Washington
Washington state debuts racist home loans program, furthers divide
Washington State’s new Covenant Homeownership Program has been in effect for just over a month, offering an advantage of home ownership based purely on race. It is a classic example of the misguided, feel-good policies that perpetuate division rather than solve the problems they claim to address. Indeed, this is nothing more than a racist home loans program.
On the surface, the Covenant Homeownership Program, which offers zero-interest loans to individuals from “historically marginalized communities,” might seem like a noble attempt to right the wrongs of past discrimination. It earned celebratory media coverage this month and earlier in the year. However, when you dig deeper, it becomes clear that this initiative is more about virtue signaling and less about fostering genuine equality. Under the eligibility guidelines, a loan recipient doesn’t even have to establish they or their family have been the victims of discrimination. It’s their race alone that deems them a victim of oppression, a common belief amongst progressives.
The program gives up to $150,000 in zero-interest loans for down payments and closing costs to first-time homebuyers who can trace their ancestry to people who lived in Washington before 1968 and belong to a specified marginalized racial group. You must be either black, Hispanic, Native American, Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander, Korean or Asian Indian. Though Jews were subject to restrictive covenants, Democrats in the state legislature did not deem them worthy of access to their housing loan program. Jews are considered privileged white people by the Radical Left.
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What is the racist home loan program supposed to do?
The Washington State Housing Finance Commission, which handles administration for the Covenant Homeownership Program, claims the loans will help bridge the wealth gap created by discriminatory housing practices of the past. But is this really the solution, or is it just another layer of racial preference that excludes people based solely on the color of their skin?
One of the most troubling aspects of this program is its assumption that people today are victims of racism simply because their ancestors might have been. The idea that one’s eligibility for financial assistance should be tied to their race is as racist as the policies they claim made it less likely for these loan applicants to afford a home to begin with. It perpetuates the notion that people are defined by their racial background rather than their individual circumstances; that a poor white or Jewish family is still better off than a wealthy black or Hispanic family.
This program divides us further rather than bringing us together, creating resentment for those in need who are left out because they’re not from a demographic Democrats can exploit for political power. It’s no wonder why Democrats are struggling, especially nationally, amongst low-income working white families.
You don’t even have to show you’re the victim of racism
The program doesn’t require applicants to demonstrate that they’ve personally suffered from discrimination; their race is enough to qualify them. This not only undermines the principle of individual responsibility but also disregards the many non-minority families who have struggled to achieve homeownership due to financial hardships unrelated to race. By focusing solely on race, the Covenant Homeownership Program ignores the complex socio-economic factors that affect all potential homebuyers, regardless of their racial background.
Moreover, the criteria for eligibility are shockingly exclusionary.
If you’re a white family that’s struggled for generations to make ends meet in Battle Ground or Sultan, too bad. The program’s benefits are explicitly not for you. This is a program designed to benefit some at the expense of others based purely on the color of their skin—a notion that runs counter to the ideals of equality and fairness that should guide public policy.
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What’s the actual impact of the racist home loans program?
According to the Washington State Housing Finance Commission, which operates the program, only 19 applicants had the loans closed (including 16 black and one Hispanic applicants). In a state with millions of residents, this hardly seems like a sweeping success. If the goal was to make a substantial impact on homeownership disparities, this program is clearly not the answer. Instead, it’s an expensive exercise in virtue signaling that will help a select few while doing little to address the broader issues at play.
There’s also a glaring problem with the racist home loans program. It makes it easier for a family to buy a home it can’t afford and benefits people who can afford a home without the interest-free loan.
Under the program, an applicant is eligible if they make up to the Area Median Income (AMI) of the county they’re purchasing a home in. If a household makes a combined $65,000 in King County (AMI $147,400), and has little in savings, it likely doesn’t make sense to purchase a home yet. If the household makes $147,000 and has a healthy savings account, they likely don’t even need the assistance, even if they’d like to have it (who wouldn’t?).
