Bob Graham, a consensus-building moderate Democrat who as a two-term Florida governor and a three-term U.S. senator became one of the most popular politicians in the state’s history and then one of the Senate’s most ardent opponents of the Iraq War, died April 16 at the age of 87.
Washington
Bob Graham, former Florida governor and U.S. senator, dies at 87
Mr. Graham retired from the Senate in 2005 after nearly four decades in public office. Apart from a short-lived campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2004, he never failed in a run for elected office. He was also among the relatively few (five) Democrats elected governor of Florida in about as many decades, as the long-dominant state party lost its grip on what had become a volatile swing state trending to the right.
Mr. Graham, whose half brother Philip, sister-in-law Katharine and nephew Donald were publishers of The Washington Post, made an early fortune in real estate development, helping to turn his father’s dairy and cattle farm into a planned suburban community eventually called Miami Lakes. He made millions of dollars through real estate investments while pursuing a political career. He won a seat in the Florida House in 1966 and served for much of the 1970s in the state Senate.
His father, also a state legislator, had lost the Democratic primary for governor in 1944, a disappointment that Mr. Graham said fueled his interest in politics. With Gov. Reubin Askew (D) term-limited in 1978, Mr. Graham won a crowded Democratic primary to succeed him and then trounced his Republican opponent, Jack Eckerd, of the Eckerd drugstore empire, in the general election.
Mr. Graham had little statewide recognition going into the 1978 race and was perceived in some circles as a rich liberal from South Florida. But his campaign got a boost from the “workday” strategy orchestrated by pioneering political consultant Robert Squier.
Long known as “D. Robert Graham,” he began going by “Bob,” and he was filmed working various jobs — waiting tables, laying bricks, paving roads, shoveling manure, packing citrus fruit, teaching inner-city students — around the state’s 67 counties.
What began as a campaign stunt became a regular feature of Mr. Graham’s governorship. From the outset, he emphasized that his “workdays” were not photo ops. He didn’t put on an apron or a pair of work boots for an hour and then leave. He stayed after the camera crews departed and worked a full day, getting to know his constituents and leaving an indelible impression on Floridians of all political persuasions.
“I took away a learning of not only how people earn their living but how they live their lives,” he later told the Orlando Sentinel.
In Tallahassee, the state capital, he spearheaded ambitious environmental efforts, including the 1983 Save Our Everglades campaign, which helped rescue the state’s most famous natural resource from development and ecological deterioration.
During Mr. Graham’s first term, Florida struggled with a massive influx of refugees from Cuba and Haiti, and it took years to secure federal aid for their welfare and resettlement. Meanwhile, the state was beset by rising crime, including rampant drug smuggling, and the Liberty City section of Miami was racked by riots in 1980 after an all-White jury acquitted police officers who fatally beat a Black insurance agent during a traffic stop.
As opponents of his 1982 reelection campaign accused him of being “soft on crime,” Mr. Graham played up his support for the death penalty. The U.S. Supreme Court had ended an effective moratorium on capital punishment in 1976, and Mr. Graham sent John Spenkelink, a convicted murderer, to the electric chair in May 1979. It was the first execution in Florida in more than a decade. With broad popular support, he signed 16 death warrants as governor.
Mr. Graham coasted to reelection and won a U.S. Senate seat in 1986 by defeating a one-term conservative Republican incumbent, Paula Hawkins. In Washington, he was less known for specific legislation than for his ability to work across the aisle on bills affecting environmental and education programs, health care for the elderly and infirm, and efforts to fight drug crime.
“What I think I’m best at is bringing people together around an honorable and reasonable position,” Mr. Graham told the Tampa Tribune in 1998. “My approach to getting things done in the Senate is that you start at the 50-yard line and you begin to build out in each direction until you get a majority. Very few things happen, get accomplished, when you start in the end zone.”
Mr. Graham was floated repeatedly as a prospective vice-presidential candidate but never got the nod. Part of the problem, according to many political observers, was his lack of charisma. He was mocked for keeping notebooks in which he recorded the events of his day in minute detail. One entry read: “8:45-9:35 — Kitchen, family room. Eat breakfast, branola cereal with peach.”
The Post once described him as a “sober, conscientious, unfailingly courteous grandfather who couldn’t light up a room with a barrel of Iraqi crude and a Zippo.”
His public persona altered noticeably after the al-Qaeda terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, which happened while he was chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. Mr. Graham was among a handful of senators who became outspoken opponents of an invasion of Iraq, which President George W. Bush had proposed, ostensibly on the grounds that Saddam Hussein’s tyrannical regime was hiding weapons of mass destruction.
