New Mexico
State loses millions in federal dollars meant for outdoor recreation projects – Source New Mexico
New Mexico has forfeited more than $5 million in federal funding for outdoor recreation projects over the last three years because employees at New Mexico’s State Parks Division missed deadlines to distribute the money to projects around the state.
The money is the state’s share of the Land and Water Conservation Fund, a five decade-old federal program that funnels revenue largely from offshore oil and gas leases to outdoor recreation and land conservation efforts. The fund supports several programs, including one in which communities and tribes around the nation can apply for up to $250,000 each.
Roadblocks to distributing the funds, state staff say, included lack of staffing, a maze of bureaucratic requirements, and simple missteps, like neglecting to update an email address online. Grant applications for those funds filed by New Mexico communities two years ago still await submission for federal approval.
“Money is just flying out of our hands,” Rep. Kristina Ortez, D-Taos, said at a Water and Natural Resources Committee in November when state lawmakers were briefed on the lost funds. “I can’t contain the anxiety I feel about that and how that money could have gone to communities.”
Robert Stokes, chief of the Program Support Bureau at state parks and currently covering the job of Land and Water Conservation Fund program coordinator, blamed a lack of employees. The work was “a big task for just one person,” he said during the committee meeting.
Since 1965, federal dollars have funded 1,200 projects in New Mexico, building trails, acquiring land, and improving city parks. But the state parks division, which administers the grants, has not supported any community-based projects since 2005, when money went to a swimming pool in Lovington. Instead, New Mexico’s allocation since then has gone to state parks: building campsites, picnic tables, footpaths, bathrooms, and water systems.
The State Parks division says the Land and Water Conservation Fund’s erratic history led them to stop running a community grant program. Congress used to dictate how much the national fund received each year, and underfunded it for years. The share for state and local assistance grants heading to New Mexico dwindled to less than $500,000 annually for a few years. So State Parks decided to utilize the money rather than call for community grant applications, Stokes said.
However, the agency focused on state parks maintenance rather than community projects even in years when the funding increased to $1 million or more. Stokes declined to comment on that decision, which preceded his arrival at the department.
The financial stakes really shifted in 2020 when, amid great public fanfare, Congress committed $900 million annually to the Land and Water Conservation Fund so long as revenues kept it fully funded at that amount. New Mexico’s share of the $900 million for local grants worked out to about $2.5 million per year. The National Park Service also required that states appoint a dedicated administrator, which New Mexico did in late 2020 and called for grant applications in late 2021.
“It did take a while for the state to be able to get all of those pieces in position that are required … to start moving forward with the application process,” Stokes said.
But state parks already lagged behind. The National Park Service makes money available for up to three fiscal years. After that time, any portion not dedicated to an approved project reverts to a federal contingency fund spent at the secretary of interior’s discretion.
New Mexico lost access to nearly $1 million of the $1.9 million awarded in 2019, and then most of the $2.5 million allocated in 2020, according to documents obtained in response to a public records request. Stokes told lawmakers during the November hearing that New Mexico lost another $2.1 million in 2023 but was likely to get those dollars back. The National Park Service’s Land and Water Conservation Fund regional program manager told New Mexico In Depth that might not be possible.
“There were state parks projects that were occurring and they did use up some of that money that was set to expire, but not the totality of it,” Stokes said. “And before the first open application period was announced in late 2021, we didn’t have community applications either to potentially use some of that money.”
But 11 communities and two tribes submitted applications for funding by the end of 2021. Another 14 communities applied in 2022. The press release announcing that call for proposals erroneously stated that 13 projects the previous year had been awarded $2.5 million. In reality, those applications have not been submitted for federal approval yet.
The delays worry Kay Bounkeua, New Mexico deputy director for The Wilderness Society, an environmental organization that campaigned for full federal funding and then encouraged communities to apply.
