World
In seeking re-election, von der Leyen has one real rival: herself
Ursula von der Leyen is often hailed as the most transformational president of the European Commission since Jacques Delors. But could her legacy backfire as she seeks re-election?
The German politician is ready for another five years at the helm of the European Union’s most powerful institution, from which she has shaped the bloc’s policies in ways that would have been unimaginable when MEPs elected her in 2019 by a razor-thin margin.
Her tenure kicked off amid a continent-wide movement of protests and strikes that thrust climate change to the very top of the agenda. It was therefore fitting that one of her first headline-grabbing moments was her presentation of the European Green Deal as a “man on the moon” moment.
The Green Deal set out the binding ambition to make the bloc climate-neutral by 2050, an irreversible shift for a borderless single market that traced its origins to a coal and steel community.
Shortly after, her executive plunged into a succession of crises, some lasting to this day.
“I had been in office for less than 100 days when the WHO declared a global pandemic,” von der Leyen said during her re-election announcement on Monday, referring to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, which saw the entire bloc come to a standstill.
The pandemic was followed by a rise in irregular migration, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the disruption of energy supplies, record-breaking inflation and an across-the-board economic slowdown. But instead of succumbing to external circumstances, the president managed to capitalise on those crises to strengthen and deepen European integration.
Against the virus, von der Leyen spearheaded a history-making €750-billion recovery fund to jolt the bloc’s economy after crippling months of paralysis. Months later, she oversaw an unprecedented common procurement of vaccines to ensure all member states had access to the life-saving treatment on equal conditions.
When Vladimir Putin gave the go-ahead to invade Ukraine, von der Leyen proposed plans to wean the EU off Russian fossil fuels – a costly vice kept for decades as taboo – and drastically ramp up the deployment of renewables. As a result, the bloc’s dependency rate on Russian gas fell from 45% in 2021 to 15% in 2023. Meanwhile, imports of seaborne oil and coal collapsed to zero.
The president then turned the war into the long-missing catalyst that was needed to revive the project of enlargement and recommended the opening of accession talks with Ukraine, Moldova and Bosnia-Herzegovina, provided the completion of reforms.
When she saw China double down on its assertiveness and stand by Putin’s side, von der Leyen came up with the concept of “de-risking” and drafted the first-ever strategy on economic security, forcing open markets to reckon head-on with geopolitical swings.
On migration, she fought to reform the bloc’s asylum policy as she tried an untested, and controversial, method to sign agreements with neighbouring countries, including Tunisia and Mauritania. And on digital, she laid out a brand-new rulebook to rein in unfair competition, unlawful content and the worst effects of artificial intelligence.
All of this elevated von der Leyen’s profile, both domestically and internationally, to heights previously unknown to her predecessors. She earned glowing coverage in, among others, the New York Times, the Guardian, Time Magazine and Forbes, which named her the world’s most powerful woman for two years in a row.
Inside the Commission, however, her penchant for ambitious policies ruffled feathers among staff, who decried her tendency to micro-manage legislation and take decisions in close consultation with only a very selected, mostly German circle of advisers. Diplomats from member states have complained about what they see as von der Leyen’s insistence on dominating the narrative by floating grand ideas in public, which can have the effect of pre-empting the outcome of internal negotiations.
Von der Leyen’s icy relationship with Charles Michel, the president of the European Council, has been the subject of endless speculation since the infamous Sofagate scandal in Turkey. Last year, Michel openly chastised the Commission for the way it designed a phased-in ban on Russian oil and the memorandum of understanding with Tunisia.
The tension surfaced again after von der Leyen received blistering criticism for her response to the Israel-Hamas war and Michel attempted to position himself as a moderate force among the diverging views of member states. The debacle from her trip to Tel Aviv resonated for weeks and seriously threatened her standing in Brussels.
Still, the Commission president managed to pull through and shake off her harshest critics. By the time she announced her campaign, no other name thrown in the ring had the gravitas to compete with her. The warm wishes sent by EU leaders bode well for her future.
“The old question of Henry Kissinger of who do you phone when you want to phone Europe? I think, at this point in time, it has an answer,” said Nathalie Tocci, director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), praising how von der Leyen “very successfully” transformed the pandemic and the Ukraine war into policy opportunities.
“There’s definitely a story about political leadership,” she added. “The flipside to that style is that it has been a very centralised form of leadership which obviously created quite a bit of discontent within the institution itself.”
