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A Massacre Threatens Darfur — Again

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A Massacre Threatens Darfur — Again

This is one of the biggest cities in Darfur, a region once synonymous with genocide. Now, it is on the brink of another catastrophe.

A video shows a neighborhood on fire.

Using the same scorched-earth tactics that horrified the world two decades ago, fighters have torched thousands of homes and forced tens of thousands to flee.

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Satellite imagery shows several active fires burning in different structures in a neighborhood.

A civil war is ripping apart Sudan, one of Africa’s largest countries.

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Tens of thousands have been killed, millions scattered and an enormous famine looms, setting off one of the world’s biggest humanitarian crises.

The city of El Fasher, home to 1.8 million people, is now at the center of global alarm. If it falls, officials warn, there may be little to stop a massacre.

Fighters battling Sudan’s military for control of the country have encircled the city. Gunfights rage. Hospitals have closed. Residents are running out of food.

The advancing fighters are known as the Rapid Support Forces — the successors to the notorious Janjaweed militias that slaughtered ethnic African tribes in Darfur in the 2000s. Last week, the U.N. Security Council demanded that they “halt the siege” of the city.

Yet a New York Times examination of satellite imagery and video from El Fasher make one thing clear:

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The assault is intensifying.

Fighters battling the military often film themselves celebrating as neighborhoods burn on their push to the city center.

Videos show R.S.F. fighters in vehicles on a main road in El Fasher and celebrating as a neighborhood burns.

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As the fighters closed in, more than 40 villages were burned near El Fasher since the beginning of April.
Some were deliberately razed. Others may have caught fire in clashes with government forces.

Sources: Yale Humanitarian Research Lab (communities); Thomas van Linge (R.S.F. control)

A map shows the 43 villages that were damaged or destroyed.

More than 20,000 buildings have been damaged or destroyed since the military’s rivals — the Rapid Support Forces, or R.S.F. — seized the east of the city.

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Sources: Yale Humanitarian Research Lab (burned area); UNOSAT (buildings)

A map shows the large burned areas in eastern and southern El Fasher.

With both sides imposing restrictions on aid, only a trickle of humanitarian relief — around 22 trucks for a city of 1.8 million — has reached El Fasher in the past three months.

A map shows where aid used to come into the city before the fighting.

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Even before this battle, about 500,000 people had been living in displacement camps in and around the city, some for decades. Now famine threatens and the two camps in the north are engulfed by fighting.

A map shows the three largest displaced camps in El Fasher. Zamzam, the most populous, is south of the city.

At the Zamzam camp south of the city, one child dies from hunger every two hours, Doctors Without Borders said in February.

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A woman and her baby in Zamzam camp wait alongside other women and their babies in a photo from January 2024.

The Times analyzed videos and satellite images of El Fasher, along with imagery analysis from the Yale Humanitarian Research Lab and the Sudan Witness Project at the Centre for Information Resilience, a nonprofit organization that documents potential war crimes.

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The evidence shows that thousands of homes have been systematically razed and that tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee. Videos show the demeaning treatment of captives and the presence of a senior Rapid Support Forces commander recently singled out by U.S. sanctions for his role in atrocities against civilians.

On June 8, a major hospital run by Doctors Without Borders was forced to shut down after the military’s rivals stormed the compound, firing their weapons and looting equipment, including an ambulance.

Videos show R.S.F. fighters storming a major hospital and stealing an ambulance.

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Videos posted in recent weeks show the military’s rivals rounding up and interrogating people. Some were whipped and forced to make animal noises.

A video shows the R.S.F. rounding up men, and another clip shows them making kneeling men make animal noises.

Other videos showed heavy clashes in the streets, as well as the bodies of fighters apparently killed in combat.

Videos show R.S.F. troops fighting in the streets, as well as a body in the street.

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As the violence spreads, aid workers say civilians are fleeing west and to other parts of Darfur. Those going east have walked up to 180 miles in search of safety, often in temperatures reaching more than 120 degrees Fahrenheit.