“People will be like, ‘Well I’m not going to apply for that. I did once and didn’t hear for five years,’” Bounkeua said. “There’s a lot of other issues that are going to come out of this because of the struggles of standing this program up.”
In 2021, Luna County applied for $250,000 to build batting cages as part of a growing recreation center in downtown Deming. The county applied again in 2022 for basketball courts, said Bryan Reedy, the county’s grants and projects director, but “I’ve given up on that one.”
The dirt has been leveled and ready for a while. But Reedy said he’d rather tap other funding and move on than continue chasing a string of requests for more information about this grant, the latest of which asked for details he’d submitted in previous emails.
“I have no trust in even waiting for them—I’ve got to get this project done,” Reedy said. “We’ll be done with the project before they tell us if we’ve been accepted or not.”
Meanwhile, rising prices downsized the county plan from six to five batting cages. It might shrink again. Between the emailed clarifications and modifications as the project has evolved over two years, he said, “We’ve rewritten this grant like three times. It’s frustrating.”
The Pueblos of Acoma and Santa Clara both applied for funding in 2021, the first for an outdoor recreation center, and the second for picnic areas, restroom facilities, and day-use cabins to replace a campground destroyed by the Las Conchas wildfire in 2011. If awarded, these tribally led projects would be the first in New Mexico to receive Land and Water Conservation Fund support since 1989.
Santa Clara Pueblo has worked for a decade to restore the ecology of Santa Clara Canyon after the wildfire, said Garrett Altmann, a GIS coordinator and project manager for the tribe. This grant marked a first move toward recovering recreational spaces that allow people to reconnect with that landscape. The tribe has secured millions in other federal support since that wildfire, but this process is more cumbersome, requiring detailed estimates that are difficult to provide.
“Now we’re like, is it worth $200,000 to go through all this?” he said.
The process includes internal reviews and state parks staff transferring applications onto paperwork for the National Park Service, which can total more than 20 forms.
At this point, five communities have withdrawn their 2021 applications, citing reasons such as insufficient matching funds. The Land and Water Conservation Fund requires that communities identify other sources for 50% of the project cost.
In 1973, the state created and allocated the equivalent of millions in 2022 dollars to a supplemental fund for that matching requirement, but lawmakers haven’t deposited money into it since 1994, according to an analysis by Western Resource Advocates.
“I had reached out to folks at state parks on when the last time money was appropriated [to that fund],” said Jonathan Hayden, a senior policy advisor with Western Resource Advocates. “They didn’t even know it existed.”
Hayden is working with Sen. Pro Tem Mimi Stewart, D-Albuquerque, on a bill to address some of the program’s issues, including directing money to that fund. The changes might also allow the state to spend some of that financial support on outreach and administrative time and training, including technical support for rural communities, and perhaps ease some eligibility requirements so more communities qualify.
“Because we already have the fund, because we have experience using it and because it’s really designed to help rural areas of the state, I just think this could be a real benefit,” Stewart said.
The eight applications remaining from 2021 were ready to submit this July. But the state had changed its email address format, and no one had updated the federal web portal for uploading applications. State staff didn’t recognize the problem until they tried to submit documents, and were unable to log-in until after the deadline. Those applications may finally be submitted in January, and New Mexico does have funds remaining to cover their requests.
Staff are now starting on the federal forms for applications from 2022.
Requests for additional information, from a missed signature that takes mere minutes to correct, to more exhaustive environmental inquiries, are common, according to the National Park Service’s Land and Water Conservation Fund regional program manager. It’s also not unheard of for a state to leave some money unspent, but losing millions is “unusual.”
The state’s Land and Water Conservation Fund program coordinator position—the full-time employee dedicated to administering these grants—has been vacant since October. Stokes anticipates a new full-time program coordinator starting in January and perhaps, eventually, a second employee or interns. Even without a program coordinator, the state issued another call for grants this fall, with applications due at the end of December.