From the Senate floor in October 2002, five months before the U.S.-led invasion, Mr. Graham argued with uncharacteristic fervor that an attack on Iraq would distract from the pursuit of terrorist groups, which he said represented a greater threat to the United States than the one posed by Saddam Hussein. He also warned that an invasion might well provoke more terrorist strikes.
“We are not talking about a threat 90 days from now!” he roared with startling emotion. “We are not talking about a threat that may come a year from now if nuclear material is made available! I am talking about a threat that could happen this afternoon! … If you believe that the American people are not going to be at additional threat, then, frankly, my friends — to use a blunt term — blood is going to be on your hands.”
Mr. Graham and Rep. Porter Goss (R-Fla.), who chaired the House Intelligence Committee and later served as CIA director, spent 10 months leading joint oversight hearings into intelligence failures related to 9/11.
Released in 2003, their report called for an overhaul of intelligence gathering, including the dismantling of barriers between intelligence agencies. Their work, however, was largely overshadowed by the independent 9/11 Commission, which offered similar recommendations.
The same year, Mr. Graham launched a bid for the Democratic presidential nomination, contending that Bush had diverted resources and attention from the fight against terrorism to Iraq’s supposed weapons of mass destruction, which were never found.
“My life has been a progression, with a run for president being a logical conclusion,” he told The Post at the time. “What I had lacked before September 11 was the ingredient of passion. Now I have the passion.” But he attracted little support and dropped out before the primaries.
As a senator, Mr. Graham spent so much time in his home state that he never managed to create a dynamic national persona, observed Tom Fiedler, a former executive editor of the Miami Herald who as a reporter had covered much of Mr. Graham’s early career. “He was never able to do nationally what he had done in Florida,” Fiedler said. “He was always going to be the senator from Florida. That is a negative when you run for president.”
Daniel Robert Graham was born in Coral Gables, Fla., on Nov. 9, 1936, and grew up in a coral rock home in Pennsuco, near the Everglades in Dade County (now Miami-Dade County). His father, Ernest “Cap” Graham, was a gruff, demanding dairy and cattle farmer, and his mother, the former Hilda Simmons, was a schoolteacher. Cap Graham’s first wife died and left him with two sons, Philip and William, and a daughter, Mary.
Bob Graham worked for his father. He drove tractors, milked cows and showed prize Holsteins in the 4-H Club. At 16, he was named the county’s “best all ’round teenage boy” by the Miami Herald. The newspaper noted his skill as a debater at Miami Senior High School, his leadership in student government, and his talent for raising and breeding of Angus cattle, which he described as his future occupation.
However, his older half brother Philip, a Harvard Law School graduate 21 years Bob Graham’s senior, urged him to pursue other ambitions. At the time, Philip Graham was a Washington power broker who had become publisher of The Post in 1946, six years after marrying Katharine Meyer, whose father, financier Eugene Meyer, owned the newspaper. Before he died by suicide in 1963, Phil Graham mentored his younger brother, encouraging him to seek a law degree at Harvard and introducing him to members of Washington’s political elite.
“I felt as if my father had passed away,” Bob Graham later told the Orlando Sentinel, speaking of Phil Graham’s death. He graduated from the University of Florida in 1959 and, as his half brother had advised, from Harvard Law School in 1962.
In 1959, he married Adele Khoury, a classmate at the University of Florida. They had four daughters, Gwendolyn, Glynn, Arva and Kendall. Gwendolyn Graham (D-Fla.) served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 2015 to 2017. She ran unsuccessfully for her party’s nomination for governor in 2018. A complete list of survivors was not immediately available.
After his presidential run, Mr. Graham created the Bob Graham Center for Public Service at the University of Florida. “My attitude to life is you’re always looking forward,” he told the Orlando Sentinel. “I appreciated and very much enjoyed my political life. But I’ve made the mental transition to the future.”
On Monday, On3 Sports insider, Hayes Fawcett, was first to report that former Stanford quarterback Elijah Brown transferred to Washington, officially ending his tenure on The Farm. This comes nearly two weeks after Brown entered the transfer portal, and he will head to Seattle with three years of eligibility remaining.
Brown will presumably to be the backup to Demond Williams at Washington. Williams, who signed a $4 million deal to play for the Huskies at the end of the season, initially entered the transfer portal himself on Jan. 8.
But after backlash and threatened legal action by the university, he ultimately decided to stay with the program for the ’26 season. As a result, Brown will likely use this season to continue to develop and compete for the starting job in 2027 after Williams’ presumed departure for the NFL.
A former four-star recruit, Brown started for parts of two seasons at Stanford, playing in three games with one start as a true freshman, which was limited due to an early season injury.
