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The military conflict between India and Pakistan expanded in the days after the first airstrikes that followed a deadly terrorist attack last month on the Indian-controlled side of the disputed Kashmir region.
The confrontation was the latest escalation of a decades-long conflict over Kashmir, a scenic valley in the Himalayas that is wedged between the two nations. Kashmiris have rarely had a say in their own fate.
Here is a history of the dispute.
1947
Fraught Beginnings
Contention over Kashmir began nearly as soon as India and Pakistan were formed.
In 1947, Britain divided India, its former colony, into two countries. One was Pakistan, with a Muslim majority. The other, made up mostly of Hindus, kept the name India. But Kashmir’s fate was left undecided.
Within months, both India and Pakistan had laid claim to the territory. A military confrontation ensued. The Hindu ruler of Kashmir, who had at first refused to abdicate his sovereignty, agreed to make the region part of India in exchange for a security guarantee, after militias from Pakistan moved into parts of his territory.
What followed was the first war that India and Pakistan would fight over Kashmir.
Years later, in 1961, the former ruler of Kashmir passed away in Bombay. In an obituary, The New York Times summarized his decision to cede the territory to India in words that would prove true for decades to come. His actions, the article said, had contributed to “a continuing bitter dispute between India and Pakistan.”
1949
A Tenuous Cease-Fire
Militants killed 26 tourists on April 22
Militant attack
on April 22
Militant attack
on April 22
Militants killed 26 tourists on April 22
In January 1949, the first war between India and Pakistan over Kashmir concluded after the United Nations intervened to broker a cease-fire.
Under the terms of the cease-fire, a line was drawn dividing the territory. India would occupy about two-thirds of the area, and Pakistan the other third.
The dividing line was supposed to be temporary, pending a more permanent political settlement.
1965
War Breaks Out Again
Tensions were already high between India and Pakistan in the summer of 1965. There had been a skirmish between their forces along the border earlier in the year, in an area south of Kashmir.
When Pakistan conducted a covert offensive across Kashmir’s cease-fire line in August, the fighting quickly escalated into a full-scale war. The clash was short-lived — only about three weeks long — but bloody.
In January 1966, India and Pakistan signed an agreement to settle future disputes through peaceful means.
But the peace would not last.
1972
An Official Division
After a regional war in 1971 that led to the creation of Bangladesh, Pakistan and India decided to revisit the unsolved issue of Kashmir.
In December 1972, the countries announced that they had resolved the deadlock over Kashmir’s cease-fire line. But little changed besides the designation. The temporary cease-fire line from 1949 became an official “line of control.” Each country retained the section of Kashmir that it had already held for more than 20 years.
While the agreement did little to change the status quo in Kashmir, it came with an aspiration to improve the volatile relationship between India and Pakistan.
Reporting on the deal from New Delhi, a Times correspondent wrote of the two countries: “Official sources here indicated that they were satisfied with the settlement, which they said had been reached ‘in an atmosphere of goodwill and mutual understanding.’”
1987
The Rise of Insurgency
During a period of particular political turmoil — aggravated in 1987 by disputes over local elections that many thought were rigged — some Kashmiris turned to militancy, which Pakistan would eventually stoke and support.
Over the next decade or so, state police in Kashmir recorded tens of thousands of bombings, shootouts, abductions and rocket attacks.
That violence began to moderate around the 2000s, but the years of intense insurgency had further eroded the fragile relationship between Pakistan and India.
1999
Peace Talks Come Up Short
As a new millennium neared, India and Pakistan seemed poised to establish a more permanent peace.
In a gesture of goodwill, Pakistan’s prime minister hosted his Indian counterpart for a weekend of jocular diplomacy in February 1999. No Indian prime minister had visited Pakistan in a decade.
The summit — between the leaders of adversaries that each now had nuclear arms — produced signed documents affirming their mutual commitment to normalizing relations.
“We must bring peace to our people,” Pakistan’s prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, said at a news conference, as Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee of India smiled at his side. “We must bring prosperity to our people. We owe this to ourselves and to future generations.”
Three months later, their countries were at war. Again, Kashmir was the point of discord.
Fighting broke out after infiltrators from Pakistan seized positions within the Indian-administered part of Kashmir. India claimed that the infiltrators were Pakistani soldiers, which Western analysts would also come to believe. Pakistan denied that its forces were involved, insisting that independent freedom fighters were behind the operation.