The program is also incredibly expensive. Each loan is worth up to $150,000, and while it’s interest-free, it still needs to be repaid eventually. But who’s footing the bill in the meantime? Washington taxpayers, many of whom will never qualify for this assistance because they don’t meet the program’s racial criteria. This is a redistribution of wealth based on race, plain and simple, and it’s both unfair and unsustainable.
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Home loans program based on racism to address past racism we assume impacted wealth
The justification for this racist home loans program rests on the idea that past discrimination has left minority groups without the generational wealth to buy homes today. While it’s true that discriminatory practices in the past have had lasting effects on some, it’s not fact for all. Generational wealth is also not mandatory for home ownership. And a solution should not be to create new forms of racial discrimination in the present.
Instead, we should focus on policies that help all low-income families, regardless of race, to achieve homeownership. Programs that offer financial education, credit counseling, and, to the extent necessary, assistance with down payments should be available to anyone who needs them, not just those who belong to a specific racial group that the politicians in power need to placate in order to stay in power.
Washington’s Covenant Homeownership Program is a misguided attempt to address historical wrongs through present-day racial preferences. In 50 years, will we need another program to undo the injustices this current program creates? True equality comes from treating everyone with fairness and respect, not by doling out benefits based on the color of one’s skin.
Washington State should rethink this program and instead focus on initiatives that help all families, regardless of race, achieve the American Dream of homeownership (I will admit that it’s at least refreshing that this program makes it harder for the Radical Left to claim home ownership is steeped in “white supremacy culture.”) The path to equality is not through exclusion, but through inclusivity (that other buzzword progressives love to throw around) that uplifts everyone.
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Washington
Bobby Gould’s Final 2024 Commanders 53-Man Roster
With three preseason games down, it’s time to starting culling the roster in advance of Washington’s first regular season game, against the Buccaneers. Below is my prediction of the final 53, and much of the practice squad.
Offense (24):
Quarterback (2):
In the first season of the Dan Quinn regime, the team gets a complete re-boot at the QB position. Thankfully, the rookie, Daniels, has looked the part of a starting NFL QB so far this season, and has won the job from seasoned veteran Marcus Mariota. If all goes according to plan, Mariota should serve primarily as a mentor for Daniels this year, and ride off into the sunset of retirement in 2025. For the time being, rookie Sam Hartman heads the practice squad, eventually being slotted in as QB2 next season.
Jayden Daniels
Marcus Mariota
Running Back (3):
I’m excited by the 1-2 punch of Robinson and Ekeler, and I think both could have great seasons this year. Beyond them, the team has some options. I lean towards UDFA Michael Wiley as RB3, as he’s shown some nice burst, and has solid hands out of the backfield. That said, I get the impression that veteran Jeremy McNichols may have the inside track for the role, with Wiley going to the practice squad. I think Chris Rodriguez could be cut altogether.
Brian Robinson
Austin Ekeler
Michael Wiley
Tight End (3):
There are only three tight ends on this roster worth keeping, but it could end up being a very good room, particularly if Ertz is healthy. Cole Turner and Colson Yankoff are potential practice squad candidates.
Zach Ertz
Ben Sinnott
John Bates
Offensive Line (9):
Washington’s offensive line has struck fear into the hearts of many fans. I certainly think this is a transition year for the unit, but I expect it to be in the average range by the end of the season.
Brandon Coleman
Nick Allegretti
Tyler Biadasz
Sam Cosmi
Andrew Wylie
Cornelius Lucas
Chris Paul
Ricky Stromberg
Trent Scott
Wide Receiver (7):
Washington’s WR room leaves a lot to be desired, on paper, and as of this writing, I’m still not sure Brandon Aiyuk doesn’t end up in DC before the season. If this group remains the final list, however, expect Kliff Kingsbury and Jayden Daniels to spread the ball around a ton.
Terry McLaurin
Dyami Brown
Olamide Zaccheaus
Luke McCaffrey
Byron Pringle
Kazmeir Allen
Jamison Crowder
Defense (26):
Last year’s biggest defensive weakness – linebacker – is probably this season’s greatest defensive strength, with the addition of Bobby Wagner and Frankie Luvu. The defensive line remains talented, and has added some interesting EDGE rushers, while the cornerbacks remain a concern.