A map shows the route that many displaced people are taking away from El Fasher to the east and southeast, the direction from El Fasher not currently held by the R.S.F.

A growing number of women say they were sexually assaulted on the journey.
Watching the arrivals is “truly heart-wrenching,” said a doctor with the aid group Care in East Darfur.

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A photo shows people evacuating El Fasher.

As the International Criminal Court appeals for evidence of atrocities, the fighters are making little effort to hide their actions. In this video, a Rapid Support Forces patch is clearly visible.

An R.S.F. patch is clearly visible in a video.

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The Sudanese military, too, has faced accusations of war crimes, mostly for the indiscriminate bombing of civilian areas with artillery and airstrikes. On May 11, Doctors Without Borders said, the military bombed an area next to a children’s hospital.

‘Precipice’ of a massacre

The siege of El Fasher has disturbing echoes of Rapid Support Forces tactics elsewhere in Darfur, where assaults were accompanied by ethnic slaughter, experts say.

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Last fall, when the fighters captured El Geneina, near Sudan’s border with Chad, as many as 15,000 people were killed in a matter of days, U.N. investigators found.

Now El Fasher residents fear a repeat.

Note: 2024 imagery includes some imagery from the next month, in April. Source: Satellite imagery from Airbus via Google Earth

Longstanding ethnic tensions have underpinned the violence in Darfur for decades. Just as the Arab-dominated Janjaweed carried out a genocidal campaign against ethnic Africans in the 2000s, the Rapid Support Forces are targeting them now, with international warnings that a genocide could happen again.

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In April, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the American ambassador to the U.N., warned that El Fasher was “on the precipice of a large-scale massacre.”

Aid supplies choked

El Fasher is not just a city under siege. It is also a hub for relief aid in a region hurtling toward famine.

Already 1.7 million people are starving in Darfur, the U.N. says. Now, the consequences of the war are rippling across the region, which is the size of Spain.

Food and medicine are running short in East Darfur, where tens of thousands fled the fighting, because the supply route through El Fasher has been cut off, aid workers say. And in Central Darfur, some food prices doubled after commercial traders could no longer operate, according to Islamic Relief, an aid group working there.

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The crisis is compounded by a severe lack of funds. The United Nations issued an emergency appeal for $2.7 billion. It has received less than a fifth of that.

American officials accuse both sides in the civil war of using hunger as a weapon.

Commanders Accused of Crimes

Several R.S.F. commanders who led campaigns elsewhere in Sudan joined the fight for El Fasher, according to videos verified by The Times and the Sudan Witness Project. They include Ali Yagoub Gibril, the R.S.F. commander for Central Darfur state, who was sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury in May for his role in violence that caused civilian casualties. He was killed on June 14, according to Sudan’s military.

Ali Yagoub Gibril (left) and Al Zeer Salem (right), another prominent R.S.F. commander, in two videos from El Fasher posted to social media.

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Broadcasting the presence of prominent leaders signifies the importance of El Fasher to the R.S.F. But it could also demonstrate their responsibility for atrocities, said Matthew Gillett, a senior lecturer at the University of Essex who previously worked at international criminal courts.

Videos showing R.S.F. leaders in close proximity to attacks on civilians “could help show the commanders’ awareness and command and control at the time,” Mr. Gillett said, even if the attacks were committed by their subordinates.

“The videos from El Fasher could become critical evidence in future trials for crimes in Darfur.”

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Video: How a Day of Mayhem Unfolded in Mexico

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Video: How a Day of Mayhem Unfolded in Mexico
The Times reporter Maria Abi-Habib describes the surge of violence in Mexico that erupted after a government raid killed the powerful cartel boss known as El Mencho.

By Maria Abi-Habib, Leila Medina, Rebecca Suner, Devon Lum, Pablo Robles and Stephanie Swart

February 24, 2026

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Americans recount chaos as Mexico unrest subsides after cartel boss death

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Americans recount chaos as Mexico unrest subsides after cartel boss death

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MEXICO CITY: Firsthand accounts are emerging from Americans trapped by this week’s cartel-related violence in Mexico following the death of cartel boss Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, known as “El Mencho.”