New Mexico
New Mexico prosecutors launch search of Jeffrey Epstein’s secluded former Zorro Ranch
SANTA FE, N.M. (AP) — State investigators began searching a secluded ranch in New Mexico on Monday where financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein once entertained guests amid allegations that the property may have been used for sexual abuse and sex trafficking of young women.
The office of state Attorney General Raúl Torrez announced that the search was being done with the cooperation of the current ranch owners.
Torrez last month reopened an investigation of the ranch. New Mexico’s initial case was closed in 2019 at the request of federal prosecutors in New York, and state prosecutors say now that “revelations outlined in the previously sealed FBI files warrant further examination.”
Epstein purchased the sprawling Zorro Ranch in Stanley, New Mexico, about 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of Santa Fe, in 1993 from former Democratic Gov. Bruce King and built a hilltop mansion with a private runway.
The property was sold by Epstein’s estate in 2023 — with proceeds going toward creditors — to the family of Don Huffines, a candidate in Texas for state comptroller who won the Republican primary last week.
“The New Mexico Department of Justice appreciates the cooperation of the current property owners,” the agency said in a statement. Prosecutors “will continue to keep the public appropriately informed, support the survivors, and follow the facts wherever they lead.”
Additionally, New Mexico state legislators have established a new commission to look into past activities at the ranch.
Epstein killed himself in a Manhattan jail while awaiting trial in 2019 on charges that he sexually abused and trafficked dozens of underage girls.
Epstein never faced charges in New Mexico, but the state attorney general’s office in 2019 confirmed that it had interviewed possible victims who visited Epstein’s ranch.
Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.
New Mexico
110 years since ‘Pancho’ Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico
It is the 110th anniversary of Mexican revolutionary Gen. Francisco “Pancho” Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico, on March 9, 1916.
The “Battle of Columbus,” as the raid is also known, was a pivotal moment in U.S.-Mexico border history and the first foreign ground invasion of the continental U.S. since 1812.
Camp Furlong Day
Pancho Villa State Park will commemorate the history surrounding Pancho Villa’s 1916 raid on the Village of Columbus on Saturday, March 14, during its Camp Furlong Day activities.
The annual event offers visitors an opportunity to explore the site where U.S. and Mexican history collided, shaping military strategy, border relations and life in southern New Mexico for generations.
Park visitors can participate in ranger-led tours and view exhibits highlighting Camp Furlong’s role during the Villa Raid.
Special guest presentations:
- At 10 a.m., historian Glenn Minuth will present, “The Importance of Cootes Hill on the Raid on Columbus.”
- At 1 p.m., Minuth returns with, “Mexican Death Train: The Santa Ysabel Massacre.”
- At 2 p.m., historian Mike Anderson will present, “Tracks Through History: The Story of the El Paso and Southwestern Railroad.”
The Cabalgata Fiesta de Amistad includes the Memorial Ride from the border into Columbus, recognized as Luna County’s longest horse parade. Festivities continue in the downtown plaza with mariachis, folklorico dancers, and community gatherings honoring the shared cultural history of the border region.
Pancho Villa State Park is located at 228 W. Highway 9 in Columbus, New Mexico, approximately 30 miles south of Deming via Highway 11 or 70 miles west of Santa Teresa via Highway 9.
All activities are free and open to the public. Visitors are encouraged to arrive early. For details, visit www.emnrd.nm.gov/spd/find-a-park/pancho-villa-state-park/ or call 575-531-2711.
Pancho Villa’s raid on Columbus, New Mexico
Here is an article by Chris Roberts that originally ran in the El Paso Times on Nov. 7, 2010.
COLUMBUS, N.M. — A moonless night of mayhem in 1916 that left hundreds of Mexican revolutionaries and a smaller number of U.S. cavalry soldiers and civilians dead opened wounds that still haunt this small border town nearly a century later.
Francisco “Pancho” Villa’s raid on Columbus began just after 4 a.m. on March 9. It was the last major invasion of the continental United States by a foreign armed force, according to New Mexico state historians.