As a redshirt freshman in 2025, Brown played in six games with three starts, finishing the season with 829 pass yards, four touchdowns and two interceptions. His best game of the season came against North Carolina on Nov. 8, where he threw for 284 yards, one touchdown and one interception in a 20-15 loss.
A star at Mater Dei High School in Santa Ana, California, Brown started all four of his years at the school and became only the fourth player in school history to earn the starting quarterback job as a freshman.
In his sophomore season, after throwing for 2,581 yards and 30 touchdowns, Brown led Mater Dei to a perfect 12-0 record and the CIF Open Division Title. As a junior, Brown once again shined for Mater Dei, throwing for 2,785 yards, 31 touchdowns and four interceptions as the program went 12-1.
After another dominant season that saw Brown throw for over 2,900 yards and nearly 40 touchdowns while winning another state title, he committed to Stanford over offers from several other big name schools including Alabama, UCLA, Arizona, Georgia and Michigan. After signing with the Cardinal, he became the highest rated quarterback to commit to the school since Tanner McKee in 2018.
But Brown’s college career has been far from what was expected. After a promising college debut against Cal Poly in his true freshman season, Brown injured his hand and missed basically the whole season, playing in only two other games where he struggled.
In 2025, Brown lost the starting job in training camp to Ben Gulbranson and even after replacing Gulbranson late in the season, he never was able to get Stanford’s offense to that next level. When he found success, it was typically late in games once the outcome was more or less decided.
New head coach Tavita Pritchard has a strong reputation for developing quarterbacks which could have benefitted Brown, but after Stanford signed Davis Warren from Michigan, in addition to bringing in new recruits such as Michael Mitchell Jr., the QB room got too crowded for Brown.
Now, Brown will be coached by another elite offensive mind in Jedd Fisch, a coach he hopes will bring out the best in him and have him playing like the four-star recruit he came into college as.
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Washington
Our reporting showed Washington ranks last in green energy growth. Now the state is working to speed it up
FILE – In this Feb. 10, 2010, file photo, power lines from Bonneville Dam head in all directions in North Bonneville, Wash. (AP Photo/Don Ryan)
Don Ryan / AP
This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Oregon Public Broadcasting. Sign up for First Look to get OPB stories in your inbox six days a week.
Washington state has launched a sweeping effort to speed up construction of renewable energy projects, prompted by reporting from Oregon Public Broadcasting and ProPublica that chronicled how the state came to rank dead last in the nation for renewable energy growth.
Washington’s Department of Commerce, which works on state energy policy, has offered up state employees to help the federal Bonneville Power Administration process its backlog of renewable energy projects — though it remains uncertain whether the agency will accept the offer.
Bonneville, which owns 75% of the Northwest’s power grid, must sign off before wind and solar developers who wish to connect to its grid can break ground.
Meanwhile, four state agencies have recommended that Washington’s Legislature provide incentives for utilities to upgrade transmission lines, plan “microgrid” energy projects that don’t need to connect to Bonneville’s power lines, and create a new state agency to plan and potentially pay for major new transmission corridors. A bill to create such an authority had a hearing on Jan 21.
The Commerce Department, the Department of Ecology, the Energy Facility Site Evaluation Council, and the Utilities and Transportation Commission are also meeting regularly to diagnose what’s holding up more than a dozen high-priority wind, solar, and energy storage projects that could make an outsized difference.
Joe Nguyễn, who recently stepped down as the state’s commerce director, said there’s added urgency to get the work done since OPB and ProPublica last year showed that other states like Iowa and Texas have made far more progress than Washington.
“We’re forcing these tough conversations that have never been done before,” Nguyễn, a former state senator who helped pass Washington’s law setting a deadline to go carbon-free, said during a recent public forum. He spoke at the panel just before leaving the state Commerce Department in January to take a job as head of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce.
“We probably have to modify some policies, we’re going to amend some things, we have to make strategic investments, but I think that’s a good thing,” Nguyễn said at the forum. “I’m not daunted by the task.”
Under Bonneville, projects face longer odds of successfully connecting to the electrical grid than anywhere else in the country, OPB and ProPublica found.
The federal agency weighs how many new transmission lines and substations will be needed to carry the added load, and it has historically been slow to pay for such upgrades, renewable energy advocates have said. Often, the burden falls on the builders of the wind and solar projects.
Washington and Oregon lawmakers failed to account for this obstacle when they required electric utilities to phase out fossil fuels. Combined with rapid growth in electricity demand from new data centers powering artificial intelligence, studies now predict rolling blackouts in the Pacific Northwest within the next five years.
