San Francisco has clearly become a tech town. But is there now a tech voting bloc in The City?
There are thousands of tech workers who live and work in San Francisco. Like other residents, many of them have become more politically active in recent years. Over that same period, tech moguls and political groups with tech-industry ties have flexed their muscles in local elections.
But the local elected officials, consultants and activists who spoke with The Examiner said they didn’t perceive tech workers as comprising a distinct bloc of voters. They don’t generally see tech employees as a constituency to which they specifically have to appeal. Instead, they see those in the industry as having a wide range of viewpoints reflecting the interests and concerns of city residents as a whole.
Advertisement
The Examiner is monitoring these political power blocs before the November election.
Working in the tech industry can mean a lot of different things, said state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat who represents San Francisco. Some people are venture capitalists, some are startup founders. Some work at large tech companies, some at startups, and others work for themselves. And on many issues, you can find people in the tech industry on opposing sides, he said.
Advertisement
“I don’t view tech as a monolith,” Wiener said. “And I think that would be disrespectful of folks who are in technology, because … they are a very, very diverse community who hold a lot of different perspectives.”
Twenty years ago, the very idea that San Francisco would have a tech voting bloc would be laughable. The center of the Bay Area’s tech industry was in the South Bay. To the extent that tech workers lived in The City, many of them commuted from there to Silicon Valley.
But a lot has changed in those 20 years. Some of the biggest tech companies in the world are now located in San Francisco. The City itself draws in a greater share of venture-capital investment than nearly all states — and far more than the valley. San Francisco has quickly become the center of the tech industry’s latest focus, artificial intelligence. And the number of tech workers in the area has swelled.
In early 2010, around 46,000 people total worked in the tech industry in San Francisco and San Mateo counties, according to data from the state Employment Development Department. Today that number stands at more than 150,000 — even after the industry shed more than 30,000 jobs in those counties over the last two years.
At least in San Francisco, many of those jobs are filled by people who live in The City rather than commute in, according to Ted Egan, San Francisco’s chief economist, citing U.S. Census data. Only a smaller portion of tech workers who live in San Francisco now commute to jobs outside of The City.
Advertisement
Current Y Combinator CEO Garry Tan, pictured during the opening day of Web Summit 2018 at the Altice Arena in Lisbon, Portugal, has emerged as a powerful influence in San Francisco politics.
Advertisement
Wikimedia Commons
In recent years, many of the City’s tech moguls have become much more active in local politics. In 2018, Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff helped lead the effort — financially and politically — to pass Proposition C, which raised taxes on businesses to provide housing for homeless people. Venture capitalists David Sacks and Garry Tan were among the leading donors to the 2022 campaigns to recall three school-board members as well as District Attorney Chesa Boudin, and Tan is a board member and backer of local political group GrowSF.
Meanwhile, fellow venture capitalist Michael Moritz founded TogetherSF, another political group that has pushed The City to focus on government dysfunction, homelessness and public-safety issues. And Chris Larsen, the executive chairman of cryptocurrency company Ripple, has become a big donor to various local campaigns.
But it’s unclear that any of those moguls represent anyone other than themselves, local political experts said.
“I don’t know that any of them have individual constituencies,” said one longtime San Francisco political consultant who asked not to be named.
Advertisement
To be sure, some of the groups those moguls have founded or backed have built loyal followings. But the people affiliated with the groups aren’t exclusively in the tech industry. And the policies they’ve advocated have resonated beyond just techies.
Sachin Agarwal co-founded GrowSF after working for Lyft and Twitter. Initially the group focused on San Francisco’s tech community, which traditionally hadn’t been very engaged in local politics.
Although a lot of tech people — including Tan — have donated to the group, Agarwal said he doesn’t see GrowSF today as representing the tech industry or workers. It doesn’t advocate for policies that would benefit the tech industry, he said.
Advertisement
Sachin Agarwal, one of the co-founders of Grow SF, pictured on Friday, July 30, 2021.
Examiner file
Instead, it focuses on issues such as public safety and public education that have broad appeal, he said.
The group mailed its voter guide for the March election to every household in The City, and its website in that period drew 100,000 unique visitors, which would represent a sizable chunk of San Francisco’s electorate, Agarwal said.
