Lightning is blamed for causing one of the two devastating wildfires that tore through parts of southeastern New Mexico last month.

Federal, state and tribal officials said they identified where the South Fork Fire started, and “human activity and factors did not contribute to the cause.”

The South Fork Fire and the Salt Fire broke out on June 17 in the same general area, near the village of Ruidoso. Thousands were forced to flee their homes as the fire closed in on the village.

Two people died and more than 1,400 structures were damaged in the fires, which are both now about 90% contained.

President Joe Biden approved a major disaster declaration for New Mexico, freeing up federal funds that will assist affected individuals, households and businesses in the area.

“This federal assistance will help affected residents receive the necessary aid to begin to recover and rebuild their lives,” New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham said.

Related story: Yes, wildfires are actually becoming more intense and more common, study says

Firefighting efforts have considerably drawn down since the fires’ peak. There are now only three crews, six engines and one helicopter tending to the fires.

“Fire activity remains limited on the South Fork and Salt fires,” fire officials said on Thursday. “Hot spots remain within dense large, dead/down fuel, dense conifer stands and snags. These heat sources do not threaten containment lines.”

While the cause of the South Fork Fire has been determined, officials are still investigating how the Salt Fire started.

If it’s determined the fire was caused by a person, the FBI is offering a $10,000 reward for information leading to the arrest and conviction of that individual.

I don’t skip over any words in the Declaration of Independence. 

I find and lose meaning in the words that give Americans this day, this Independence Day, the ability to pop out and show the entire neighborhood how much they paid for the booms some of us light freely into the sky.

For me the Fourth is a day off work to barbecue and watch a few artillery shells explode over Albuquerque that someone may have brought from Texas or Oklahoma.

These are the truths I made self-evident in my Indigenous American life as I read the words from the declaration that colonists used to become U.S. royalty and mark its enemy, i.e. people like me, to westward expansion. 

The declaration that set out to create the destructive government on this day in 1776 wanted to control new territories on the continent. The British monarchy, which wanted to move west from the Atlantic itself, needed to get out of the way.

The Declaration of Independence lists “a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.”

This is the part where Americans build an identity of separation from British rule. To remove oneself from an oppressive government. Ideas about taxation without representation. A belief that a common enemy is harming the progress of those free men in their pursuit of their God-given fortune.

And in true American xenophobia, the founders used the last line in its statement of “Facts” to blame a group of people it exploited, marginalized and rendered voiceless.

“He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.”

With that part included in its Declaration of Independence, the U.S. declared to the people living on this continent for millennia that any deviance from this new government would contribute to domestic insurrection, and those people would be marked as “merciless Indian Savages.”

It became the very foundation for Native American people’s relationship with the federal government — from the battles for our very existence to the rights we should receive after U.S. citizenship was established in 1924: access to health care, land and education to build the societies we are working on now.

I just read “merciless Indian Savage” again to myself and looked around at the people sitting in my living room in Albuquerque, New Mexico, right now who are from Zuni, Jemez, Laguna, Diné, Comanche, Cherokee, Kewa and Taos. 

I read it to them. A mix of sadness, anger and laughter filled the room, because sometimes that’s all you can do when faced with this country’s hypocrisy.

I see mercy in all their faces. They show it in the work they do in education, law enforcement, arts and health care. They pray to it with songs and ceremonies once banned and punished under the authority of documents like the Declaration of Independence.

Call me and all my relations merciless when you read the Declaration of Independence today. Read it out loud. Say the words. Do not skip them. Live with them.

Then seek the truth.

We merciful NDNs exist in this country, some of us thrive in it publicly and privately. Many of us are like you and doing our best. We do this despite the objectification, justification for genocide and general degredation of our Indigenous being in a document that forms a hypocritical government meant to give rights to all men. 

We’re not the only ones living with ultra-resilient DNA, this country’s foundation of injustice makes a lot of us built differently, Native or not.

I won’t tell you too much about what this country is or where it will go. I’m trying my best to figure it out. The Fourth of July can be a space for reflection on the values we want, but that is also so warped that I don’t even think we know how to define “value” beyond what a store would print on a receipt.

Truth is a value I will always stand by. It’s core to my soul. My truth in the Fourth of July is a celebration of the merciless Indians slandered when this country started, and our persistence for truth and justice. 

And for myself, that is clearly evident.

Producers of the western movie Rust may have to forgo a robust economic incentive as they try to sell the film to distributors and fulfill financial obligations to the immediate family of a cinematographer who was fatally shot by Alec Baldwin during rehearsal in 2021.