Eight U.S. soldiers were killed in the fight and another died later of his injuries. Ten Columbus residents and one Mexican national died. Villa lost nearly 200 men, and about 75 more were killed as soldiers chased them back over the border immediately after the raid.
“It was kind of a rag-tag army, if you want to call it an army,” said Richard Dean, a Columbus historian whose great-grandfather was killed in the raid. “Many of them were peons. He could have wiped Columbus off the map in 30 minutes if he had an army.”
A hotel was torched by the Villistas, which turned out to be a significant tactical blunder. The fire spread to a grocery store and two smaller buildings. The town was looted.
In response, U.S. officials formed the “Punitive Expedition,” which was headed by then-Brig. Gen. John “Black Jack” Pershing. Pershing’s mission was to enter Mexico; hunt down the raiders, particularly Villa; and bring them back to face trial.
Columbus’ economic losses from the raid were quickly offset as thousands of soldiers arrived for the expedition, which ended on Feb. 5, 1917. The garrison was not abandoned until 1924.
The expedition allowed the U.S. military to test its newfangled mechanized vehicles in battle conditions just before the nation entered World War I. That included Curtiss JN-3 “Jenny” biplanes, four-wheel drive trucks, Dodge touring cars and Harley-Davidson motorcycles.
“The first batch (of eight Jennys) were out of commission in the first month,” said John Read, a heritage educator at Pancho Villa State Park in Columbus. “One was brought down by a dust devil.”
Expedition soldiers faced harsh conditions in the Chihuahuan desert — dehydrated by day and frozen at night. Most infantry soldiers wore canvas and glass goggles to protect their eyes.
“The dust down there was just horrendous,” Dean said.
Soldiers went as far as Parral, Mexico, but never found Villa. In the immediate aftermath of the raid, 14 wounded Villistas were captured, Dean said, with only six surviving. Five were hanged in Deming a few months after the raid. One received executive clemency, escaping the hangman’s noose with a life sentence.
Accounts of the raid have been numerous and often conflicting. And the perceptions of Villa run from national hero to terrorist, depending on who is speaking.
What follows is a re-creation of the raid drawn from historical reference works with heavy reliance on the Army’s staff ride, a teaching tool based largely on reports from the time. Other sources include interviews with Columbus historians, relatives of people involved, articles from the El Paso Times and other publications, and a New Mexico park service movie capturing oral histories from some who were there at an early age.
Trouble brews
In early 1916, Columbus was a growing town of about 400 residents. It had a school with 12 grades, three hotels, a bank, two mercantile stores, a grocery store, two drugstores, a hardware store, two churches, a lumberyard, a blacksmith shop and restaurants.
The modern age had arrived, represented by a Ford automobile dealership and a Coca-Cola bottling plant.
With revolution raging to the south, rumors of attack had become common. Townspeople prepared by conducting drills, finding the shortest route from home to the town’s more substantial brick and adobe buildings where family members could find a measure of safety.
The U.S. government, taking defensive measures, had established military camps along the Southwest border.
In Columbus, Army tents for enlisted soldiers in the 13th Cavalry were lined up across the railroad tracks from the town’s southern border. Col. Herbert J. Slocum, who lived in Columbus with most of the officers, had about 350 soldiers in camp.
Slocum was prevented from sending soldiers into Mexico by presidential policy. So, he and his soldiers scoured newspapers, questioned travelers from Mexico, pumped Mexican border guards and even paid a Mexican cowboy to find Villa’s force and report its location. Unfortunately for Slocum, most of his intelligence indicated Villa was moving away from Columbus.
In fact, Villa had targeted the town.
Villa’s motives are not entirely clear. However, historians agree that a number of factors likely contributed to his resolve.