The war ended when Mr. Sharif called for the infiltrators to withdraw (he maintained all along that they were not Pakistani forces and that Pakistan did not control them). A few months later, Mr. Sharif was deposed in a military coup led by a Pakistani general who, it was later determined, had directed the military incursion that started the war.
2019
India Cracks Down
After the war in 1999, Kashmir remained one of the world’s most militarized zones. Near-constant unrest in the territory brought India and Pakistan to the brink of war several times in the years that followed.
The last major flare-up was in 2019, when a bombing in Kashmir killed at least 40 Indian soldiers. Indian warplanes conducted airstrikes in Pakistan in retaliation, but the conflict de-escalated before becoming an all-out war.
A more lasting move came later that year, when the Indian government stripped Kashmir of a cherished status.
For all of Kashmir’s modern history — since its Hindu ruler acceded to India — the territory had enjoyed a degree of autonomy. Its relative independence was enshrined in India’s Constitution. But in August 2019, India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, rolled back Kashmir’s privileged status.
The crackdown came with a quick succession of draconian measures: Thousands of Indian troops surged into the territory. Internet connections were severed. Phone lines were cut. Mr. Modi’s government began directly administering the territory from New Delhi, and it imprisoned thousands of Kashmiris, including political leaders who had long sided with India in the face of separatist militancy.
The government’s heavy-handed approach stunned observers around the world. But the results, as far as India was concerned, justified the means. A new era of peace seemed to ensue. Acts of terrorism declined. Tourism flourished.
It was an illusion.
2025
A Terrorist Attack
On April 22, militants shot and killed 26 people, mostly tourists from different parts of India, near Pahalgam, Kashmir. Seventeen others were wounded. It was one of the worst terror attacks on Indian civilians in decades.
Almost immediately afterward, Indian officials suggested that Pakistan had been involved. Mr. Modi, the prime minister, vowed severe punishment for the attackers and those giving them safe haven, though he did not explicitly mention Pakistan. Pakistan swiftly denied involvement and said it was “ready to cooperate” with any international inquiry into the terrorist attack.
But India was not placated.
Its retaliatory move came on Wednesday. India said it struck sites in Pakistan and on Pakistan’s side of Kashmir, after it accused Pakistan of being involved in the April attack. Pakistan denied those claims and vowed to retaliate, and witnesses and Indian officials said that at least two Indian jets had crashed.
The clashes on Friday escalated into the two archrivals’ most expansive military conflict in decades. India said that Pakistan had launched attacks using drones and other weapons along its entire western border, while Pakistan rejected those claims. Shelling and gunfire was exchanged on both sides of the disputed border, blacking out towns and killing civilians.
Mujib Mashal, Salman Masood and John Yoon contributed reporting.
World
D-Day 82nd anniversary honoured in France
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On June 6, 1944, during World War II, nearly 160,000 Allied troops landed in Normandy, France, on what is known as ‘D-Day’, and they launched ‘Operation Overlord’ to liberate German-occupied Western Europe.
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Over 4,400 Allied troops were killed on that single day, and more than half of them were Americans. The exact number of German casualties on D-Day is not known, but it is estimated between 4,000 and 9,000 killed, wounded or missing.
This year commemorates the 82nd anniversary of the Normandy beach landings, with only a handful of war veterans still alive to tell the story. And six of those last veterans have made the journey to France to commemorate the landings at the British Normandy Memorial.
French Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu and the Pentagon’s second-in-command, Elbridge Colby, take part in the international ceremony at Langrune-sur-Mer on Saturday to honour those veterans.
US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth was also present at the ceremony and laid tributes at the American memorial honouring war veterans who took part in the invasion that helped change the course of the war.
Hegseth was joined at the ceremony by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Dan Caine, as well as other military personnel.
Referring to the servicemen who sacrificed their lives, Hegseth stated they “carried the hopes and prayers of a free world.”
“They crossed an ocean to fight for their country on a continent that they’d never seen, to save a people they did not know..()..Alongside the brave forces of Great Britain, Canada, France, Norway, Poland, and our other capable and steadfast allies, the United States military spearheaded a great crusade to shatter the Nazi war machine and liberate the continent,” Hegseth said.
UK Defence Secretary John Healey also paid his respects as he laid a wreath at the foot of the British Normandy Memorial, which lists 22,540 British names on its Roll of Honour.
As the largest seaborne military operation in history, D-Day launched with tens of thousands of troops landing simultaneously across 5 separate beaches in Normandy.
Following more than a year of intense strategic planning, the invasion was delayed by 24 hours due to severe storms, missing its original 5 June target date, which commanders chose to capitalise on rare optimal weather, low tides, and a full moon.
