interview.

The seal for the Justice Department is photographed in Washington, Nov. 18, 2022. The Justice Department has announced three arrests in a complex stolen identity scheme that officials say generates enormous proceeds for the North Korean government, including for its weapons program.  (AP Photo/Andrew Harnik)

Advertisement

The Justice Department says the cases are part of a broader strategy to not only prosecute individuals who enable the fraud but also to build partnerships with other countries and to warn private-sector companies of the need to be vigilant — and not duped — about the actual identities of the people they’re hiring.

FBI and Justice Department officials launched an initiative in March centered on the fraud scheme and last year announced the seizure of more than a dozen website domains used by North Korean IT workers.

“More and more often, compliance programs at American companies and organizations are on the front lines of protecting our national security,” Miller said. “Corporate compliance and national security are now intertwined like never before.”

The Justice Department said in court documents in one case that more than 300 companies — including a high-end retail chain and a “premier Silicon Valley technology company” — have been affected and that more than $6.8 million in revenue has been generated for the workers, who are based outside of the U.S., including in China and Russia.

Those arrested include an Arizona woman, Christina Marie Chapman, who prosecutors say facilitated the scheme by helping the workers obtain and validate stolen identities, receiving and hosting laptops from U.S. companies who thought they were sending the devices to legitimate employees and helping the workers connect remotely to companies.

Advertisement

According to the indictment, Chapman ran more than one “laptop farm” where U.S. companies sent computers and paychecks to IT workers they did not realize were overseas.

At Chapman’s laptop farms, she allegedly connected overseas IT workers who logged in remotely to company networks so it appeared the logins were coming from the United States. She also is alleged to have received paychecks for the overseas IT workers at her home, forging the beneficiaries’ signatures for transfer abroad and enriching herself by charging monthly fees.

Other defendants include a Ukrainian man, Oleksandr Didenko, who prosecutors say created fake accounts at job search platforms that he then sold to overseas workers who went on to apply for jobs at U.S. companies. He was was arrested in Poland last week, and the Justice Department said it had seized his company’s online domain.

A Vietnamese national, Minh Phuong Vong, was arrested in Maryland on charges of fraudulently obtaining a job at a U.S. company that was actually performed by remote workers who posed as him and were based overseas.

It was not immediately clear if any of the three had lawyers.

Advertisement

Separately, the State Department said it was offering a reward for information about certain North Korean IT workers who officials say were assisted by Chapman.

And the FBI, which conducted the investigations, issued a public service announcement that warned companies about the scheme, encouraging them to implement identity verification standards through the hiring process and to educate human resources staff and hiring managers about the threat.

Continue Reading

World

Taiwan grapples with divisive history as new president prepares for power

Published

on

Taiwan grapples with divisive history as new president prepares for power

Taipei, Taiwan – Even as Taiwan prepares for the inauguration of its eighth president next week, it continues to struggle over the legacy of the island’s first president, Chiang Kai-shek.

To some, Chiang was the “generalissimo” who liberated the Taiwanese from the Japanese colonisers. To many others, he was the oppressor-in-chief who declared martial law and ushered in the period of White Terror that would last until 1992.

For decades, these duelling narratives have divided Taiwan’s society and a recent push for transitional justice only seems to have deepened the fault lines. Now, the division is raising concern about whether it might affect Taiwan’s ability to mount a unified defence against China, which has become increasingly assertive in its claim over the self-ruled island.

“There is a concern when push comes to shove if the civilians work well with the military to defend Taiwan,” said historian Dominic Meng-Hsuan Yang of the University of Missouri in the United States.

On February 28, 1947, Chiang’s newly-arrived Kuomintang (KMT) troops suppressed an uprising by Taiwan natives, killing as many as 28,000 people in what became known as the February 28 Incident. In the four-decade-long martial law era that followed, thousands more perished.

Advertisement

This traumatic history met its official reckoning in 2018, when the Taiwan government set up its Transitional Justice Commission modelled after truth and reconciliation initiatives in Africa, Latin America and North America to redress historical human rights abuses and other atrocities.

People attend the commemoration of the February 28 Incident in Taipei [Violet Law/Al Jazeera]

When the commission concluded in May 2022, however, advocates and observers said they had seen little truth and hardly any reconciliation.