Defensive End (6):
Dorance Armstrong
Dante Fowler
Clelin Ferrell
KJ Henry
Andre Jones
Javontae Jean-Baptiste
Defensive Tackle (5):
Jon Allen
Daron Payne
John Ridgeway
Johnny Newton
Benning Potoa’e
Linebacker (5):
Wagner and Luvu are great as starters, but beyond that, there are a lot of question marks. Magee, in particular, is likely to be out for several weeks, but will still require a roster spot initially.
Bobby Wagner
Frankie Luvu
Jamin Davis
Jordan Magee
Mykal Walker
Cornerback (5):
Will the team only carry 10 defensive backs? Seems a little thin, but I’m sticking with it.
Emmanuel Forbes
Benjamin St-Juste
Mike Sainristil
Tariq Castro-Fields
Chigozie Anusiem
Safety (5):
Quan Martin
Jeremy Chinn
Darrick Forrest
Jeremy Reaves
Tyler Owens
Special Teams (3):
I think Cade York played his way onto the roster last night with a solid performance, but I would be unsurprised if he’s not the kicker at the end of the season.
Cade York (K)
Tress Way (P)
Tyler Ott (LS)
Practice Squad:
Several of these players could potentially be poached, so I wouldn’t be surprised to see them traded for late draft capital in advance of cutdowns, if Peters can make it happen.
Among those who I think will make the PS are:
- QB Sam Hartman
- RB Chris Rodriguez
- RB Jeremy McNichols
- DT Phil Mathis
- DT Norell Pollard
- S/LB Dominique Hampton
- S Percy Butler
- OT Armani Taylor-Prioleau
- CB Noah Igbinoghene
- TE Cole Turner
- WR Mitchell Tinsley
- WR Brycen Tremayne
- WR Martavis Bryant
Poll
How many roster spots do you think this projection has wrong?
Washington
Wake up with the Washington Examiner: Democratic immigration plans, a supremely busy summer, and a Harris mindset switch – Washington Examiner
Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris appears to have been listening to the critics complaining about her emphasis on “vibes” rather than painting a clear picture of her policy plans. During her acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago on Thursday, Harris selectively detoured from a speech heavy on biography that was meant to reintroduce her to voters with sprinklings of administrative plans.
Conventions aren’t really the place for a candidate to roll out clear-eyed plans about how he or she plans to tackle the thorniest political issues confronting the country in the coming years. Democrats weren’t prepared to hold Harris’s feet to the fire so they could hear her five-point plan to address the economy, inflation, a housing crisis, and immigration. But she offered a taste for anyone tuning in who might be a persuadable voter worried about whether she was taking voters’ concerns seriously.
At the top of many voters’ lists of concerns is illegal immigration. President Joe Biden has been raked over the political coals throughout most of his tenure for a border crisis that has unleashed a flood of illegal immigrants into the country. Harris has suffered by association, having been deemed Biden’s “border czar” when she was tasked with working out diplomatic solutions with countries in Central America as a way to address the “root causes” of immigration into the United States.
Her handling was less than pristine, and her unofficial job title was the first attack Republicans used when it became clear she was stepping into the shoes left by Biden at the top of the ticket.
After weeks of building pressure to offer solutions instead of substitute talking points, Harris offered a sketch of a plan that offered little new content but did start her down the road into a broader conversation.
Immigration Reporter Anna Giaritelli broke down the outline and the criticism Harris ran into for us this morning.
“Harris reiterated this week that she would sign a bipartisan border bill the White House negotiated with the Senate earlier this year, suggesting she, like President Joe Biden, considers the millions in border crossings to be a liability in November,” Anna wrote.
“However, her pivot to the center on immigration, a departure from her 2020 views, has not quieted Republican criticism on what promises to be one of the most important topics of the 2024 race,” she wrote.