In military terminology, the “D” simply stands for “day”, marking the designated start date of a major operation.
World
Jodie Foster Says Martin Scorsese and Robert De Niro ‘Couldn’t Stop Giggling’ While Teaching Her How to Unzip a Fly on ‘Taxi Driver’ Set: ‘They Were Just So Nervous’
Jodie Foster reminisced about her time playing 12-year-old prostitute Iris in “Taxi Driver” alongside Martin Scorsese, Robert De Niro and Paul Schrader during the film’s 50th anniversary reunion at the Tribeca Festival. One memory that remains “seared in [her] memory” is arriving on set and finding Scorsese and De Niro unable to stop giggling as they tried to explain how to unzip De Niro’s pants for a provocative scene.
“Marty was trying to explain to me how I was supposed to pull down [De Niro’s] fly. They couldn’t stop giggling, and Bob’s like, ‘I’m gonna tell her.’ He would try to tell me what to do, and then he would start giggling,” Foster recalled Friday night at the OKX Theater in lower Manhattan. “They couldn’t give me a note because they were just so nervous that I was so young.”
As the laughter continued, Foster took matters into her own hands. “And I was like, ‘Well, you just want me to- okay, fine! First I pull down the fly, then I do this and I walk over there. What’s the big deal?’”
Half a century later, Foster’s confidence and command of a room remain intact. One of the night’s biggest laughs came when she politely (and directly) called out Schrader for beginning to answer a question without using his microphone. “He might be sitting on it!” Scorsese quipped. (Sure enough, he was).
This self-assurance is what impressed Scorsese the moment they met in his office before production began on the 1974 comedy “Alice Doesn’t Live Here Anymore.” Foster was just 11 years old and still wearing her school uniform, but she made it clear that she already had eight years of acting experience under her belt.
“You just sat down [and said], ‘Yeah, I can do that. Okay, I got it. No problem,’” Scorsese recalled, mimicking her matter-of-fact attitude. “‘What are you doing next?’” he asked, to which she said, ‘Oh, I’m doing this other thing over at Disney.’” Foster giggled beside him, scrunching her shoulders and squirming in her seat as if she transported back to Scorsese’s set all those years ago. “She had an authority — I’m not kidding — an authority,” Scorsese concluded. “She was really quite supportive, if you could put it that way, because it was a hard shoot.”
During her January cover story interview with Variety, Foster said she’s always found working with male directors “kind of simple.” Her philosophy, as she put it: “You tell me what you want; I do it.” Her passion for cinema began with trips to the theater alongside her mother, where she was introduced to European, French New Wave and Japanese cinema. Yet it was De Niro’s slow-motion saunter into Tony’s bar in “Mean Streets” (set to the beat of Rolling Stones’ “Jumpin’ Jack Flash”) that crystallized her ambitions.
“The truth is, I saw ‘Mean Streets’ when I was a kid … and that was it,” Foster said, smiling toward De Niro. “I just wanted to be a part of this. Anything that you would have offered me, I would have done.” She then sprang from her seat and turned toward Scorsese. “In fact, I think I tried to be an extra in ‘New York, New York,’ but it didn’t work out because I was under 16 and they wouldn’t let me work at night.”
And then, moderator W. Kamau Bell said, “you did ‘Taxi Driver.’”
World
Jeff Bartos says UN reform is no longer an ‘oxymoron’ after $570M in cuts
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UNITED NATIONS — When Jeff Bartos appeared before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 2025 for his confirmation hearing, he was warned that the job he was seeking might not exist.
The Pennsylvania businessman, former political candidate and endurance athlete had been nominated by President Donald Trump to serve as U.S. ambassador for United Nations Management and Reform — a title that has long sounded aspirational in a building famous for bureaucracy.
During his confirmation hearing, Bartos recalled being greeted with a dose of skepticism.
“UN reform? That’s an oxymoron if I’ve ever heard one,” lawmakers told him.
TRUMP ADMINISTRATION COULD LEAD TO BUDGET CUTS, LEADERSHIP SHAKEUP AT UN
When Jeff Bartos appeared before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 2025 for his confirmation hearing, he was warned that the job he was seeking might not exist. (Eduardo Munoz/Reuters)
Less than a year later, Bartos believes the impossible is beginning to happen.
In an exclusive interview with Fox News Digital, the Trump administration official laid out an ambitious campaign to reshape an institution critics say has become bloated, inefficient and increasingly disconnected from its founding mission.
The effort comes at a pivotal moment for the United Nations. The stakes extend well beyond budgets. As the U.N. confronts a cash crunch, prepares to choose its next secretary-general and faces growing scrutiny from the administration, the debate over reform has become a battle over the institution’s future: whether it remains on its current course or undergoes its most significant restructuring in decades.
UN FACES SEVERE CASH CRISIS AS TRUMP ADMIN RAMPS UP PRESSURE ON WORLD BODY
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Mike Waltz speaks during a United Nations Security Council meeting at U.N. headquarters in New York City on Feb. 28, 2026, following U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran. (Heather Khalifa/Reuters)
Secretary-General António Guterres has repeatedly warned of a growing liquidity crisis as the organization struggles with delayed member-state payments, including billions owed by the United States. At the same time, the Trump administration has made clear that future funding and support will be increasingly tied to reforms.
Bartos argues that pressure is already producing results.
Sitting at the U.N. headquarters, he points to what he calls historic achievements: roughly $570 million cut from the U.N.’s regular budget and 2,900 positions eliminated through negotiations among all 193 member states.
“Again, never happened before in 80 years,” Bartos said.
“$570 million cut to the regular budget, approximately 3,000 posts cut. Unanimity. That’s by consensus. All 193 countries had to come together.”
For Bartos, the achievement is particularly striking because many diplomats viewed meaningful reform as impossible.
AMBASSADOR MIKE WALTZ LAYS OUT ‘AMERICA FIRST’ VISION FOR US LEADERSHIP AT THE UN
As the U.N. confronts a cash crunch, prepares to choose its next secretary-general and faces growing scrutiny from the administration, the debate over reform has become a battle over the institution’s future. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
“I promised you we wouldn’t let you down,” he recalled telling Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Jim Risch months after his confirmation.
The reforms represent only what Bartos describes as a “down payment.” The next phase is already underway.
As member states negotiate peacekeeping budgets for the coming year, the administration is pushing to reduce spending, streamline missions and eliminate programs it believes no longer serve their intended purpose.
One example, Bartos said, involves changing how the U.N. reimburses countries that contribute equipment to peacekeeping missions.
Previously, reimbursement was largely based on whether equipment was present.
“The methodology that the U.N. used to reimburse troop-contributing countries for equipment was: ‘Is it there?’” Bartos said.
The United States pushed for a simple change: “You get reimbursed when the equipment is put into action to do work.”
The reform could save roughly $30 million annually, according to U.S. estimates.
For Bartos, however, the dollar figure matters less than what it represents.
“It’s a culture change,” he said. “Being efficient, being respectful of every dollar, thinking about the taxpayers who fund all this.”
That mindset is driving the administration’s next major targets: employee compensation and pensions.
Bartos argues that the U.N.’s pension system and benefits structure consume resources that could otherwise be directed toward humanitarian operations.
Not everyone at the United Nations agrees with Bartos’ assessment. U.N. officials argue that many of the reforms predate the Trump administration and were already being pursued under Secretary-General António Guterres.
“From day one, the Secretary-General has been committed to reforms,” U.N. spokesman Stéphane Dujarric told Fox News Digital and added, “A few days ago, on 28 May, the Secretary-General told Member States that they need to act on structural reform, saying, “Genuine reform requires tough choices. This is no time for complacency, self-interest, or foot-dragging.”
FORMER HIGH-LEVEL UNITED NATIONS OFFICIALS TO LAUNCH ‘DOGE-UN’ TO HIGHLIGHT AGENCY INEFFICIENCIES
A view of the United Nations Headquarters building in New York City, United States on July 16, 2024. (Jakub Porzycki/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
The UN80 initiative is Guterres’ flagship reform effort, aimed at cutting duplication, reviewing mandates and making the UN system more efficient.
Still, Bartos argues the pace and scope of reform changed dramatically once the United States began applying pressure through budget negotiations and funding discussions.
“The U.N. is at a decision point,” Bartos told Fox News Digital.
The debate comes as the organization faces mounting financial pressure. Dujarric said Guterres remains deeply concerned about ongoing liquidity challenges caused by delayed payments from member states, including the United States.
“Unlike a government, the U.N. cannot borrow or print money,” Dujarric said, warning that the organization is expected to execute programs with funds it has not received while also returning unused funds at the end of the year.
Earlier in 2026, Guterres urged member states either to pay their assessed contributions in full and on time or overhaul the U.N.’s financial rules to prevent what he described as the risk of financial collapse.