New Mexico tax authorities denied an application this spring by Rust Movie Productions for incentives worth as much as $1.6 million, according to documents obtained by The Associated Press. A late July deadline for producers to appeal the decision is approaching.

Meanwhile, Baldwin is scheduled to go on trial starting next week on an involuntary manslaughter charge in Halyna Hutchins’ death. The lead actor and co-producer of Rust was pointing a gun at Hutchins when it went off, killing her and wounding director Joel Souza.

Melina Spadone, an attorney representing the production company, said the film production tax incentive was going to be used to finance a legal settlement between producers and Hutchins’ widower and son.

“The denial of the tax credit has disrupted those financial arrangements,” said Spadone, a New York- and Los Angeles-based senior counsel at Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman. She helped broker the 2022 settlement that rebooted the stalled production of Rust in Montana with some of the original cast and crew, including Baldwin and Souza. Filming wrapped up last year.

Terms of the settlement are confidential, but producers say finishing the film was meant to honor Hutchins’ artistic vision and generate money for her young son.

Court documents indicate that settlement payments are up to a year late, as attorneys for Hutchins’ widower determine “next steps” that include whether to resume wrongful death litigation or initiate new claims. Legal representatives for Matthew Hutchins did not respond to telephone and email messages seeking comment.

The prosecution of Baldwin and the film’s tax incentive application both have financial implications for New Mexico taxpayers. The Santa Fe district attorney’s office says it spent $625,000 on Rust-related prosecution through the end of April.

The state’s film incentives program is among the most generous in the nation, offering a direct rebate of between 25% and 40% on an array of expenditures to entice movie projects, employment and infrastructure investments. As a percentage of the state budget, only Georgia pays out more in incentives.

It includes a one-time option to assign the payment to a financial institution. That lets producers use the rebate to underwrite production ahead of time, often layering rights to the rebate and future movie income into production loans.

Among the beneficiaries of the rebate program are the 2011 movie “Cowboys and Aliens” and the TV series “Better Call Saul,” a spinoff of “Breaking Bad.” As for current productions, New Mexico is the backdrop for a new film starring Matthew McConaughey and America Ferrera about the rescue of students in a 2018 wildfire in the town of Paradise — the most destructive in California’s history.

Charlie Moore, a spokesperson for the New Mexico Taxation and Revenue Department, declined to comment specifically on the Rust application, citing concerns about confidential taxpayer information. Applications are reviewed for a long list of accounting and claim requirements.

During a recent 12-month period, 56 film incentive applications were approved and 43 were partially or fully denied, Moore said.

Documents obtained by AP show the New Mexico Film Office issued a memo in January to Rust that approved eligibility to apply for the tax incentive, in a process that involves accounting ledgers, vetting against outstanding debts and an on-screen closing credit to New Mexico as a filming location. Taxation officials have final say on whether expenses are eligible.

Spadone, the attorney for Rust, said the denial of the application is “surprising” and could disrupt confidence in the tax program with a chilling effect on rebate-backed loans that propel the local film industry.

Alton Walpole, a production manager at Santa Fe-based Mountainair Films who was not involved in Rust, said he faults the movie’s creators for seemingly cutting corners on safety but officials have an obligation to review its tax credit application based on legal and accounting principles only — or risk losing major projects to other states. Movies are inherently dangerous even without firearms on set, he noted.

“They’re going to say, ‘Wait, are we going to New Mexico? They could deny the rebate,’” Walpole said. “They’re watching every penny.”

“Popular opinion? I’d say don’t give them the rebate. But legally, I think they qualified for it all,” he said.

At least 18 states have enacted measures to implement or expand film tax incentives since 2021, while some have gone in the opposite direction and sought to limit the transferability and refundability of credit.

Under Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham, New Mexico has raised annual spending caps and expanded the film tax credit amid a multibillion-dollar surplus linked to record oil and natural gas production. Film rebate payouts were $100 million in the fiscal year ending in June 2023 and are expected to rise to nearly $272 million by 2027, according to tax agency records and the Legislature’s budget and accountability office.

Democratic state Sen. George Muñoz has criticized the incentive program and asked whether taxpayers should be responsible for unforeseen expenses.

“If we’re going to do tax credits and there’s a problem on the film or the set, do they really qualify or do they disqualify themselves?” said Muñoz, chairman of the lead Senate budget writing committee.

Rust does not yet have a U.S. distributor, as producers shop the newly completed movie at film festivals.