Inspired by OPB and ProPublica’s reporting, the Seattle nonprofit Clean & Prosperous published a report this month identifying energy high-potential projects that could generate enough power for 7 million homes and contribute $195 billion to the state’s economy if built by 2030. Kevin Tempest, research director for Clean & Prosperous, said the fact that Washington ranked 50th nationally for green power growth was poorly understood until the recent news coverage.
“I don’t think that we were aware of just how stark it was,” said Tempest, whose group advocates for “entrepreneurial approaches” to eliminating fossil fuels and promoting economic growth. “So that really opened our eyes and, I think, accelerated a lot of conversations.”
Separately, in Oregon, Gov. Tina Kotek recently signed two executive orders intended to speed up the construction of energy projects. Kotek, too, said the news reports helped galvanize policymakers.
Nguyễn told OPB and ProPublica their reporting made him realize “the people who talk about clean energy are not actually doing it.” But now, he said, “Washington state’s desperately trying.”
‘Things that we can control’
Most of the high-priority projects identified by the state and by Clean & Prosperous are waiting for approval to connect to Bonneville’s substations and transmission lines so that developers move toward construction.
The federal agency’s review process historically has been sluggish and often puts the onus on a single energy developer to invest tens of millions of dollars in upgrades or else wait until another developer comes along to shoulder some of the cost. In addition, state officials in Oregon and Washington must also sign off on the location planned for new power lines and wind or solar farms — a process with its own bottlenecks.
“There are a myriad of reasons why projects are not happening,” Tempest said. “It’s different for each case.”
But he said across all projects, Bonneville is “a common feature for some of the new facilities not breaking ground.”
Bonneville spokesperson Kevin Wingert said in an email that the agency has implemented several reforms over the past year to enable faster connections to its grid. For example, the agency began studying clusters of projects collectively, based on their readiness, and expects its first study to be done at the end of the month.
Wingert said the agency has identified 7 gigawatts worth of projects — roughly the capacity of Grand Coulee hydroelectric dam, Washington’s largest power plant — that it says it’s on pace to have online within five years. It expects to have more than double that amount connected and energized by 2035.
In the near term, the state is focusing on grid improvements to the transmission system it can make without Bonneville, according to Casey Sixkiller, director of the Washington Department of Ecology.
He said Washington will work to help projects connect to some part of the roughly 25% of the region’s grid that is operated by investor-owned and public utilities.
“I think the point is for us in Washington, trying to find, as we wait for BPA, who’s years behind, what are the other things that we can control that we should be prioritizing and trying to move forward?” Sixkiller said.
Kurt Beckett, chair of Washington’s Energy Facility Site Evaluation Council, which issues site permits for energy projects, said localized improvements that can be made outside of Bonneville’s grid are cheaper and will have tangible, immediate results. They also have the benefit of “buying time for the bigger, harder upgrades that Bonneville’s in charge of.”
Bonneville says it plans to spend $5 billion on nearly two dozen transmission lines and substation improvements, but many of those projects are years away with no firm deadline.
What’s within Washington’s control in the near term is to streamline state permitting of projects that have received or don’t need Bonneville’s approval.
The need was highlighted by the passage last year of President Donald Trump’s so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which will phase out key federal energy tax credits and set a July 4 deadline for projects to break ground. The credits cover as much as 50% of construction costs for most solar and wind farms.
More than 200 wind, solar and battery storage projects theoretically could meet the deadline “should development processes improve,” Clean & Prosperous concluded in its report. The group said it was a reference to both Bonneville’s role and the state’s.
Sixkiller said Washington leaders are prioritizing a smaller list of 19 proposed projects they think have the best chance of beating the July deadline. In some cases, the developers already have a connection agreement with Bonneville in place. In two, the projects will connect to power lines run by a utility.
An offer of help
In addition to actions taken by state agencies, Washington lawmakers are considering a bill that would ease the state’s reliance on Bonneville to build new power lines. That would come in the form of a state transmission authority — a new state agency in charge of planning transmission routes, acquiring land and working with developers to build new lines.
It could also eventually pay for projects. Washington lawmakers are calling for a report on what financing tools, such as the ability to issue bonds, the new transmission authority will need.
The bill has support from environmental groups, labor unions and energy developers. However, lobbyists for large industrial energy consumers and for Bonneville’s public utility customers opposed the bill, saying they supported the intention to build more transmission but wanted the state to focus on relaxing its permitting requirements to let utilities solve the problem.
For the time being, state officials told OPB and ProPublica they are working to shore up Bonneville’s ability to do the work that the region’s grid needs.
Beckett said he hopes the state can help Bonneville with the agency’s self-imposed goal of cutting the average time a project spends in the queue from 15 years down to five or six.