President Woodrow Wilson had allowed Villa rival Venustiano Carranza to use U.S. railroads for troop transport. Carranza’s forces had traveled through Columbus into Arizona and on to Agua Prieta, Mexico, to hand Villa a significant defeat — one of many he was suffering at the time.
“It was a huge blow to his ego,” Dean said.
Some historians believe Villa was trying to provoke war between Carranza’s Mexico and the United States.
Villa felt he had protected U.S. residents and businesses in northern Mexico and saw Wilson’s move as a betrayal. And, after the mounting losses, Villa was reportedly low on provisions — weapons, ammunition, horses, food and other supplies.
Personal revenge may even have played a role. Sam Ravel, who owned a hotel and a general store in Columbus, allegedly accepted money from a Villa agent in 1913 for arms and ammunition. When Wilson banned the sale of those items to Mexican nationals, according to some accounts, Ravel kept the money without supplying the merchandise.
Whatever his motivation, Villa sent two spies to walk the streets of Columbus the day before the raid. They informed Villa his army would face only about 30 to 50 soldiers.
“Pancho Villa would never have done this if he had the correct intelligence,” Dean said.
The attack begins
Under clear skies, the Mexican soldiers prepared to attack. A sliver of moon set just after 11 p.m. on March 8, leaving only faint starlight to illuminate the desert landscape.
Reports vary as to whether Villa himself crossed into the United States, but most accounts put him at a staging area a little more than a mile southwest of town.
On horseback, nearly 500 Villistas approached the town from the west, north and south in a pincer movement.
At about 4:15 a.m., 1st Lt. John P. Lucas, who lived on the southwest side of town, heard the beat of horse hooves through his open window.
“I looked out, and although the night was very dark, I saw a man wearing a black sombrero riding towards camp,” Lucas reported. “From the sounds I heard, it seemed to me that he had quite a few companions and that my house was completely surrounded.”
Pvt. Fred Griffin, guarding regimental headquarters a stone’s throw from Lucas’ house, had spotted the raiders and called for them to halt. They shot him in the stomach. Griffin killed his assailant and two others. That commotion drew the Mexican soldiers away from Lucas’ house.
“I … have always felt that I owed him a great debt of gratitude,” Lucas wrote. “Unfortunately, he was killed.”
Officer of the day Lt. James P. Castleman, at his post as the staff duty officer, heard the gunshots and grabbed his pistol. As he wheeled around the corner of the duty shack, he collided with a Villista. Castleman fired first and killed the raider.
A barrage of gunfire erupted.
The main Villista attack moved into the center of town. Another wave hit the Army barracks and stables to the south. The rest attacked through residences and businesses on the north end of town.
At the barracks, Sgt. Michael Fody rounded up about 25 troopers armed with Springfield rifles. Castleman arrived and took command.
“On account of the darkness it was impossible to distinguish anyone, and for a moment I was under the impression that we were being fired upon by some of our own regiment,” Fody wrote. “The feeling was indescribable and when I heard Mexican voices opposite us, you can imagine my relief.”
Castleman directed his troops to the southeast side of Columbus and set up a firing line pointed back through the center of town.
Meanwhile, Lucas, with two of his gunners, broke into the locked weapons shed and armed themselves with 1916 Benet-Mercie “machine rifles.”
Lucas set up the guns at strategic locations on the south side of Columbus, firing northwest, also into the center of town. The two-man guns were unreliable and jammed at first.
Lucas and Castleman had set up a crossfire that raked the downtown area. By starlight, however, they could barely see.
The Villistas were all over the town, looting stores and looking for Ravel, whom Villa believed had cheated him. Ravel was in El Paso recovering from dental surgery.
Unable to find Ravel at his store, the Villistas went to a hotel he owned just north of Lucas’ gun emplacements. They killed some of its occupants and set it on fire. The fire spread to three other buildings, which illuminated the Villistas’ movements. The soldiers now were firing with deadly accuracy. For more than two hours, the fight continued until the Villistas began a retreat as the sun began to glow in the east.