As news spread of the Jalisco New Generation cartel (CJNG) cartel boss’s murder, reports described armed clashes between rival criminal organizations and Mexican security forces, as well as coordinated vehicle burnings and temporary highway blockades. Mexican authorities say that such operations are often linked to internal cartel disputes or targeted law enforcement actions.

With the situation improving, Americans in the tourist area of Puerto Vallarta and beyond shared their experiences of the violent scenes they were caught up in.

A soldier stands guard by a charred vehicle after it was set on fire in Cointzio, Michoacán state, Mexico, Sunday, Feb. 22, 2026, after the death of the leader of the Jalisco New Generation cartel, Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, known as “El Mencho.” (Armando Solis/AP Photo)

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“My group was seven people, and we were on our way to the main port in Puerto Vallarta with a local shuttle driver when we saw a bus stopped horizontally across the road in front of us. At first, we thought it was an accident, but then we saw people running full speed away from the bus,” Colorado resident Scott Posilkin told Fox News Digital.

“As we were trying to register what was happening, we saw a man with a gun come around the far side of the bus. He waved it at us and gave us a hand signal to turn around, which we immediately did. We tried to head in the opposite direction, but we encountered another burning car, which left us essentially trapped between the two.”

He continued, “We went down to the only beach we could access. One of the locals advised us that the safest place for us would be out on the water. We took a tender boat out to the snorkeling boat we were supposed to be on and stayed there for a few hours. From the water, we could see what looked like much of the town burning.”

Posilkin said, “Getting a boat back to shore took a long time, and at one point we even considered swimming because there was no one on the beach to come get us. The captain said he had never seen the beach empty like that in his life, and he grew up there. We eventually flagged down a passing tender that brought us to shore. There were cartel members on a motorcycle who yelled ‘Viva Mexico’ at us, but we did not feel that they were threatening us in any way. Both our shuttle driver and the locals assured us that the cartel was not interested in harming Americans and that it was still safest for us to get home that way.”

A burned-out bus in the Puerto Vallarta area of Mexico. (Photo courtesy of Scott Posilkin)

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Posilkin gave credit to the locals for their help and support. “I want to emphasize how above and beyond the locals went to help us during an incredibly stressful situation. Everyone we interacted with — from our boat captain to our shuttle driver — had grown up here, and none of them had ever seen anything like this before… More than anything, I feel bad for the locals. Tourism is their livelihood, and I worry about the impact this will have on them. This experience hasn’t changed my love for travel or for Mexico, though it was a serious ordeal.”

TROOPS REINFORCE PUERTO VALLARTA AS UNREST SHOWS SIGNS OF EASING FOLLOWING EL MENCHO’S DEATH

Tourists walk past a burned shop in Puerto Vallarta, Jalisco state, Mexico, on Feb. 24, 2026, after cartel-linked violence erupted following the death of Jalisco New Generation cartel leader Nemesio “El Mencho” Oseguera Cervantes. (Alfredo Estrella/AFP via Getty Images)

Rodolfo Flores, an American citizen and executive in the energy sector talked to Fox News Digital: “Although it wasn’t one of the worst-affected areas, on Sunday I saw a convenience store in Querétaro that had been burned down with a Molotov bomb.”

He said, “On the way to Mexico City, we saw cars and trucks that had been set on fire. This is just one example of how vulnerable we are, and it’s astonishing how these criminal organizations can terrorize the population. The authorities are to blame for allowing them to grow and expand with highly effective criminal cells.”

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Security analysts note that cartel violence often intensifies following high-profile arrests, internal leadership disputes, or shifts in territorial control. Public displays of force — such as coordinated blockades or attacks on infrastructure — can serve as demonstrations of operational capacity.

Smoke rises after violence hit Puerto Vallarta, Mexico. (Photo courtesy of Scott Posilkin)

Another American, who asked to remain anonymous for security reasons, told Fox News Digital, “I left Coalcoman Michoacan on Sunday at 11:00 a.m. when the chaos began. As I left town, I saw them burning cars and trucks, pulling people out of their vehicles, and setting them on fire. Luckily, I managed to escape and cross the mountains; it’s a mountainous region. All along the way, I kept seeing burning cars and armed people. I was fortunate that they didn’t stop me,” he said.

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“I made it all the way to Colima and then to Guadalajara. Later, things got worse in my town. I heard they started burning gas stations and set fire to a supermarket. They closed off the town so people couldn’t get in or out.”

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On Tuesday afternoon, the U.S. Embassy in Mexico posted an update stating that “U.S. citizens are no longer urged to shelter in place.” 

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Why Indian PM Modi’s Israel visit matters for Pakistan’s security

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Why Indian PM Modi’s Israel visit matters for Pakistan’s security

Islamabad, Pakistan – When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi stepped off the plane in Tel Aviv on Wednesday for his second visit to Israel, and the first by any Indian premier since his own landmark trip in 2017, the symbolism was unmistakable.

He was given a red-carpet welcome by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a head of government who is facing an International Criminal Court arrest warrant and prosecuting a war in Gaza that much of the world has condemned as genocide.

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Yet Modi’s visit signalled not hesitation, but a wholehearted endorsement to expand India’s strategic embrace of Israel.

Days before his arrival, Netanyahu announced at a cabinet meeting what he described as a “hexagon of alliances”, a proposed regional framework placing India at its centre alongside Greece, Cyprus and unnamed Arab, African and Asian states.

Its declared purpose was to counter what he called “radical axes, both the radical Shia axis, which we have struck very hard, and the emerging radical Sunni axis”.

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In a region where Turkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been among Israel’s most outspoken critics, and where Saudi Arabia and Pakistan formalised a Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement in September 2025 – all three Sunni-majority nations – the outline of what Tel Aviv may view as this “axis” is not difficult to discern.

Against that backdrop, India’s deepening alignment with Israel directly impacts – and could reshape – Islamabad’s strategic calculus in an already volatile region, say analysts.

Expanding defence and technology ties

The India-Israel relationship has accelerated sharply since Modi’s 2017 visit. India is now Israel’s largest arms customer, and the agenda this week spans defence, artificial intelligence, quantum computing and cybersecurity.

A new classified framework is expected to open exports from Israel of previously restricted military hardware to India. Among the systems reportedly under discussion is Israel’s Iron Beam, a 100kW-class high-energy laser weapon inducted into the Israeli army in December 2025. Cooperation on Iron Dome missile defence technology transfer for local manufacturing is also under consideration.

For Masood Khan, Pakistan’s former ambassador to both the United States and the United Nations, the visit marks a decisive moment.

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“News coming out suggests they are going to sign a special strategic agreement, one that could be seen as a counterpart to the agreement signed by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia last year,” he said. “Israel already has such special agreements with countries like the US and Germany.”

Masood Khalid, a former Pakistani ambassador to China, pointed to this military dimension.

“We saw how Israeli drones worked in the India-Pakistan conflict against us last year,” he said, referring to India’s use of Israeli-origin platforms during the May 2025 strikes against Pakistan, when the South Asian neighbours waged an intense four-day aerial war. “Public statements from both sides speak of strengthening strategic cooperation – particularly in defence, counterterrorism, cybersecurity and AI.”

India’s defence ties with Israel are no one-way street any more. During Israel’s war on Gaza in 2024, Indian arms firms supplied rockets and explosives to Tel Aviv, an Al Jazeera investigation confirmed.

Umer Karim, an associate fellow at the Riyadh-based King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, sees the partnership as part of a wider recalibration.

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“It is clear that India has entered into a strategic partnership with Israel, and at a time when both governments have been criticised for their actions, this bilateral relationship has become increasingly important for both,” he told Al Jazeera.

Netanyahu’s ‘hexagon’ and Pakistan

Netanyahu’s hexagon proposal remains undefined. He has promised an “organised presentation” at a later date.

While Israel believes it has weakened what the Israeli PM described as the “Shia axis” through its 2024-2025 campaign against Iran-aligned groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas, the “emerging radical Sunni axis” is less clearly articulated.

Analysts suggest it could refer to states and movements aligned with strands of political Islam and sharply critical of Israeli policy, including Turkiye and countries that have strengthened security ties with Riyadh and Ankara, as Pakistan has. Pakistan is also the only Muslim nation with nuclear weapons – something that has long worried Israel: In the 1980s, Israel tried to recruit India for a joint military operation against a nuclear facility in Pakistan, but backed off the plan after New Delhi abstained.

Karim was convinced about Pakistan’s place in Netanyahu’s crosshairs.

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“Absolutely, Pakistan is part of this so-called radical Sunni axis,” he said, arguing that Pakistan’s strategic agreement with Riyadh and its close ties with Turkiye directly affect Israel’s calculations. “In order to counter this, Israel will increase its defence cooperation and intel sharing with Delhi.”

Khalid pointed to longstanding intelligence links.

“Intelligence sharing between Indian RAW and Israeli Mossad dates back to the sixties. So their strengthened interaction in this domain should be of serious concern for us,” he said, referring to the external intelligence agencies of India and Israel.

Others urge caution. Gokhan Ereli, an Ankara-based independent Gulf researcher, argued that Pakistan is unlikely to be an explicit target within Israel’s framing.

“In this context, Pakistan is more plausibly affected indirectly, through the alignment of Israeli, Indian and Western threat narratives, than being singled out as a destabilising actor in its own right,” he told Al Jazeera.

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Khan, the former ambassador, agreed.

“I don’t perceive a direct threat, but the latent animosity is there. And when Modi is in Tel Aviv, he will try to poison Netanyahu and other leaders there to think about Pakistan in a hostile way,” he said.

Muhammad Shoaib, assistant professor of international relations at Quaid-i-Azam University, echoed that assessment.

“India’s close relations with Israel are likely to negatively impact Tel Aviv’s perception and statements on Pakistan,” he said.

The Gulf balancing act

Perhaps the most complex arena for Pakistan is the Gulf. For decades, it has relied on Gulf partners for financial support, including rolled-over loans and remittances that form a crucial pillar of its economy.

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Pakistan signed a mutual defence agreement with Saudi Arabia in September last year [File: Press Information Department via AP Photo]

After signing the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement with Saudi Arabia last September, discussions have intensified about Turkiye joining a similar framework. Yet the United Arab Emirates, one of Pakistan’s closest Gulf partners, signed a strategic agreement with India in January 2026.

Khalid called for deeper economic integration to underpin these ties.

“Pakistan is doing well to strengthen its bilateral ties with key Middle East countries, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar and Kuwait,” he said, “but apart from GCC, Pakistan also needs to promote regional cooperation, particularly with countries of Central Asia, Turkiye, Iran and Russia. Geoeconomics through greater trade and connectivity should be the basis of this regional cooperation.” The Gulf Cooperation Council consists of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

Complicating matters further is Iran’s central role in current regional tensions. With Washington threatening potential military action against Iran, and Israel pressing for regime change in Tehran, Pakistan has quietly sought to ease tensions by arguing for diplomacy.

“But there are two main parties – Iran and the US – and then, most importantly, Israel, which doesn’t just limit its demands to a nuclear deal,” Khan, the former diplomat said. “It wants to expand to Iran’s missile defence capabilities and regional alliances, and that may well be a sticking point. Pakistan’s aspiration is to contribute to efforts to find a diplomatic solution.”

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Strategic contest

Ultimately, Pakistan’s policymakers must assess whether ties with Saudi Arabia and Turkiye are strong enough to offset the expanding India-Israel partnership.

Modi and Netanyahu frame their security doctrines around countering what they describe as “Islamic radicalism”. New Delhi has repeatedly accused Pakistan of fomenting violence against India.

Yet Khan argued that Islamabad is not without leverage.

“We have built a firewall around us by pushing back Indian aggression in May 2025, and by strengthening our ties with the US over the last year,” he said.

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