Immigration is one of several issues Harris has moderated herself on as she prepares for a general election fight with former President Donald Trump. Instead of running to get as far to the left as she could in a Democratic primary, Harris is working to position herself as a left-of-center figure rather than a leftist in the mold of Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) or Elizabeth Warren (D-MA).
Harris’s campaign is also talking about working with Congress to institute a solution rather than promising a sweeping move that would come from the top down and risk not having the lasting qualities a piece of legislation would enjoy.
“We know at the end of the day the only way to really modernize our immigration system and secure our border is for Congress to pass commonsense immigration legislation,” Julie Chávez Rodríguez, Harris’s campaign chief, told CBS News last month.
Republicans are skeptical that Harris means business on the border.
“The one and only concrete policy Kamala Harris proposed tonight was to give amnesty and citizenship to every illegal alien in the country,” former Trump White House senior adviser Stephen Miller wrote in a post to X in response to Harris’s Thursday night speech referencing creating an “earned pathway” to citizenship.
There’s also some question about how much change Harris plans to implement beyond what is happening at the border now. The Biden administration recently cracked down on the number of asylum-seekers allowed at border checkpoints each day, which has reduced the number of reported daily crossings.
“I think, at this point, you know, the policies that are, you know, having a real impact on ensuring that we have security and order at our border are policies that will continue,” Chávez Rodríguez said.
Click here to read more about what Harris plans to do with the southern border.
Supremely busy summer
Supreme Court justices haven’t technically been on the clock for months, though salaried employees are rarely ever fully in vacation mode. The busiest time of year for the nine justices is during their term that runs from October through June, when they hear oral arguments on some of the most pressing legal matters of the day, have their own arguments with each other in the privacy of their chambers, and then shape news cycles with the release of opinions.
The offseason is generally made up of choosing which of the hundreds of cases that are appealed to them they want to hear further and the occasional spot decision to address an emergency development that can’t wait for the full treatment in the fall.
However, in recent years, those emergency decisions, sometimes referred to as the “shadow docket,” have been coming thick and fast, with dozens coming before the court in recent years, Supreme Court Reporter Kaelan Deese wrote for us this morning.
“On Thursday, the high court agreed to revive part of a Republican-backed Arizona law that aims to deter illegal voting in the state. They also decided last Friday to keep holds on new Title IX guidelines for schools in 26 states while lower court challenges proceed, a short-term win for conservative litigants who argued the updated sex and gender definitions would harm and discriminate against women’s privacy rights and fairness in sports,” Kaelan wrote.
“The last time the high court’s summer was this busy was during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, when there were at least 21 applications rising up during the court’s seasonal break. In 2021, 2022, and 2023, the range was between six and 15 applications per summer,” he wrote.
Some legal experts are frustrated with the justices for making so many decisions without the benefit of having the full menu of arguments laid out before them. Others place the blame on the Biden administration for inviting the rulings by altering and adding a slew of rules this spring to get them on the books before the Congressional Review Act could be invoked under a Trump administration to challenge them.
Three major decisions the court is set to make before they return in full force during the second week of October will be related to the Biden administration’s sweeping student loan relief plan and its environmental air pollution policy, as well as “a challenge from Oklahoma over Biden’s requirement for family planning clinics that receive federal public health funding to provide referrals for abortions to patients who request it,” Kaelan wrote.
Click here to read more about the Supreme Court’s “shadow docket” and how the justices feel about it.
Dogging it
It’s hard for Harris to say she is the underdog in a contest when she has raised more than $500 million in the span of a month. It’s harder when she has reversed polling that showed her predecessor losing and her coming out on top in key contests. It’s nearly impossible when criticism of her and Gov. Tim Walz (D-MN) appears to bounce off of them without tarnishing their images.
Democrats in Chicago told our crack team of reporters and editors last week that they are prepared to abandon the “underdog” viewpoint for 2024 and embrace the idea Harris will have to leg out the rest of the race in a defensive mode. That’s a change of perspective for the party that has spent most of the last month staring down a likely defeat.