Almost from the first days of the commission, the meting-out of transitional justice became politicised across the blue-versus-green demarcation that has long defined Taiwan’s sociopolitical landscape, with blue representing KMT supporters and green the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

A recently published anthology entitled Ethics of Historical Memory: From Transitional Justice to Overcoming the Past explains how the way Taiwanese remember the past shapes how they think about transitional justice. And as that recollection is determined by which camp they support, each champions their own version of Taiwan’s history.

“That’s why transitional justice seems so stagnant now,” explained Jimmy Chia-Shin Hsu, research professor at the legal research institute Academia Sinica who contributed to and edited the book. “Whatever truth it uncovers would be mired in the blue-green narrative.”

Advertisement

A non-partisan view, Hsu said, is to credit the DPP with codifying transitional justice and Lee Teng-hui, the first democratically elected KMT president, with breaking the taboo on broaching the February 28 Incident.

The past shaping the future

In February, Betty Wei attended the commemoration for the February 28 incident for the first time and listened intently to the oral history collected from the survivors. Wei, 30, said she wanted to learn more about what happened because her secondary school textbook had brushed over what many consider a watershed event in a few cryptic lines, and many of her contemporaries showed little interest.

“In recent years the voices pushing for transitional justice have grown muted,” Wei told Al Jazeera. “A lot of people in my generation think the scores are for previous generations to settle.”

Statues of former Taiwan leader Chiang Kai-shek lined up in a park. Two of the statues in front show him seated. They are painted red. Some behind are standing. They are white or bronze.
The Transitional Justice Committee recommended the relocation of Chiang Kai-shek statues from public areas, but many remain [File: Ritchie B Tongo/EPA]

In Taiwan, the past is never past, and rather it is fodder for new fights.

As the DPP gears up for an unprecedented third consecutive term, the unfinished business of removing the island’s remaining statues of Chiang has resurfaced as the latest front in what Yang, the historian, described to Al Jazeera as “this memory war”.

More than half of the initial 1,500 monuments have been taken down over the past two years, with the remaining statues mostly on military installations.

Advertisement

Yang argues that is because the top brass rose through the ranks under martial law and many still regard Chiang as their leader, warts and all. For them, toppling the statues would be an attack on their history.

The statues embody “the historical legacy the military wants to keep alive,” Yang said. “That’s a source of tension between the military and the DPP government.”

On the eve of William Lai Ching-te taking his oath as the island’s next president, Taiwanese will for the first time mark the “White Terror Memorial Day” on May 19, the day when martial law was declared in 1949.

While it is clear Taiwanese have promised to never forget, whom and how to forgive has become far murkier.

As the former chairman of the Taiwan Association for Truth and Reconciliation, the first NGO advocating for the cause, Cheng-Yi Huang lauded the government’s move to take over the KMT’s private archives in recent years but lamented there had been too little truth-seeking so far.

Advertisement

For example, under the February 28 Incident Disposition and Compensation Act, Huang said many have chosen to stay silent about their complicity because only victims get compensation.

However, Taiwan’s tumultuous history means the line between victim and victimiser is rarely clear-cut.

Chiang Kai-shek pictured in 1955. He is wearing a military uniform with a long cape. Others in uniforms are walking behind him. They are leaving a temple.
Chiang Kai-shek (centre) in 1955. Known as ‘Generalissimo’, he led a brutal military dictatorship that only ended in 1992 [Fred Waters/AP Photo]

By digging into military archives, Yang has shed light on how Chinese were kidnapped and pressed into service by the KMT in the last years of the Chinese Civil War. Those who tried to flee were tortured and even murdered. And the native Taiwanese who rose up to resist KMT’s suppression were persecuted as communists.

“Under martial law, the military was seen as an arm of the dictatorship, but they were also victims of the dictator’s regime,” Yang told Al Jazeera. “The transitional justice movement has missed the opportunity to reconcile Taiwanese society with the military.”

To Hsu, Beijing’s belligerence demands Taiwanese of all stripes find a common cause.

“As we’re facing the threat from the Chinese Communist Party, it’s imperative that we unite in forging a collective future,” said Hsu, to a standing-room-only book talk during the Taipei International Book Exhibition in late February.

Advertisement

“And how we remember our past will shape this future of ours.”

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending