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Big Ten football mailbag: Can anyone stop Oregon? Realignment regret for USC?

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Big Ten football mailbag: Can anyone stop Oregon? Realignment regret for USC?


By Cameron Teague Robinson, Jesse Temple, Scott Dochterman, Austin Meek, Mitch Sherman and Antonio Morales

This weekend’s Big Ten slate includes No. 20 Illinois at No. 1 Oregon and a flurry of other intriguing matchups. How is your fan base feeling? How many teams can the conference really get into the College Football Playoff?

Let’s get into this week’s Big Ten mailbag.

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Big Ten football rankings: Which teams are sailing, sinking or (for one) already sunk?

(Note: Submitted questions have been lightly edited for length and clarity.) 

Who is regretting their move to the Big Ten more? USC currently or Nebraska going on a decade-plus of irrelevance and unranked seasons? Oklahoma is another team regretting their realignment move. I’m sure they would like to have a chat with Nebraska to talk about the old days of the Big Eight when they were the only two teams around. — Jason S. 

The landscape of college sports has shifted drastically since Nebraska and Oklahoma ran the Big Eight. If those two schools had a choice to undo three decades of change since they entered the world of conference realignment and expansion, they’d take it.

But no such choice ever existed.

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The window of time for Nebraska to regret its move to the Big Ten has long closed. Remember, when Nebraska decided to switch leagues in 2010, the future of its conference was in doubt. The only conversation about relevance involved the viability of the Big 12 — and the possibility for Nebraska to find itself on the outside of the group of programs capable of competing at the highest level.

While Nebraska has struggled to win over the past eight years, its place among the top tier of resourced athletic departments nationally is secure. As long as the Big Ten structure remains, Nebraska has a chance in football to find its footing. Meanwhile, many of its other programs are thriving.

Perhaps fans of USC and some leaders at the school are regretting this move to the Big Ten in the short term. But the Trojans, like the Huskers, surely recognize that a jump into one of the two power leagues nationally will better secure possibilities to win championships ahead. — Sherman

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USC or Oklahoma: Who’s better off in Year 3 after Lincoln Riley’s big move?

Which remaining regular-season opponent is most likely to knock off Oregon? — John K. 

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Playing at Camp Randall Stadium in mid-November is a rite of passage in the Big Ten. If there’s a game that could trip up the Ducks before the Big Ten Championship Game, it’s at Wisconsin on Nov. 16. I wouldn’t have said that a few weeks ago — after Tyler Van Dyke went down, the Badgers lost back-to-back games against Alabama and USC — but Wisconsin has re-energized its season by beating Purdue, Rutgers and Northwestern by a combined score of 117-16.

We’ll find out if Wisconsin’s turnaround is for real Saturday when the Badgers play Penn State. No matter what, Madison in November is a tough trip. If the Ducks make it through that game undefeated, a home game against rival Washington will be the only thing separating them from a perfect regular season. The Huskies have won three in a row in that series, but if the Ducks make it to 11-0, they’re not going to blow it against their rival. Oregon plays 6-1 Illinois on Saturday and travels to Michigan a week later, but the most impressive part of the Michigan-Illinois game last week was the replica leather helmets. — Meek

Certainly, my MSU Spartans aren’t a great team, but Stewart Mandel had them winning only one Big Ten game this season. With Michigan, Purdue and Rutgers (the last two at home!) still on the schedule, the Spartans have a real shot at a bowl. Has MSU exceeded expectations? Is my excitement about the future of the program justified? — Jason M.

I’ve been surprised by how quickly Michigan State has turned things around. Jonathan Smith is doing a great job in his first year, and last weekend’s win over Iowa should spark confidence in everybody.

A bowl should be the expectation now, with just two more wins needed for eligibility, but the schedule isn’t easy.

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The Spartans play at Michigan this week, host Indiana and then go to Illinois. Even as bad as Michigan is, that’s a tough three-game stretch. On the back end is a home game against Purdue and then they host Rutgers to end the season. Those are winnable, but I wouldn’t write off a win against Michigan, either.

A bowl game would be a big boost, but even if things stall out at five wins, this is a program on the rise. Smith is a smart coach and he has his quarterback of the future, Aidan Chiles.

I was down on Chiles to start the year, when he threw four touchdowns and seven interceptions in the first four games. Since then, though, he’s been great. In a three-game stretch against Ohio State, Oregon and Iowa, three of the most talented defenses in the Big Ten, he has thrown for 577 yards, two touchdowns and two interceptions, which includes the 256-yard day he had last weekend against the Hawkeyes. He and freshman Nick Marsh could be a lethal combo in the conference for a long time.

Is Michigan State a Big Ten contender this year or next? Probably not, but there’s a lot to like about Smith, and it’s time for people to hop on the Chiles bandwagon. — Teague Robinson


Illinois coach Bret Bielema has a 24-20 record with the Illini. (Dan Rainville / USA Today via Imagn Images)

With the job Bret Bielema is doing at Illinois, is there any danger of him leaving/being recruited to any other Power 4 jobs? Also, the 2025 class is not ranked very highly for the Illini right now, what is the ceiling for the program in the long term? — Brendan C.

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I covered Bielema during his final two seasons at Wisconsin in 2011 and 2012 — including when he left abruptly for Arkansas just days after the Big Ten Championship Game. That move was a stunner considering he was Barry Alvarez’s handpicked successor and spent nine seasons there as either the defensive coordinator or head coach.

Sometimes in life, you just need a change. But I do think that experience demonstrated the grass isn’t necessarily greener on the other side. Bielema went 68-24 at Wisconsin and 29-34 at Arkansas before he was fired in Year 5. He’s a Midwest guy who understands the Big Ten and has stability at Illinois. At age 54 and with a family, that has to matter.

It’s possible to build a career in one place if you win enough — Bielema saw it on Kirk Ferentz’s Iowa staff and under Bill Snyder at Kansas State — and it’s not like he has to do it at a place with outrageous expectations. Illinois didn’t have a winning season for a decade before Bielema arrived. His eight wins in 2022 were the most there in 15 years.

As for the program’s immediate ceiling, we’ll find out that Saturday when No. 20 Illinois plays at No. 1 Oregon. The Illini have beaten three teams ranked in the Top 25 at the time of the game (Kansas, Nebraska and Michigan). They play physical, smart football and rank in the top 15 nationally in turnover margin.

I don’t think it’s out of the question to believe Illinois can at some point challenge for the 12-team College Football Playoff under Bielema when you consider the Big Ten could get as many as four teams in and you don’t have to reach the conference title game to have a shot. Illinois was 7-1 to begin the 2022 season, when all five of its losses were by single digits, and is off to a 6-1 start now.

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Bielema’s 2025 class may not be ranked especially high at No. 58, but that’s in part because there are only 15 committed prospects. Illinois actually has the highest per-player rating (86.75) in the 247Sports Composite out of any of Bielema’s four full recruiting classes. He can recruit and develop but also needs to hit on the right transfer portal targets to keep Illinois moving in the right direction. — Temple

Does Iowa not recruit talented enough QBs or do the Hawkeyes just not develop the QBs they recruit? — Mike B. 

Oh, we’ve got a chicken-or-the-egg discussion here. To provide some context, let’s turn back the clock to the previous decades. In 2008, Iowa switched quarterbacks from Jake Christensen to Ricky Stanzi, who presided over the era known as Ferentz 2.0. That also launched a nice run of four of five quarterbacks becoming NFL Draft picks that concluded with Nate Stanley, who threw 68 touchdown passes from 2017 to 2019. In the five seasons since Stanley left, Iowa has totaled 44 touchdown passes, the lowest in the power conferences. Ohio State, for instance, has 152 touchdown passes over that span.

The downfall in quarterback selection coincides with former offensive coordinator Brian Ferentz’s elevation in 2017. Most of the recruited quarterbacks didn’t pan out from that year onward. The transfers with minimal contributions or limited success include Peyton Mansell (2017), Alex Padilla (2019), Deuce Hogan (2020), Joe Labas (2021) and Carson May (2022). Mansell played a bit at Abilene Christian (where May currently is a backup), and Padilla spent a year as a backup at SMU. Hogan left for Kentucky and now New Mexico State, where he was second team this fall but suffered a broken collarbone. Labas is the starter at Central Michigan but has completed 58.2 percent of his passes with a 7-to-7 TD-to-INT ratio.

Spencer Petras (2018) was a three-year starter from 2020 to 2022 before a torn labrum and rotator cuff knocked him out in 2023. This year, Petras transferred to Utah State. Despite an ankle injury that kept him out for two games, Petras has completed 66 percent of his passes, already posted his season best for touchdowns (11) and his 326.3 passing yards per game blows away his previous high of 196.1 in 2020. Those numbers don’t bode well for Iowa’s development.

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Perhaps that lack of identification and development turns around under first-year offensive coordinator Tim Lester, who has put together a sound scheme but lacks a quarterback to run it effectively. The good news is if the Hawkeyes don’t have a quarterback they like, they can always sign one from the portal. But the track record isn’t great there, either. — Dochterman

If Michigan’s championship season played out exactly as it did, except Jim Harbaugh wasn’t suspended for the last three regular-season games, is Sherrone Moore still the coach? — Will M.

Yes, most likely. Moore was mentioned as a potential successor when Harbaugh flirted with the NFL after the 2022 season, and even before Harbaugh’s suspension, there were signs that he would be next in line. Michigan likes promoting from within, as it did with Gary Moeller and Lloyd Carr after Bo Schembechler retired. The program went off track in replacing Carr with Rich Rodriguez, and the whole Harbaugh era was a way of correcting that mistake. It would have taken a really compelling candidate to make Michigan look outside the family when Harbaugh left.

That being said, if Moore hadn’t gotten the three-game test run in November, there would have been more pressure on Michigan to conduct a full search rather than the abbreviated process that led to Moore’s promotion. Perhaps that process would have revealed a candidate who made Michigan think twice about promoting Moore. Based on who was available at that time, I’m guessing Moore would have gotten the job either way. But those wins against Penn State and Ohio State made it a much easier call. — Meek

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Meek: For ‘disappointed’ Sherrone Moore, challenges of starting over at Michigan hitting hard

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We all know that Oregon is the cream of ex-Pac-12s in the Big Ten, but who’s having the better season of the other three? It would not surprise me if you said UCLA since there is no team in the Big Ten playing a more difficult schedule. — Peter G.

This is all relative to expectations. USC wasn’t thought of as a Big Ten contender before the season, but it was expected to be better than 4-3. UCLA was expected to be bad. And the Bruins are, well, bad.

So, in this reporter’s opinion, the answer is Washington. The Huskies do have some ugly losses, a 24-point beatdown at Iowa and a three-point loss at Rutgers where they outgained the Scarlet Knights by more than 200 yards.

But there were a ton of questions about what Washington would look like this season after it lost essentially its entire starting lineup and coaching staff from last season’s team that reached the national championship game.

I know the win total before the season was 6.5 and the Huskies might not reach that, but winning six games and playing in a bowl with a roster that was completely made over in the offseason and a first-year coaching staff would be a success. At 4-3 with home games against USC and UCLA remaining, Washington is on track to do that. — Morales

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Can the Big Ten really get four teams in the Playoff? — Michael C. 

It depends on how chalk holds up throughout November. If the favorites win the games, then absolutely. But we know there will be an upset or three before Thanksgiving weekend, which will put everyone on edge on Dec. 8. Let’s play out the scenarios.

If we’re projecting without upsets, Oregon goes unbeaten at 12-0 and Ohio State beats both Penn State and Indiana to finish 11-1. They’re your Big Ten championship participants. Then both Penn State and Indiana are 11-1 with Illinois at 10-2. The Nittany Lions’ strength-of-schedule boosts them ahead of Indiana — especially with a victory against Illinois — but all four are in the Playoff. It’s difficult to imagine a scenario where an 11-1 team in either the Big Ten or SEC gets left out.

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But we know someone will slip up somewhere on the road. Perhaps it happens to the Hoosiers if they still have to use backup quarterback Tayven Jackson at Michigan State on Nov. 2. Maybe Penn State falls this week at Wisconsin or Nov. 23 at Minnesota. Maybe Oregon has a bad day Saturday against Illinois or at Michigan on Nov. 2. Even Ohio State could suffer another setback at Penn State or against Indiana.

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If Penn State ends the season 10-2, then the selection committee will place its resume alongside teams four and five from the SEC, Notre Dame and the No. 2s from the Big 12 and ACC. Then the committee will have to decide who looks more impressive among Tennessee, LSU, Notre Dame, Clemson/Miami and Iowa State/BYU for the final three at-large spots. That’s presuming the Big Ten and SEC already have three locked up.

To answer your question, the Big Ten is in line for four spots today. But that could change as soon as Saturday night. — Dochterman

(Top photo of Oregon running back Jay Harris: Marc Lebryk / Imagn Images)



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Some Members of Kotek’s Prosperity Council Unhappy About Tax Change

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Some Members of Kotek’s Prosperity Council Unhappy About Tax Change


This story was produced by the Oregon Journalism Project, a nonprofit newsroom covering the state.

One of the most contentious issues in the current legislative session revolves around an issue called “bonus depreciation.”

It’s a tax break that business groups hope could spur purchases of everything from tractors and commercial fishing boats to high-tech machinery and new housing. To progressive groups, it’s a giveaway to businesses that were going to make such investments anyway, at the expense of schools and social services.

The issue is also timely, as Gov. Tina Kotek builds her reelection campaign around a new focus on Oregon’s business climate.

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Last week, Kotek’s Prosperity Council held its second meeting, this one in Redmond, where the panel toured BASX Solutions, which makes cooling systems for data centers, along with HVAC systems for everyday structures.

Critics say that Gov. Tina Kotek’s support of SB 1507A is inconsistent with her prosperity message. (Thomas Patterson/Thomas Patterson)

Kotek cited BASX as the kind of family-wage employer the state must nurture and seek to attract. “Oregon’s prosperity is not a given. We have to act with intention to be more competitive,” the governor said. “That’s exactly what the Prosperity Council has been charged to do, and today’s meeting helps us to understand the perspectives of Central Oregon.”

But just a week removed from the Redmond gathering, one member of Kotek’s Prosperity Council, real estate investor Jordan Schnitzer, expressed frustration with the governor’s actions, which he says are contradictory to the charge Kotek gave the panel: “to recommend actionable steps to accelerate Oregon’s economy, create good paying jobs, and recruit and grow Oregon’s businesses.”

Schnitzer, whose firm owns or operates 31 million square feet of real estate across 200 properties in six Western states, says Kotek’s position on Senate Bill 1507A, which would disconnect Oregon from certain tax cuts in President Donald Trump’s so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act, is inconsistent with her prosperity message.

States have the option to follow federal tax cuts in Trump’s bill or to “disconnect” from some or all of the changes. Oregon typically applies changes in the federal tax code to state taxes, but this year has decided not to in the form of SB 1507A.

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Legislative number-crunchers calculated that remaining fully connected to the Trump tax cuts would cost Oregon nearly $900 million in tax revenue over the next two years. That estimate came at a time when looming cuts to Medicaid and food stamps already threatened the state’s 2025–27 budget.

In legislative testimony, advocates, such as the Oregon Education Association and the Oregon Center for Public Policy, argued that the state should fully disconnect from the Trump tax cuts because Oregon schools and social service programs need the money. Business groups, such as Oregon Business & Industry and the Oregon Farm Bureau, argued that bonus depreciation provided a valuable incentive for their members to make new investments and create jobs in Oregon.

Democratic lawmakers are taking a piecemeal approach with SB 1507A. The bill retains Trump’s tax cuts on tips and overtime income but disconnects from bonus depreciation. That change eliminates a tax cut for businesses worth $267 million over a two-year period.

Typically, businesses depreciate new capital investments—such as equipment, buildings and machinery—over a period of years. That allows them to deduct a portion of their capital investment from current income, reducing their taxes. Bonus depreciation (a tool previous presidential administrations have also used to stimulate the economy) allows the entire investment to be written off in the first year. Democrats say that creates an unacceptable hit to tax revenues; Republicans and businesses say it would help Oregon’s economy, which has stagnated.

Democrats hold supermajorities in both legislative chambers, of course, and the bill passed the Senate and then the House on Feb. 25, on party line votes. As the bill moved, some in the business community expressed their concerns directly to Kotek, who announced her support for the bill earlier this week.

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In a widely circulated Feb. 24 letter, Portland developer Bob Ball, part of a group Kotek and Portland Mayor Keith Wilson convened last year to brainstorm ideas to increase housing supply, cautioned Kotek that killing bonus depreciation is “putting another nail in our coffin.”

“I encourage you to exempt multifamily properties from SB 1507A,” Ball wrote. “I don’t think Oregon should decouple for any of the depreciation categories if we want to stay competitive in every industry, but the one industry I can say definitively will be hurt is housing production.”

Schnitzer told OJP he sent a similar message to Kotek on Feb. 25 via text.

“The only way to get out of the economic doom loop we are facing is by people coming and opening more businesses that pay good wages and paying their fair share of taxes,” Schnitzer says he told Kotek. “This bill creates a disincentive for businesses to invest in this wonderful state. Why would we do that?”

Schnitzer says other members of the Prosperity Council—he declined to say which ones—are also not happy with the governor’s position on bonus depreciation. Kotek did not immediately respond to his text message.

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A Kotek spokesman says the governor believes the Legislature took necessary steps to preserve some of the tax revenue Trump’s tax bill would otherwise have cut, without putting Oregon at a competitive disadvantage.

“In disconnecting Oregon’s state taxes from the bonus depreciation and deciding to allow businesses to depreciate their investments over the life of the investment rather than all at once up front, Oregon would align with more than 20 other states including Idaho,” says Kevin Glenn.

SB 1507A now heads to Kotek’s desk for her signature.





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Travel Oregon Seeks a New Boss at a More Reasonable Salary

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Travel Oregon Seeks a New Boss at a More Reasonable Salary


This story was produced by the Oregon Journalism Project, a nonprofit newsroom covering the state.

After some much needed sunlight on its operations, Travel Oregon is looking for a new chief executive—at a significantly lower salary.

Not long into a meeting last September of the Oregon House Committee on Economic Development, its chairman quoted from an OJP investigation about dysfunction at state-funded Travel Oregon and the oversized salary of its longtime executive director.

Then Rep. Daniel Nguyen (D-Lake Oswego) looked at the man sitting steps away at the witness table, Todd Davidson, the executive director whose base salary was more than $365,000 the year before.

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“How do you justify paying that salary?”

Offering an answer from the witness table was Scott Youngblood, an eight-year veteran of Travel Oregon’s oversight commission. He suggested that Davidson, who had announced he would leave the agency this summer, wasn’t overpaid. Rather, he was the “Michael Jordan” of travel marketing.

“Scrutiny, it’s coming,” Nguyen would go on to say about the 70-employee, $45 million a year agency. “That is what the public is asking for.”