It feels good to be in the lead, though changing the mindset from being the surging party scrapping for a win to fending off Trump could pose a new set of problems.
“The underdog story, everybody loves it, because the majority of us in America, we’re underdogs, so we believe in that story. That’s gonna be one of her stronger suits,” Michigan delegate Bobby Christian told the Washington Examiner last week. “Sometimes being too confident can come off real cocky and negative, so you always just want to, you want to be even-keeled, and you want to relate to everybody you can. But the underdog, everybody relates to.”
Click here to read more about how Democrats view the race and Harris’s place in it.
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For your radar
Biden has nothing on his public schedule and will remain in Rehoboth Beach, Delaware, this week.
Harris has nothing on her public schedule.
Trump will speak at the National Guard Association of the United States General Conference & Exhibition in Detroit, Michigan, at 2 p.m.
Sen. J.D. Vance (R-OH) attends a campaign fundraising reception in Pikeville, Kentucky.
Washington
Game Observations: Eight Takeaways From the Patriots Preseason Finale in Washington
By my live charting, Maye had five plus-plays to three minus throws. Those are the ups and downs of a 21-year-old rookie, but his talent is evident. Maye made decisive decisions, maneuvered the pocket well with good poise, and flashed his big play ability in and out of structure. If it wasn’t for the eighth penalty of the half on the O-Line, we would’ve seen the off-script playmaking Maye brings to the table on a 48-yard touchdown to KJ Osborn.
Maye’s physical tools are all over his film in the last two preseason games. The strides he’s making with his footwork and timing should get him on the field soon. At this point, it’s a matter of whether Maye can protect himself well enough by rearranging the chessboard before the snap. If he can, he should play because he’s injecting the difference-making energy into the offense.
3. Starting QB Jacoby Brissett Plays Eight Snaps, Takes a Big Hit to Right Shoulder on Sack
The Patriots current starter played one series and the offense moved the ball into Washington territory. However, a first-down sack derailed the drive and caused some damage to Brissett’s right shoulder. In his post-game press conference, Coach Mayo said Brissett could’ve returned to the game if it was the regular season.
As for his performance, Brissett took advantage of a busted coverage by the Commanders to convert on third down by finding RB Antonio Gibson in the flat. He also threw a catchable deep ball to KJ Osborn late in the down that should’ve been a big play on third-and-11. Brissett’s preseason stats remain pedestrian, but he also had significant offensive line issues. Brissett’s availability is a major storyline heading into the regular season.
4. Reconfigured Starting Five Doesn’t Solve Patriots O-Line Issues
The Patriots rolled with the starting five we’d project to play in Week 1 vs. the Bengals: LT Chuks Okorafor, LG Sidy Sow, C Nick Leverett, RG Layden Robinson, and RT Mike Onwenu. Obviously, captain David Andrews, who had the night off vs. the Commanders, will take Leverett’s place in the starting lineup when we do this for real in Cincy.
New England’s goal to find their “best five” along the offensive line in camp hit a turning point when fourth-rounder Layden Robinson was elevated to the starting five. Robinson had a strong summer, showing off excellent power and good initial burst out of his stance. Onwenu kicks outside to right tackle to accommodate Robinson, which is a question mark seeing that it’s not Onwenu’s best position, but big Mike has proven to be an above-average right tackle.
At left tackle, this feels like a position battle that’ll continue into the regular season between Okorafor and Vederian Lowe. Lowe is not healthy right now, so Chuks got the nod. The Pats need to survive the season at left tackle, which they’ll leave up to Lowe and Okorafor. Although that could get dicey, the other four-fifths of the line with one of their rookie draft picks emerging is the best-case scenario.
As for how they performed, frankly, the starting line was bad in the first half. It started with a sack, multiple QB pressures, and two bad snaps by Leverett, and then snowballed into eight (!) first-half penalties: false start, Okorafor lining up in the backfield at the snap three times, Onwenu committing the same penalty once, and three holds. To make matters worse, starting LG Sidy Sow (ankle) left the game due to injury.
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