With no political rival standing between her and the Commission, von der Leyen inevitably becomes her sole adversary. Her legacy, built at a frantic pace in times of extreme urgency, will simultaneously serve as an argument in favour and against her re-election.
It is no coincidence that, as the June elections neared, the political discourse moved to dissect one of her key accomplishments: the Green Deal. Ever since the battle over the Nature Restoration Law, conservative voices, including from von der Leyen’s own political family, the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP), have ramped up their condemnation of environmental policies which, they say, are constraining industrial production, creating excessive bureaucracy and endangering competitiveness.
The farmers’ protests that erupted in January across several European countries only reinforced the right-wing backlash and forced von der Leyen to change her tune, promising “more dialogue” to reconcile climate and agriculture. The scrutiny is set to last until, at least, the June ballot is over and might very well extend into a second presidential term where the economy, defence and high-tech take centre stage.
Faustine Bas-Defossez, director for nature at the European Environmental Bureau (EEB), believes the Green Deal must return to its early days, when it was an “ambitious, transformative agenda” with “high-level commitments,” before being weakened by the “upcoming European elections and the instrumentalisation of the consequences of the war in Ukraine by some actors, in particular from the agribusiness.”
“At a time of fears, eco-anxiety and threats to democracy in several places of the world, we need political courage and hope further down the line,” Bas-Defossez told Euronews.
“The Green Deal remains the only compass we have towards a liveable future. It should therefore remain and get strengthened in the next mandate while putting a new social contract at its core.”
World
Venezuelan dissident Machado credits Trump for advancing freedom movement, dedicates Nobel to him
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FIRST ON FOX: Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado is crediting President Donald Trump for helping sustain Venezuela’s pro-democracy movement while dedicating her Nobel Peace Prize to him, telling Fox News Digital that he provided critical support at a moment when Venezuelans felt abandoned by the international community.
“I am absolutely grateful to President Trump for every gesture, every signal and every moment that he has stood with the Venezuelan people. I have watched it very closely, and I know what it has meant for those who are fighting to reclaim democracy and freedom in our country,” she stated.
“A free and democratic Venezuela is not only possible — it is closer than ever. And that free Venezuela is breathing louder than ever before,” Machado said, adding that her Nobel Peace Prize is also dedicated to Trump. “This Nobel Prize is symbolic of that fight for freedom and is dedicated to the Venezuelan people and to President Trump for showing what strong leadership looks like in the moments that matter most.”
EXPERT REVEALS WHAT IT WOULD TAKE FOR TRUMP TO DEPLOY TROOPS TO VENEZUELA: ‘POSSIBILITY OF ESCALATION’
Nobel Peace Prize laureate Maria Corina Machado waves at the Grand Hotel in Oslo, Norway, early Thursday, Dec. 11, 2025. (Lise Åserud/NTB Scanpix via AP)
An official familiar with the matter told Fox News Digital that Machado hopes to visit the U.S. and meet the president to formally honor him for what she views as his support for the Venezuelan people.
Machado’s remarks come as she re-emerged publicly in Oslo, Norway, after spending 11 months in hiding. After a brief detention during an anti-government protest in Caracas, she went underground as pressure from the Maduro government intensified.
Her return to the public eye coincided with the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, where her daughter, Ana Corina Sosa, accepted the award on her behalf. The Associated Press reported that Machado waved to cheering supporters from a hotel balcony — her first public appearance in nearly a year.
SCHUMER ACCUSES TRUMP OF PUSHING US TOWARD ‘FOREIGN WAR’ WITH VENEZUELA
The daughter of the Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Ana Corina Sosa, accepts the award on behalf of her mother, Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado, during the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony at Oslo City Hall, Norway, on Dec. 10. (Ole Berg-Rusten/NTB Scanpix, Pool via AP)
Machado was barred from running in the 2024 presidential election despite winning the opposition primary by a wide margin, a move that drew strong criticism from Western governments.
Roxanna Vigil, a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, told Fox News Digital that Machado remains “the most popular political figure in Venezuela,” adding that she secured “over 90% of the vote” in the opposition primary before being blocked by Maduro. “She became a real threat… and so they disqualified her from running,” Vigil said. Machado ultimately endorsed Edmundo González, who went on to win the election.