Travel Oregon’s board of commissioners apparently listened to the concerns Nguyen and other lawmakers expressed after OJP reported that employees said the agency had a toxic work culture and delayed sending out $9 million in small grants for a year. In a unanimous vote last month, the nine commissioners approved a salary range of $235,000 to $255,000 for Davidson’s eventual replacement, far less than Davidson’s compensation and an amount more in line with directors of vastly larger business-aligned state agencies such as Business Oregon and the Department of Agriculture.

OJP’s investigation “helped spur conversations about Travel Oregon’s work in my committee, among others in the Capitol, and at the kitchen tables of Oregon families,” Nguyen said by email Monday.

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Travel Oregon, also known as the Oregon Tourism Commission, is funded by a statewide 1.5% tax on hotel stays. The governor appoints the nine members of its board to oversee an agency that spends about $45 million a year to promote Oregon tourism.

The issue of Davidson’s compensation has come up before. In 2020, the Secretary of State’s Office released an audit that focused on his high salary and those of his key staff. But nothing changed.

Today, the commissioners say they are looking for “a reset” at a time when international travel to Oregon is down and Portland-area tourism hasn’t fully recovered from business losses from the civic unrest after a Minneapolis policeman murdered George Floyd.

Candidates have until March 30 to apply for the top job promoting Oregon’s $14 billion-a-year tourism industry.

Nguyen and members of the Economic Development Committee will hear Wednesday from Greg Willitts, chair of Travel Oregon’s board of commissioners and president of FivePine Lodge and Spa in Sisters.

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“Travel Oregon is funded largely through tax dollars,” Nguyen said Monday, “and we expect results, transparency, and accountability from their operations.”

Willamette Week’s reporting has concrete impacts that change laws, force action from civic leaders, and drive compromised politicians from public office.

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Oregon among states suing Trump admin over changes to childhood vaccine recommendations

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Oregon among states suing Trump admin over changes to childhood vaccine recommendations


More than a dozen states, including Oregon, sued the Trump administration Tuesday over its rollback of vaccine recommendations for children, calling the move an illegal threat to public health.

The states argue that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention put children’s lives at risk when it announced last month that it would stop recommending all children get immunized against the flu, rotavirus, hepatitis A, hepatitis B, some forms of meningitis and RSV. Under the new guidance, which was met with criticism from medical experts, protections against those diseases are recommended only for certain groups deemed high risk or when doctors recommend them in what’s called “shared decision-making.”

The new vaccine recommendations ignore long-standing medical guidance and will make states have to spend more to protect against outbreaks, the states, including Arizona and California, said.

“In Oregon, we’re already seeing the consequences of the federal government’s reckless actions and vaccine narrative,” said Oregon Attorney General Dan Rayfield in a news release. “Just last week, our state health officials declared a measles outbreak – with most confirmed cases linked to unvaccinated individuals. Preventable diseases are returning when we undermine public confidence in proven vaccines. We must trust science, trust doctors, and protect our children.”

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Emily G. Hilliard, press secretary for the Department of Health and Human Services, blasted the complaint as a “publicity stunt dressed up as a lawsuit.”

The lawsuit escalates an ongoing battle between Democratic-led states and Republican President Donald Trump’s administration over the federal government’s changes to public health policy under Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. The Trump administration has laid off thousands of workers at federal public health agencies, cut funding for scientific research and altered government guidance on fluoride and other topics.

Kennedy last year ousted every member of a vaccine advisory committee and replaced them with his own picks, which Tuesday’s complaint alleges was unlawful.

The lawsuit comes months after the Democratic governors of California, Washington state and Oregon launched an alliance to establish their own vaccine recommendations. The governors said the Trump administration was risking people’s health by politicizing the CDC.

States, not the federal government, have the authority to require vaccinations for schoolchildren, though the CDC’s requirements typically influence state regulations.

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KATU contributed Rayfield quote to this story.



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