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Oregon lawmakers consider sending kids in foster care out of state, again. Only this time, with less transparency

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Oregon lawmakers consider sending kids in foster care out of state, again. Only this time, with less transparency


Six years ago, Oregon quietly started sending children in foster care to locked residential treatment facilities in other states.

When they got to those facilities, many kids were abused.

At one facility where Oregon children were sent, a child from another state was restrained for so long that he died. Staff restrained him after he threw a sandwich in the cafeteria. At another, a SWAT team arrived to break up a riot at the converted hotel in Utah where the majority of Oregon’s out-of-state foster kids were sent. The Oregon foster kids had semi-automatic rifles pointed at them. The stories of mistreatment were widespread. After intense scrutiny, Oregon eventually stopped the practice.

The Oregon Department of Human Services building is pictured in Salem on Sept. 26, 2019.

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Bradley W. Parks / OPB

Now, the state’s Department of Human Services would like the ability to send children across state borders once again.

This time, they say, will be different.

Oregon lawmakers are considering a wide-ranging measure, House Bill 3835, that would simplify what is investigated as child abuse in both schools and foster homes. The measure would also give the state’s child welfare officials the ability to send kids across state lines. It has prompted intense debate between lawmakers, nonprofit advocates for children and health providers.

Some advocates have warned that the bill limits what is considered abuse at a time when the state is under intense scrutiny for its high rates of maltreatment of children in state custody. Others have noted that too many kids are lingering in emergency rooms and hotel rooms because there is a lack of appropriate health and foster care in Oregon. They blame the systemic failures on government overreach. They argue too many regulations have created a “culture of fear” among caretakers.

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State Rep. Rob Nosse, a Portland Democrat, is sponsoring the bill. He testified Thursday to the House Committee on Early Childhood and Human Services that the current regulatory environment in Oregon is making it hard for providers to serve children. The state continually ranks poorly for its ability to provide behavioral health treatment to kids. Oregon has about 4,450 kids placed in child welfare custody.

“We must vehemently advocate for children to get the care they need wherever it is available, including having to go out of state if the care that is needed by the child is better provided in the facility that is located out of state,” Nosse said.

He called the measure “one of the most important bills” state legislators will deal with this legislative session.

DRO court case ends

Emily Cooper, Legal Director, Disability Rights Oregon, in an undated, provided photo.

Courtesy of Disability Rights Oregon

Emily Cooper, an attorney with Disability Rights Oregon who was part of the class-action lawsuit against the Oregon Department of Human Services that was recently settled, also said the measure is worrisome.

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“There aren’t sufficient guardrails in this bill to prevent us from going back in time,” Cooper said.

Less transparency than before

At the urging of Gov. Kate Brown in 2019, in the wake of the out-of-state and hoteling crisis, the state Legislature created what is called the “system of care advisory council.” The idea was to get a group of people together from child welfare, juvenile justice and education to plan for more children’s services outside of institutional settings.

That council is now suggesting Oregon needs the ability to send kids out of state with more ease. State law currently does allow officials to send kids out of state, but the facility where they are being sent must first go through a licensing process and meet certain standards.

“I want to be clear, we don’t want to go back to the bad old days where caseworkers were pushing kids out of state because cases were too high and it was an easy way to, ‘oh get this kid off my caseload,’” Anna Williams, the executive director of the council and a former Democratic lawmaker, said in a legislative hearing.

Rep. Anna Williams, D-Hood River, speaks during a House Committee on Human Services and Housing meeting the Oregon Capitol, Wednesday, Feb. 20, 2019. Williams faces a difficult reelection in her district next year.

Anna Williams, pictured in 2019 when she was a Democratic state Rep. from Hood River.

Bradley W. Parks / OPB

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But a side-by-side comparison of what happened six years ago and what is being proposed today doesn’t offer much clarity over how the current legislation would ensure the same mistakes are not repeated.

Williams told lawmakers during a legislative hearing there would be “significant oversight and accountability” this time.

Six years ago, before a kid was sent to an out-of-state facility, a team at the state child welfare’s central office had to sign off. A judge had to also give the go-ahead. The state hired a third-party consultant to visit the kids in the facilities. Sometimes, the state would send its own staff to inspect a facility.

Once, Oregon child welfare officials visited a facility over a period of three days and wrote a glowing review of the yoga and meditation possibilities at the Red Rock Canyon School. A day later, the state of Utah published its own report citing a list of violations, including staff degrading residents and one youth being put in a chokehold until they were unconscious. It was the same facility where A SWAT team showed up to break up a riot.

Oregon’s new proposal says the child welfare director must personally approve child movements out of state, along with approval from the Oregon Health Plan Medicaid director. The bill was recently amended to also require court approval before sending a kid out of state.

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“We aren’t just basing it on other state’s much lower standards,” Williams said. “We want to go see it ourselves and make sure the kid is safe.”

Under the past guidelines, when kids were sent out of state, the child welfare agency initially tried to cite child privacy laws for keeping the information secret. Eventually, more information emerged, and so did the terrible stories. Ultimately, the agency started sharing a public dashboard that showed in real-time where kids were.

This map from 2019 shows the number of times children in foster care were placed in residential treatment facilities out-of-state at the height of the program. Some children went to more than one out-of-state facility. In 2020, Oregon removed all the foster youth it sent to for-profit facilities in other states.

This map from 2019 shows the number of times children in foster care were placed in residential treatment facilities out-of-state at the height of the program. Some children went to more than one out-of-state facility. In 2020, Oregon removed all the foster youth it sent to for-profit facilities in other states.

Source: Oregon Department of Human Services / OPB

The current bill would require the agency to alert the governor’s office, the foster care ombudsman (who works inside the agency), and the systems of advisory care panel as soon as possible when a child is moved. It would require quarterly and annual reports sent to the Legislature, but does not require a dashboard. Essentially, a child could be moved to a facility for weeks or months without the public’s knowledge.

There are some instances where kids benefit from care that Oregon can’t provide. Recently, a youth with an eating disorder who also needed care in a gender-affirming placement received care in Arizona.

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But Cooper, the disability rights attorney, said it should be evident that the facility where the kids are being sent meets Oregon standards and offers therapeutic care.

“We will (once again) end up sending kids to out-of-state facilities regardless of how good they are,” Cooper said.

Cooper, who also sits on the state’s system of care advisory council with Williams, said the state’s focus should be on finding solutions where children can stay in their communities.

But, she noted, state child welfare officials have struggled to have adequate oversight over providers in their own backyard. For example, they recently placed kids in foster care in unlicensed short-term rentals with people who failed to background check. After an OPB investigation, Oregon canceled the contract with the provider.

Two years ago, a U.S. District Court appointed a special master to help the agency steer toward creating more placements in Oregon. This was in response to the state’s continued reliance on placing children in hotels, which cost upwards of $25 million. At the time, Judge Michael McShane wrote that Oregon’s defense of its practices had “become nothing more than a stale mantra and the Court has lost faith in ODHS’ ability to end this entrenched policy on its own.”

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Riley Thomas, a former kid placed in foster care, submitted testimony to the Legislature on the current bill. Restrictions on out-of-state placements came after someone finally listened to the kids who shared their stories, she said.

“It was stated that only youth that would be sent out of state were kids who were rare exceptions and were children that were hard to control,” Riley wrote. “That didn’t last long before a large amount of kids were being shipped out of state and placed in for-profit facilities, kids as young as nine years old.”

Restraints and seclusions

Another large component of this wide-ranging measure aims to clarify what is considered wrongful use of restraint and seclusion for children, both in public schools and child welfare settings.

The measure would narrow the definitions of both to say that any restraint or seclusion for discipline, punishment, retaliation or convenience purposes is “wrongful.”

Jamie Vandergon, the CEO of Trillium Family Services, which provides care for kids ages 5-24 throughout the state, wrote in testimony that past laws had “unintended consequences” that created a culture of fear and constant reporting.

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Some school district officials applauded the efforts to clarify rules around restraint.

“We have had multiple occurrences where staff members have been accused of child abuse as they work with students,” Charan Cline, the superintendent of the Redmond School District, wrote to lawmakers. Cline said most investigations don’t confirm the abuse allegations. “During the investigation, our people are put on administrative leave, thus causing students to be served by less qualified substitute teachers.”

But a parent, Eriko Ono, who has a disabled child in the public school system, felt very differently.

“I do not support a more relaxed definition of restraints and isolation. I also do not support less oversight when either of these strategies are used,” Ono said. “Oversight is already difficult in many school settings.”

The Oregon Criminal Defense Lawyers Association noted they also strongly opposed the bill, saying it would lower the standards for keeping kids safe in numerous ways.

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“Oregon’s kids need better protections from abuse, not worse,” Mae Lee Browning, the legislative director for the group, wrote.

The bill is scheduled for another public hearing on Tuesday.



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Oregon

Maryland rides big first half to 70-60 win over Oregon to open Big Ten Tournament

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Maryland rides big first half to 70-60 win over Oregon to open Big Ten Tournament



David Coit scored 17 points, Elijah Saunders added 15, and Maryland defeated Oregon 70-60 in a first-round game of the Big Ten Tournament on Tuesday.

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Maryland held Oregon to 3-for-22 shooting (14%) with 0 for 10 from 3-point distance in the first half and the Terrapins led 33-12 at the break. Maryland scored the first nine points and the Ducks made their first field goal at the 8:46 mark, making the score 17-8. Maryland later ran off 10 consecutive points for a 31-10 lead. Coit scored 12 points in the first half.

An 11-2 run helped the Ducks cut their deficit to 12 points early in the second half, but Maryland allowed only three points over the next 5 1/2 minutes and the lead was 58-34 near the 8-minute mark. A dunk and a three-point play from Nate Bittle started a 15-2 run for Oregon and it was 60-49 with 4 1/2 minutes remaining.

The Ducks got within single digits a few times, the last at 67-58 with 53 seconds remaining but Maryland’s Darius Adams made 3 of 4 free throws to preserve a double-digit margin.

Bittle scored 16 points, Kwame Evans Jr. 14 and Takai Simpkins 10 for 16th-seeded Oregon (12-20).

Maryland, seeded 17th, got 12 points, six rebounds and five assists from Andre Mills. Solomon Washington also scored 12 points and Adams finished with 10 points for the Terrapins (12-20).

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Maryland defeated Oregon for the first time. The Ducks had won the only two prior matchups — both since joining the Big Ten last season. Most recently, Oregon won 64-54 at Maryland in January.

Up next

Maryland plays ninth-seeded Iowa in the second round on Wednesday.



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Oregon gas prices highest since Sept. 2025 as oil surges on Hormuz disruptions

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Oregon gas prices highest since Sept. 2025 as oil surges on Hormuz disruptions


Crude oil prices surged after U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran and stalled tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, pushing gas prices sharply higher across the country, though Oregon and Washington are seeing smaller increases than many other states.

The national average price for regular gasoline jumped 43 cents over the past week to $3.54 a gallon.

Oregon’s average rose 31 cents to $4.26 a gallon, the 42nd-largest week-over-week increase among states.

Washington also increased 31 cents, ranking 44th-largest.

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READ ALSO | Oil prices spike amid Iran war; Oregon gas remains above national average

The current national average is at its highest price since July 2024. Oregon’s average is at its highest since Sept. 2025.

“When crude oil prices shoot up, pump prices follow suit because crude oil is the basic ingredient in gasoline and diesel. It’s impossible to predict how high prices might go, but expect elevated oil and gas prices as long as the conflict in Iran continues and tankers are stalled in the Strait of Hormuz,” said Marie Dodds, public affairs director for AAA Oregon/Idaho.

AAA notes that, in general, every $1 increase in the price of crude oil leads to a 2.4- to 2.5-cent increase in the price of gasoline.

Crude oil typically accounts for about 47% of the cost of a gallon of gasoline, with refining at 16%, distribution and marketing at 20%, and taxes at 17%, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

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About 20% of the world’s oil and refined products flow through the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow passageway of the Persian Gulf bordered by Iran.

Tankers traveling through the strait carry oil from major producers including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, the UAE, Qatar, Iraq and Iran. Any disruption can affect global oil supplies. While the U.S. does not rely on Iranian oil, China and India do.

Seasonal factors are also adding upward pressure. Gas prices typically rise starting in mid-to-late winter and early spring as refineries undergo maintenance ahead of the switch to summer-blend fuel, which is more expensive to produce and less likely to evaporate in warmer temperatures.

National gas price comparison/AAA chart

Most areas have a May 1 compliance date for refiners and terminals, while most gas stations have a June 1 deadline to switch to selling summer-blend. Some refineries begin maintenance and the switchover in February.

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In Oregon, the average price for regular gas began 2026 at $3.42 a gallon. The highest price of the year so far is today’s $4.26, and the lowest was $3.33 on Jan. 20. Nationally, the average began 2026 at $2.83 a gallon. The highest price of the year so far is today’s $3.54, and the lowest was $2.795 on Jan. 11.

AAA reported that U.S. gasoline demand decreased from 8.73 million barrels per day to 8.29 million for the week ending Feb. 27, compared with 8.88 million a year ago.

Total domestic gasoline supply decreased from 254.8 million barrels to 253.1 million. Gasoline production increased last week, averaging 9.3 million barrels per day compared with 9.2 million barrels per day the previous week.

Crude oil prices have been volatile. West Texas Intermediate surged to near four-year highs around $95 per barrel this week but fell to the $80s today as President Trump signaled the conflict with Iran may end soon.

On the West Coast, all seven states remain in the top 10 for the most expensive pump prices nationally.

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California has the highest average for the fifth week in a row at $5.29 a gallon and is the only state at or above $5.

Washington is second at $4.69, Hawaii third at $4.59, Nevada fourth at $4.30 and Oregon fifth at $4.26. Arizona averages $3.97 and Alaska $3.95.

All 50 states and the District of Columbia saw week-over-week increases. California had the largest jump at 62 cents, while Hawaii had the smallest at 19 cents. AAA said Oregon and Washington prices also rose last month after an outage of the Olympic pipeline.

The cheapest gas in the nation is in Kansas at $2.96 a gallon and Oklahoma at $3.01. Kansas is the only state with an average in the $2 range this week. The gap between the most expensive and least expensive states is $2.33 this week, up from $2.05 a week ago.

Compared with a month ago, prices are higher everywhere: the national average is up 62 cents and Oregon’s average is up 68 cents.

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Compared with a year ago, the national average is up 45 cents and Oregon’s average is up 53 cents.

Diesel prices also spiked. The national average for diesel rose 89 cents over the week to $4.78 a gallon, while Oregon’s average jumped 72 cents to $5.02.

A year ago, the national average for diesel was $3.63 and Oregon’s average was $3.86.



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Judge in Oregon limits federal officers’ tear gas use at Portland ICE building protests

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Judge in Oregon limits federal officers’ tear gas use at Portland ICE building protests


PORTLAND, Ore. (AP) — A federal judge in Oregon on Monday restricted federal officers from using tear gas at protests at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement building in Portland, in response to a lawsuit filed by the ACLU of Oregon on behalf of protesters and freelance journalists.

U.S. District Judge Michael Simon issued the preliminary injunction after a three-day hearing in which the plaintiffs — including a demonstrator known for wearing a chicken costume, a married couple in their 80s and two freelance journalists — testified about having chemical or projectile munitions used against them.

The lawsuit, whose defendants include the Department of Homeland Security, argues that federal officers’ use of such munitions is a retaliation against protesters that chills their First Amendment rights.

“Plaintiffs provided numerous videos, which were received in evidence and unambiguously show DHS officers spraying OC Spray directly into the faces of peaceful and nonviolent protesters engaged in, at most, passive resistance and discharging tear gas and firing pepper-ball munitions into crowds of peaceful and nonviolent protestors,” Simon wrote, using the term OC Spray to refer to pepper spray.

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“Defendants’ conduct — physically harming protestors and journalists without prior dispersal warnings — is objectively chilling.”

DHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment. In previous statements, it said federal officers followed their training and used the minimum amount of force necessary.

Simon had previously issued a temporary restraining order similarly limiting federal agents from using chemical munitions during protests at the ICE building. His preliminary injunction is the second in recent days restricting agents’ tear gas use at the facility, following that of a federal judge overseeing a separate case brought by the residents of an adjacent affordable housing complex.

Federal officers’ aggressive crowd-control tactics are causing concern as demonstrators in cities across the country have protested the immigration enforcement surge spearheaded by President Donald Trump’s administration.

In his Monday order, Simon limited federal agents from using chemical or projectile munitions such as pepper balls and tear gas unless someone poses an imminent threat of physical harm. He also ordered agents not to fire munitions at the head, neck or torso “unless the officer is legally justified in using deadly force against that person.”

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Additionally, officers cannot use pepper spray against a group in an indiscriminate way that would affect bystanders; they must only target people who are engaging in violent unlawful conduct or actively resisting arrest, or use it “as reasonably necessary in a defensive capacity,” Simon wrote. He specified that trespassing, refusing to move and refusing to obey an order to disperse are acts of passive, not active, resistance.

Simon also granted provisional class certification, which means his order covers a broader group of all those who have peacefully protested or reported on demonstrations at the ICE building in recent months.

The preliminary injunction will remain in effect while the lawsuit proceeds.



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