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Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado addresses supporters at a protest against President Nicolas Maduro in Caracas, Venezuela, Thursday, Jan. 9, 2025, the day before his inauguration for a third term. (AP Photo/Ariana Cubillos)
Machado ultimately endorsed González, who was widely regarded by independent tallies of the result as having won the 2024 election, but who did not assume the presidency after Venezuela’s official National Electoral Council, controlled by Maduro allies, declared Nicolás Maduro the winner and inaugurated him for another term.
Machado has signaled she intends to return to Venezuela when conditions allow and continues to call for a peaceful transition away from Maduro’s rule.
World
Residents emerge in DR Congo’s tense Uvira after M23 rebel takeover
A cautious calm has settled over the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) city of Uvira in South Kivu province, as residents begin emerging from their homes following its capture by M23 rebels.
The capture earlier this week threatens to derail a United States-brokered peace agreement, signed with much fanfare and overseen by President Donald Trump a week ago, between Congolese and Rwandan leaders, with Washington accusing Rwanda on Friday of igniting the offensive.
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Regional authorities say at least 400 civilians, including women and children, have been killed in the violence between the cities of Bukavu and Uvira, both now under M23 control.
Al Jazeera is the only international broadcaster in Uvira, where correspondent Alain Uaykani on Saturday described an uneasy calm in the port city on the northern tip of Lake Tanganyika, which sits directly across from Burundi’s largest city, Bujumbura.
Uaykani said government and allied militias, known as “Wazalendo”, which had been using the city as a headquarters, began fleeing even before M23 fighters entered.
Residents who fled as the Rwanda-backed group advanced have begun returning to their homes, though most shops and businesses remain shuttered.
“People are coming out, they feel the fear is behind them,” Uaykani said, though he noted the situation remains fragile with signs of intense combat visible throughout the city.
Bienvenue Mwatumabire, a resident of Uvira, told Al Jazeera he was at work when fighting between rebels and government forces broke out, and he heard gunshots from a neighbouring village and decided to stop, but said that “today we have noticed things are getting back to normal.”
Baoleze Beinfait, another Uvira resident, said people in the city were not being harassed by the rebels, but added, “We will see how things are in the coming days.”
M23’s spokesperson defended the offensive, claiming the group had “liberated” Uvira from what he called “terrorist forces”. The rebels say they are protecting ethnic Tutsi communities in eastern DRC, a region that has seen fighting intensify since earlier this year.
The offensive, which began on December 2, has displaced more than 200,000 people across South Kivu province, according to local United Nations partners.
Rwanda accused of backing rebels
South Kivu officials said Rwandan special forces and foreign mercenaries were operating in Uvira “in clear violation” of both the recent Washington accords and earlier ceasefire agreements reached in Doha, Qatar.
At the UN Security Council on Friday, US ambassador Mike Waltz accused Rwanda of leading the region “towards increased instability and war,” warning that Washington would hold spoilers to peace accountable.
Waltz said Rwanda has maintained strategic control of M23 since the group re-emerged in 2021, with between 5,000 and 7,000 Rwandan troops fighting alongside the rebels in Congo as of early December.
“Kigali has been intimately involved in planning and executing the war in eastern DRC,” Waltz told the UNSC, referring to Rwanda’s capital.
Rwanda’s UN ambassador denied the allegations, accusing the DRC of violating the ceasefire. Rwanda acknowledges having troops in eastern DRC but says they are there to safeguard its security, particularly against Hutu militia groups that fled across the border to Congo after Rwanda’s 1994 genocide.
The fall of Uvira has raised the alarm in neighbouring Burundi, which has deployed forces to the region. Burundi’s UN ambassador warned that “restraint has its limits,” saying continued attacks would make it difficult to avoid direct confrontation between the two countries.
More than 30,000 refugees have fled into Burundi in recent days.
The DRC’s foreign minister urged the UNSC to hold Rwanda accountable, saying “impunity has gone on for far too long”.
A report by the American Enterprise Institute’s Critical Threats project said Rwanda provided significant support to M23’s Uvira offensive, calling it the group’s most consequential operation since March.
Al Jazeera’s UN correspondent Kristen Saloomey said UNSC members were briefed by experts who noted that civilians in DRC are not benefitting from the recent agreements negotiated between Kinshasa and Kigali.
More than 100 armed groups are fighting for control of mineral-rich eastern DRC near the Rwandan border. The conflict has created one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises, with more than seven million people displaced across the region.
The M23 group is not party to the Washington-mediated negotiations between DRC and Rwanda, participating instead in separate talks with the Congolese government hosted by Qatar.
World
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