Trish Long may be reached at tlong@elpasotimes.com.
New Mexico
Remembering Pancho Villa’s New Mexico Raid and the Punitive Expedition Into Mexico | Council on Foreign Relations
Say the words “September 11” and every American instantly knows what you are referring to. The same is true for “Pearl Harbor.” Most Americans vaguely know that during the War of 1812 the British shelled Fort McHenry and burned down the White House. But mention the words “Columbus, New Mexico” and you will draw blank stares. Yet on March 9, 1916, Mexican revolutionary leader José Doroteo Arango Arámbula—better known to history as Pancho Villa—led a surprise attack on Columbus that left eighteen Americans and eighty Mexicans dead. Within days, nearly 7,000 U.S. soldiers crossed the border into Mexico in search of Villa in what would become one of the more dismal chapters in U.S. military history: the Punitive Expedition.
The Mexican Revolution
The events in Columbus, New Mexico had a back story. In 1911, a popular uprising had ousted Porfirio Díaz as president (more accurately, dictator) of Mexico after thirty-five years in power. (Díaz is credited with uttering the line, “Poor Mexico, so far from God and so close to the United States!”) His overthrow ushered in a decade of political instability known as the Mexican Revolution. Mexico saw several leaders come to power as conflict wracked the country.
The first person to succeed Díaz was Francisco Madero. The son of a wealthy landowner in northeastern Mexico, Madero studied in the United States and France and became a democracy advocate. He was also, to say the least, odd. As the historian Robert Ferrell tells it:
At one meeting with the American ambassador, Henry Lane Wilson, the president of Mexico placed a third chair in the circle and announced to the ambassador that a friend was sitting there. The friend was invisible, Madero explained, but there nonetheless.
In February, after holding power for less than two years, Madero was shunted aside by his leading military officer, General Victoriano Huerta. The general drank, and drank often; brandy was his preferred drink. (He died in 1916 from cirrhosis of the liver.) He had Madero and his vice president shot, possibly at the behest of Ambassador Wilson. Huerta had suggested to Ambassador Wilson that perhaps he should exile Madero or send him to an insane asylum. The ambassador responded ambiguously; Huerta “ought to do that which was best for the peace of the country.”
Madero’s murder outraged the incoming U.S. president, Woodrow Wilson, who was not related to Ambassador Wilson and who was inaugurated on March 4, 1913. (The tradition of inaugurating presidents on January 20 did not begin until after the passage of the Twentieth Amendment in 1933.) Once in office, Wilson refused to recognize Huerta’s legitimacy, saying the Mexican general led a “government of butchers.” Ever the moralist, Wilson told the British ambassador to the United States: “I am going to teach the South American republics to elect good men.” Wilson’s efforts to influence who would lead Mexico included using the Tampico Incident in April 1914 to order the U.S. invasion of Veracruz, Mexico. U.S. troops would remain there until that November.
Venustiano Carranza Takes Power
President Wilson got his wish for a new Mexican government in August 1914 when Huerta was ousted by Venustiano Carranza. Another son of a wealthy landowner and a Madero follower, Carranza was a former governor of the Mexican state of Coahuila. He quickly found his rule challenged by his former ally, Francisco (Pancho) Villa, who had led the “Division of the North” in fighting against Huerta loyalists.

Villa at first had Carranza on the defensive. In December 1914, Villa’s forces briefly took control of Mexico City before being driven back north. Wilson thought that Villa might be friendly to U.S. interests, so he withheld formal recognition of the Carranza government. Villa in turn hoped that Wilson’s refusal to recognize the Carranza government would help his cause. He was soon disappointed, however. The war in Europe increasingly consumed Wilson’s time, and he wanted a way out of his confrontational policies toward Mexico. Carranza, as he put it, “will somehow have to be digested.” In October 1915, the United States did just that, formally recognizing his government.