The reforms are unfolding as the U.N. begins preparing for one of the most consequential transitions in years: the search for a successor to Guterres, whose term expires at the end of 2026.
According to Bartos, reform has become a central topic in discussions with prospective candidates.
The administration hopes the next secretary-general will embrace efforts to reduce bureaucracy and return the institution to what Bartos repeatedly describes as a “back-to-basics” approach.
The challenge, he acknowledges, is enormous.
Yet Bartos insists the experience has prepared him in unexpected ways.
Before entering government, he completed two Ironman triathlons while balancing work and family life.
“It’s discipline, planning, prioritization,” he said. “It’s not dissimilar to budget negotiations.”
The comparison may sound unusual, but it reflects how Bartos views the job: not as a sprint, but as an endurance race requiring patience, persistence and long-term thinking.
The mission also carries a personal dimension.
TRUMP REMOVES US FROM UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL, BANS UNRWA FUNDING
Bartos argues that the UN’s pension system and benefits structure consume resources that could otherwise be directed toward humanitarian operations. (Heather Khalifa/AP Photo)
After two unsuccessful statewide campaigns in Pennsylvania — first as the Republican nominee for lieutenant governor in 2018 and later as a candidate in the state’s 2022 Republican Senate primary — Bartos said he had largely stepped away from politics before returning to public service following the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel.
Bartos recalled his wife urging him to get involved: “You’ve spent your life working on these issues. You need to do something.”
He ultimately joined efforts to help elect Trump and later accepted the U.N. role.
Now, after tackling what many considered the first impossible mission — reforming the United Nations — Bartos is preparing for what may prove an even harder challenge.
Bartos said he was recently tasked by U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Mike Waltz with helping lead efforts to combat what the administration views as entrenched anti-Israel bias across the U.N. system, including agencies, special rapporteurs and investigative bodies.
The debate intensified following the publication of the U.N. secretary-general’s annual report on conflict-related sexual violence, which added Israeli security forces to the report’s blacklist of parties credibly suspected of patterns of sexual violence in armed conflict. Israel rejected the allegations and announced it would suspend engagement with Secretary-General António Guterres’ office.
ISRAEL ACCUSES UN OF PLACING IT ON SAME SEXUAL VIOLENCE BLACKLIST AS HAMAS TERRORISTS, SEVERS TIES
President Donald Trump addresses the 74th United Nations General Assembly at the United Nations Headquarters Sept. 24, 2019, during his first term. (AAnthony Behar/Sipa USA)
Responding to the report, Waltz told Fox News Digital that the UN has failed to address what he described as a longstanding pattern of institutional antisemitism.
“The U.N. was built in the wake of World War II and the Holocaust, and yet, remarkably, it continues to be weaponized against the Jewish people and Israel,” Waltz said. “Whether it’s a U.N. official regularly referencing Israel as a ‘stain on humanity’ and attacking American companies for doing business with Israel, or reports that spread misinformation and propaganda, this antisemitism is completely unacceptable.”
“It’s been over a year since the secretary general signed off on an ‘action plan’ to fight antisemitism at the institution — it would be nice if the institution actually used it,” he added.
Bartos argues that anti-Israel bias has become embedded across multiple U.N. bodies and says the administration is working to dismantle what he calls that infrastructure through diplomacy, funding decisions and engagement with the next generation of U.N. leadership.
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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses the 80th United Nations General Assembly at U.N. headquarters in New York City on Sept. 26, 2025, with many seats empty. (Caitlin Ochs/Reuters)
“There is not a day that goes by that we’re not working on that,” Bartos said.
The United Nations rejects accusations that it has ignored antisemitism within its ranks.
Dujarric told Fox News Digital that the secretary-general launched a formal Action Plan to Combat Antisemitism in January 2025 aimed at tracking antisemitism within U.N. structures and evaluating whether the organization’s policies and actions are effectively addressing the problem.
Dujarric also disputed suggestions that Guterres directly controls some of the U.N. bodies most frequently criticized by Israel and its supporters.
“The U.N. mechanisms that you allude to, including human rights mechanisms, are created by and accountable to Member States,” Dujarric said. “The Secretary-General has no authority over them.”
“It is very important for Member States to actively engage in these mechanisms if they have concerns about their content and tone,” he added.
“The U.N. is at a decision point,” Bartos concluded.
Whether the institution changes enough to satisfy its largest financial contributor remains one of the most consequential questions facing the organization — and the man charged with answering it insists the work is only beginning.
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