Advertisement
“We’re not about any single industry,” he said. “We are about normal people … people with families who have kids, who are homeowners who want to stay in The City long term.”
Meanwhile, not all tech workers are politically aligned with groups such as GrowSF or TogetherSF.
Some San Francisco schools go further than the current district policy and what the governor is proposing
Advertisement
The City is gearing up to celebrate one of Chinese culture’s most historic traditions
Advertisement
New moms from around the Bay Area donated almost 12 times the hospital’s typical supply of breast milk, which is an essential resource for newborn babies to ensure bet…
Advertisement
Supervisor Hillary Ronen said she has numerous friends who work in the tech industry, but they are independent thinkers. While organizations such as GrowSF recruit from the tech community, they don’t represent the values of her friends or other regular tech workers, Ronen said.
“I just don’t think [those groups] represent the community at large,” she said.
Advertisement
Supervisor Hillary Ronen speaking about the San Francisco Reproductive Freedom Act at Planned Parenthood in San Francisco on Tuesday, June 18, 2024.
Craig Lee/The Examiner
Indeed, within San Francisco’s tech community are a lot of diverse viewpoints — even about industry–related policies, local political experts say.
Advertisement
Wiener said there are people in the community on both sides of the debate over his bill that would attempt to prevent artificial-intelligence models from causing catastrophic harm. While many tech people are intensely in favor of housing construction, some aren’t on board with that movement, he said. They have a range of views on policing and public safety and even on who they favor for mayor in November, he said.
“In my experience, quote-unquote tech people are as diverse in their political views as anyone else,” Wiener said.
Matters such as quality of life, public safety and homelessness are important to many of those in the industry, said the political consultant. But those issues are the top priorities for many San Francisco residents, tech or not, the consultant said.
No matter what industry they work in or where they live, residents generally want the same things from The City — a safe place with good schools, affordable housing, frequent and reliable transit service, and activities they can enjoy with friends and family, said Maggie Muir, a political consultant who works with Wiener and Mayor London Breed.
“Whether you work in tech or any of those other places, you all want the same thing,” Muir said.
Advertisement
Many of those items are the focus of The City’s so-called moderates. But just because tech workers prioritize such things doesn’t mean that they also ascribe to the pro-business policies favored by such centrists, the consultant said.
In fact, folks in the industry can’t be counted on to support policies that might benefit their own companies, such as local tax reform, even when those policies are popular, the political consultant said.
Instead, it’s not unusual “that tech employees will go out of their way to vote against the interests of their employer,” the consultant said.
The November ballot will offer an example that’s arguably along those lines. Proposition L would put a new tax on Uber, Lyft and Waymo to help address the huge budget deficit faced in coming years by the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency.
Advertisement
A Waymo autonomous vehicle on Van Ness Avenue in San Francisco on Monday, June 10, 2024.
Craig Lee/The Examiner
Uber is one of The City’s leading tech companies and one of its biggest private employers. The ride-hailing services it and Lyft offer took off due in no small part to The City’s tech workers. And Waymo is the leading developer of a new iteration of technology — autonomous vehicles and robotaxi services.
Advertisement
But those companies have also drawn plenty of criticism over the years, charged with helping undermine the traditional cab industry, treating human drivers as second-class workers, and — in the case of Waymo — offering a service that’s under-tested and potentially unsafe.
So one might think that the measure might come out of a backlash against tech, but no: The three authors of the proposition all work or have worked in the industry. Many of the people they’ve signed to support it are in the industry.
Although Uber opposes the measure, Prop. L’s backers say don’t see it as particularly antitech. Instead, they see it as a measure that would not only benefit Muni but the ride-hailing services also, said Lian Chang, one of its authors. By keeping the transit system healthy, the measure would encourage people to continue to use the system instead of driving, thus keeping the streets less congested for Uber and Lyft drivers, she said.
“If Muni craters, we’re looking at a lot more traffic,” Chang said. “That is not good for anyone.”
For her part, Chang said, she sees support for the measure among tech workers as indicative of what actually might be a unifying theme among the community: While many in tech do support transit, what they actually have more broadly in common is what she called a “problem-solving attitude.”
Advertisement
Technically minded people love to solve problems; it’s what they do for a living, Chang said. Those who work in the industry have a lot of experience collaborating to find solutions, she said. And especially as the community has become more politically active in recent years, they’ve been looking for ways to address The City’s problems.
“There’s a lot of political diversity in tech, so it doesn’t all go in one way,” Chang said. “But there is that problem-solving vibe.”
The 49ers had an eventful offseason when it comes to roster acquisitions, with wide receivers Mike Evans and Christian Kirk marking the most exciting additions for most fans.
While bolstering the wide receiver room for Brock Purdy made more headlines around the NFL, 49ers fans rejoiced when San Francisco brought back star linebacker Dre Greenlaw. After signing a three-year, $31.5 million contract with the Denver Broncos before this past season, Greenlaw was released by the team after appearing in just eight games.
Despite the Broncos being out on Greenlaw, the Faithful and All-Pro linebacker Fred Warner have expressed excitement regarding the move. However, those around the Bay aren’t the only ones pleased by the move, as former defensive coordinator and first-year Tennessee Titans head coach Robert Saleh recently told the media how excited he was for Greenlaw.
“So happy for him,” Saleh said. “For Dre, good chance for him to get his feet back underneath him in a place where he’s familiar, knocking people around like he used to. I mean, he did it last year too, but pumped for Dre.”
Advertisement
Saleh, a former linebackers coach himself, coached Greenlaw during the 2019 and 2020 seasons with San Francisco.
The 28-year-old Greenlaw is heading into his eighth NFL season, totaling 498 tackles, 4.5 sacks and four interceptions.
It’s unclear how much he has left in the tank, but clearly the 49ers were willing to find out.
SAN JOSE, Calif. – An elderly driver who killed a family of four in San Francisco’s West Portal neighborhood two years ago was sentenced Friday to probation.
No jail time
What we know:
Advertisement
Mary Fong Lau, 80, learned in court that she will not serve any jail time or home detention for the March 2024 crash.
The collision killed Diego Cardoso de Oliveira, a 40-year-old father; his wife, Matilde Moncada Ramos Pinto, 38; their 1-year-old son, Joaquim; and their 3-month-old son, Caue. The family was waiting at a Muni bus stop at the time. They were headed to the zoo.
Advertisement
No contest plea
Lau pleaded no contest to four felony counts of vehicular manslaughter, and a judge accepted the plea.
The Superior Court judge said Lau’s age, remorse and lack of criminal history were factors in the sentencing decision. She was placed on probation for two years and is banned from driving for three years. She also has to complete 200 hours of community service.
Advertisement
2024 crash
The backstory:
Prosecutors said that on March 16, 2024, Lau was driving more than 70 mph in an SUV when she jumped a curb and struck the victims at a bus stop at Ulloa Street and Lenox Way.
Advertisement
Family, prosecutors criticize sentence
What they’re saying:
Friends and relatives of the victims said the sentence fell far short of the justice they were seeking.
Advertisement
District Attorney Brooke Jenkins also criticized the outcome.
“The court is not requiring Ms. Lau to even acknowledge her guilt,” Jenkins said. “Rather than requiring a guilty plea, the court decided it is sufficient for her to enter a no contest plea. That isn’t justice. That isn’t taking responsibility for the loss of four innocent lives.”
Jenkins added that Lau could eventually regain her driving privileges, which she called “troubling.”
Advertisement
“This is someone who has demonstrated she can’t be trusted on the roads of California nor San Francisco,” she said.
Defense cites remorse
The other side:
Advertisement
Lau’s defense attorney said his client is remorseful.
“Ms. Lau feels the pain of this tragic loss,” attorney Seth Morris said. “She has taken accountability by pleading no contest and not requiring the case to go to trial, which could have taken years with an unknown outcome.”
Advertisement
He added that Lau hopes the plea will help begin the healing process for the victims’ families and the community.
The Source: Sentencing hearing for the defendant, Mary Fong Lau
Many Latino San Franciscans saw the dedication as an acknowledgment of the farmworker movement Chavez helped build.
But after allegations surfaced this week that the civil rights icon sexually abused multiple young girls, and United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta, as he led the movement in the 1960s and ’70s, politicians have quickly proposed stripping his name from dozens of streets, schools, parks and monuments, and the state holiday in his honor at the end of the month.
The revelations have raised questions about how to further the movement’s legacy, without Chavez as the figurehead.
The ballot measure to strip Chavez’s name from the street failed by a wide margin in November 1995, as reported in the San Francisco Examiner, on Nov. 8, 1995. (The San Francisco Examiner via Newspapers.com)
“He was a symbol,” San Francisco State University labor historian John Logan said, “for a recognition of the farmworker movement, of the Chicano civil rights movement.”
Advertisement
“This [is an] incredibly important social movement and incredibly important worker movement,” he said, adding that now, it will be important “to find a way of trying to recognize those things without using his name.”
Reckoning with abuse
On Tuesday, TheNew York Times published an investigation revealing accounts from two women, now in their 60s, who said that they had been assaulted repeatedly by Chavez for years in the 1970s, beginning when they were 12 and 13, and he was in his 40s.
Huerta came forward with her own allegations that on two separate occasions in the 1960s, Chavez had pressured her into intercourse and later raped her.
Within hours, local officials and organizations across California launched efforts to strip Chavez’s name from public view. Sacramento’s mayor appointed city council members to rename Cesar Chavez Plaza in the state capital.
The Cesar Chavez Student Center at San Francisco State University on June 24, 2005. (Brian Trejo/Wikimedia Commons)
Fresno officials set a meeting for this week to remove Cesar Chavez Boulevard street signs and groups at San Francisco State and Sonoma State University announced plans to shroud his image and name on campus murals and on buildings.
Early Thursday, California Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas and Senate President Pro Tempore Monique Limón announced legislation that would rename the state holiday honoring Chavez at the end of March to Farmworkers Day.
Advertisement
“This moment calls for honesty. It calls for reflection. And it calls for a renewed commitment to the values that the farmworker movement was built on,” Rivas said, speaking on the California Assembly floor on Thursday.
Pedestrians walk past César Chávez Elementary School on March 18, 2026, in San Francisco, California. Labor activist César Chávez has been accused in an investigation of sexual abuse of women and minors. (Benjamin Fanjoy/Getty Images)
While San Francisco leaders haven’t taken any concrete steps to strip Chavez’s name from the street, or from the public elementary school renamed in his honor around the same time, it seems more than likely in the coming weeks.
“My office will support community efforts to remove Cesar Chavez’s name from any District 9 institutions,” said Supervisor Jackie Fielder, who represents the Mission, which includes both sites.
“I think there should be no hesitation,” said former Supervisor Susan Leal, who served from 1993 to 1997, and helped lead the renaming effort.
A divisive renaming
Leal said the decision to name Army Street after Chavez was meant to acknowledge “unrecognized work of a lot of farmworkers.”
“The meaning of having Cesar Chavez Street is that it signifies we have a place here too,” Maria Paya, a grocer in the Mission District, told the Los Angeles Times that year.
Advertisement
But by the time the new street signs were unveiled that April, the decision had already sparked controversy, and a campaign to repeal the name change. Opponents put a citywide measure on that year’s general election ballot to restore the road’s name to Army Street.
Opponents of the ballot measure to restore Cesar Chavez Street to Army Street celebrate with a caravan after it failed in 1995, as reported by the San Francisco Chronicle on Nov. 9, 1995. (The San Francisco Chronicle via Newspapers.com)
The battle became one of the most divisive that election cycle, according to newspaper reports at the time, pitting residents of the then-predominantly Latino Mission District, backed by thousands of United Farm Workers volunteers who traveled from as far as Bakersfield to campaign, against wealthy, majority white Noe Valley residents and small business owners who said they had an affinity for their addresses, and the 140-year-old Army Street name.
The renaming came at a time of heightened anti-immigrant sentiment, Leal said, not unlike today. The year prior, California voters passed Proposition 187, which aimed to block undocumented immigrants from accessing most health care services, public education and social services.
“If you would come up with another San Franciscan who was not of the farmworker movement, I think he might’ve gotten more support. It was not unlike Prop. 187,” Leal said.