Pancho Villa’s Revenge
Villa viewed Wilson’s decision as a betrayal, especially after Washington allowed Carranza’s troops to travel on U.S. railroads through New Mexico and Arizona to pursue Villa and his men rather than cross the harsh northern Mexican desert by horseback. German agents also urged Villa to turn on the United States. They hoped to bog the United States down in a war with Mexico that would prevent a U.S. entry into World War I.
With events having shifted against him, Villa devised a new strategy. He would seek to provoke the United States into attacking Mexico, thereby discrediting Carranza as a pawn of the United States. Villa put his plan into effect in January 1916. As Ferrell tells the story, Villa’s troops:
Met a Mexican Northwestern train at Santa Ysabel on January 11, 1916, carrying seventeen young American college graduates who had just come into Mexico from California under a safe conduct from Carranza to open a mine. Villa killed sixteen of them on the spot.
Villa spared one of the young Americans so he could tell his countrymen what happened.
The news of the Santa Ysabel massacre did not trigger the U.S. retaliation that Villa expected. So, he turned to something even more audacious. In the predawn hours of March 9, 1916, Villa’s men raided the town of Columbus, New Mexico, three miles north of the border. A regiment of the U.S. Army’s 13th Cavalry was encamped at the town, and its munitions depot was a target of the raid. Despite being caught off guard, the U.S. troops quickly regrouped and returned fire—at one point setting up a machine gun in front of the town’s lone hotel. The fighting, as well as the fires Villa’s men set, left the town in ruins.

The Punitive Expedition
By the end of the day on March 9, Wilson had ordered General John J. Pershing to cross into Mexico to hunt down Villa. The incursion would have been an act of war, except that Carranza had reluctantly consented to it; he essentially had no other choice. He did, however, extract one face-saving concession: Mexico had the right, at least in theory, to pursue bandits across the border into the United States.

The Punitive Expedition began with much enthusiasm and moral righteousness in Washington. It proved in practice, like most of Wilson’s policies toward Mexico, to be a political and diplomatic blunder. Pershing’s troops trekked more than 300 miles through northern Mexico without setting eyes on Villa, who knew the unfriendly terrain and was a hero to the local people. Critics back in the United States began to call the incursion as the “Perishing Expedition.”

Rather than cut his losses, Wilson surged more troops into Mexico. Soon more than 12,000 U.S. soldiers had crossed the border. Carranza understandably wanted them all to go home. Even though General Pershing assured Washington that “the natives are not generally arming to oppose us,” in June 1916 U.S. forces clashed with the Mexican army, leaving a dozen Americans and forty Mexicans dead. Within days, Wilson had ordered nearly 150,000 National Guard troops to the border. War seemed likely.
Reversing Course
Wilson’s stubbornness and self-righteousness partly explain why he continued to dig his hole deeper in Mexico rather than stop shoveling. Politics also played a part—1916 was a presidential election year. Like many presidents who would follow him, Wilson did not want to hand an election issue to his opponent by looking “weak” in his dealing with Mexico.
Events on the other side of the Atlantic eventually forced Wilson’s hand. With relations with Germany worsening, and the likelihood of a U.S. entry into World War I growing, he ordered the withdrawal of U.S. troops in early January 1917. The last U.S. soldiers left Mexico on February 5, 1917. Less than four weeks later, the American public would learn about the Zimmermann Telegram.

Today Columbus, New Mexico, is home to about 1,800 people. It lies thirty five miles south of Deming, New Mexico, and sixty-five miles west of El Paso, Texas. You can find it by taking New Mexico State Highway 11 south from I-10 or New Mexico State Highway 9 from El Paso. Should you ever visit Columbus, be sure to check out Pancho Villa State Park.
The United States celebrates its 250th anniversary in 2026. To mark that milestone, I am resurfacing essays I have written over the years about major events in U.S. foreign policy. A version of this essay was published on March 9, 2011.
Oscar Berry assisted in the preparation of this post.
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