Agencies have offered Bonneville some of their staff to help its analysts complete grid connection studies, which Washington officials said makes sense because the state, in many cases, is already reviewing the same projects that are awaiting the federal agency’s permission to connect.
Bonneville hasn’t said yes yet. Wingert said Bonneville’s interconnection studies have “numerous technical and regulatory requirements” that make them “inappropriate or infeasible” for the state to conduct on BPA’s behalf.
But, he said, the agency was open to working with the state to speed projects up at some point.
“There may be opportunities to coordinate efficiencies between state policies and BPA’s interconnection processes in the future,” Wingert said.
Nguyễn said that technical requirements shouldn’t keep Bonneville from accepting the state’s help in vetting projects or analyzing their impact on the grid, and that state employees could help with the less technical aspects of the report if needed.
“If you want us to bring you lunch so your analysts can go faster, we will do it,” he said. “That’s the level of seriousness I have about getting transmission built.”
U.S. Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez, D-Southwest Washington, on Saturday called for Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem to step down following the shooting death of a man in Minneapolis by a federal agent.
“It’s unacceptable to have another needless death in Minnesota, and it’s unacceptable to have elected officials, candidates, and administration officials continue to throw gas on this fire, or tacitly encourage assaults on law enforcement and anyone else,” Gluesenkamp Perez said. “The situation is un-American and Secretary Noem needs to step down.”
A Border Patrol agent shot and killed 37-year-old Alex Pretti, a protester in Minneapolis, on Saturday.
Gluesenkamp Perez’s call that Noem step down came after Gluesenkamp Perez voted to fund DHS on Thursday amid concerns from other Democrats that the legislation did not limit President Donald Trump’s mass deportation efforts.
“When fishermen in Pacific County get in trouble out on the water, the Coast Guard makes sure they’re safe. When there’s flooding or landslides in Southwest Washington, FEMA helps our families get back on their feet. The Department of Homeland Security is extremely important to my community. I could not in good conscience vote to shut it down,” Gluesenkamp Perez said in a statement on Thursday.
Meanwhile, on Sunday, Democratic Sen. Jacky Rosen called for the impeachment of Noem, saying that she believes Noem is attempting to “mislead the American public” about the fatal shooting of Pretti.
The call from Rosen, a moderate who was part of the group that helped Republicans end the 43-day government shutdown last year, comes amid a growing fury from congressional Democrats who have also vowed to block funding for the Homeland Security Department. A House resolution to launch impeachment proceedings against Noem has the support of more than 100 Democrats, but few Senate Democrats have so far weighed in. Oregon Democratic U.S. Reps. Maxine Dexter and Suzanne Bonamici also support impeaching Noem.
“Kristi Noem has been an abject failure leading the Department of Homeland Security for the last year — and the abuses of power we’re seeing from ICE are the latest proof that she has lost control over her own department and staff,” Rosen said in a statement to The Associated Press.
Rosen said Noem’s conduct is “deeply shameful” and she “must be impeached and removed from office immediately.”
Impeachment proceedings are unlikely in the GOP-controlled Congress, but mounting Democratic outrage over the violence in the streets of Minneapolis is certain to disrupt Senate Republican leaders’ hopes this week to quickly approve a wide-ranging spending bill and avoid a partial government shutdown on Jan. 30.
And while some moderate Democrats have been wary over the last year of criticizing the Trump administration on border and immigration issues, the fatal shootings in Minneapolis of Pretti on Saturday and Renee Good on Jan. 7 have transformed the debate, even among moderates like Rosen.
Noem defends fatal shooting
The Nevada senator’s call for impeachment followed Noem’s quick defense, without a full investigation, of the fatal shooting of Pretti by a Border Patrol agent. Videos of the scene reviewed by The Associated Press appear to contradict statements by the Trump administration that the shots were fired “defensively” against Pretti as he “approached” them with a gun. Pretti was licensed to carry a concealed weapon, but he appears to be seen with only a phone in his hand in the videos.
During the scuffle, agents discovered that he was carrying a 9 mm semiautomatic handgun and opened fire with several shots, including into his back. Officials did not say if Pretti brandished the weapon.
Noem said Pretti showed up to “impede a law enforcement operation.”
“This looks like a situation where an individual arrived at the scene to inflict maximum damage on individuals and to kill law enforcement,” Noem said Sunday.
In her call for Noem’s impeachment, Rosen cited other issues beyond the current ICE operations. She said Noem has also “violated the public trust by wasting millions in taxpayer dollars” on self-promotion and cited reports that the Coast Guard purchased her two luxury jets worth $172 million.
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