Nevada
As a Nevada Community Fights a Lithium Mine, a Rare Fish and Its Haven Could Be an Ace in the Hole – Inside Climate News
AMARGOSA, Nev.—Eight thousand years.
That’s roughly how long it takes for snowmelt from Mount Charleston, north of Las Vegas, to reach the aquifer in the Amargosa Basin and Death Valley—the hottest and driest corner of the United States. The temperatures are among the hottest on Earth, with Death Valley potentially setting a world record of over 130 degrees Fahrenheit this summer. Rain is scarce, just a few inches a year in the basin. Its namesake river largely runs dry on the surface, the water hidden underground. The only sign of life across much of the valley adjacent to Death Valley National Park is the sea of creosote bushes, but islands of mesquite and cottonwood trees hide pools of water bluer than the sky above.
And despite the harsh conditions, those scattered springs, streams and seeps have made this place—Ash Meadows—one of the most biodiverse places in the world. Often called the “Galapagos of the Mojave,” at least 26 endemic species here are found nowhere else, including the rarest fish in the world, the Devil’s Hole pupfish, which lives in a water-filled cavern where the temperature exceeds 90 degrees Fahrenheit.
Many species here have long teetered on the brink of extinction. Human activity in the later half of the 20th century nearly dried up the water supply vital to the area’s plants and animals until the Endangered Species Act, a Supreme Court decision and conservationists saved Ash Meadows by limiting groundwater pumping by local ranchers to maintain water levels critical to the endangered pupfish, eventually designating Ash Meadows as a wildlife refuge in the 1980s.
Explore the latest news about what’s at stake for the climate during this election season.
That turned the pupfish into a hated pest for many area residents, as protecting it and other wildlife stopped development and economic opportunities faded away. But this past year, a new threat emerging just outside Ash Meadows National Wildlife Refuge transformed the fish from a villain to a hero.
Pickets across the valley mark mining claims to explore for lithium, the mineral critical to batteries for electricity vehicles and storage of the energy from wind and solar projects. Now, a broad coalition of residents, environmentalists, tribes and local leaders are counting on the Endangered Species Act, the refuge and the pupfish to save them from a proposed mine that they fear will further deplete their scarce water resources, threatening the life that has found a way to thrive in the hottest place in the world.
“We want to save Ash Meadows, but Ash Meadows is going save us,” said Carolyn Allen, chair of the Amargosa Valley Town Board, who is helping lead the fight against proposed mining activity.
Water has always been a priority, she said. Already, the aquifer is seeing too much groundwater pumping, putting the endangered species and community here at risk of extinction. Residents’ wells are running dry, spitting out nothing but sand, and a fix would cost tens of thousands of dollars.
“It’s the desert,” she said. “Water is the lifeblood of everything.”
Exploratory Drilling and Endangered Species
No more than 1,500 feet away from the refuge’s northernmost spring, where on a hot summer day, schools of the colorful endangered Ash Meadows Amargosa pupfish and Ash Meadows Amargosa speckled dace swam, is a playa with a butte filled with lithium that’s attracted the attention of Rover Critical Minerals. The exploratory mining company is looking to drill in the area to research the potential for a mine here. But a study commissioned by the Nature Conservancy—which led the push in the ‘70s and ‘80s to create the refuge by buying up the land around Ash Meadows and transferring it to the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service—found a mine in the area would cause the aquifer to drop 50 feet at the site of the dig, and between two and 30 feet throughout the entire refuge.
Rover was supposed to begin its exploratory drilling last summer, but the Bureau of Land Management, which controls roughly 95 percent of the land in the Amargosa Valley, approved the work without conducting an environmental review, leading the Amargosa Conservancy and Center for Biological Diversity to sue. The BLM pulled its approval of the project and began the review. But in May, locals awoke to claims staked right outside their homes. Rover also proposed exploring the mining potential farther from the refuge but closer to the town and Death Valley National Park.
The project is the latest in a series of environmental battles between mines seeking to dig minerals deemed critical for the renewable energy transition and communities and environmentalists opposing the projects due to their impacts on natural and cultural resources. But unlike many of those disputes, which typically pit mining companies, federal agencies and some local leaders against environmentalists and tribes, the Ash Meadows project has nearly zero local support.
The strange bedfellows Rover’s proposal has united in opposition are seeking action from Congress or the Biden administration to withdraw the area from mining development for 20 years. Coalition leaders and other local residents visited congressional representatives in Washington D.C. and officials in the Interior Department to discuss the options for protecting the area. A mineral withdrawal, which has drawn the support of environmentalists, town leaders, the Timbisha Shoshone Tribe, conservative Nye County and the state’s senators, would allow no new mining claims in the area, but existing claims would still be valid, meaning Rover’s project could continue.
After the meetings in D.C., Mason Voehl, the executive director of the Amargosa Conservancy, an environmental group that has helped lead the push to protect the refuge and build the coalition, said they’ve pulled all the levers available to them and demonstrated the concerns of locals to those in charge. “This is about so much more than conservation,” Voehl said, highlighting the local water supplies at risk and the chance of more mining claims being filed before a mineral withdrawal takes place.


While environmentalists and locals don’t often get along, Voehl said, the potential impacts of the mining proposed near Ash Meadows have made everyone realize the precariousness of the region’s water supply, and changed perspectives on the species the refuge was created to protect.
“There’s been a long history of resentment in these communities, of feeling like it was the Devil’s Hole pupfish that was holding them back from pursuing economic development,” Voehl said. “Now, because of this issue, the narrative is completely flipped. People are now saying ‘We’ve always hated the pupfish, but now it’s going to save us.’”
So far, representatives in D.C. and agency officials have expressed openness to taking action. On July 2, Sen. Catherine Cortez-Masto, Sen. Jacky Rosen and Reps. Steven Horsford, Susie Lee and Dina Titus, all Nevada Democrats, sent a letter to the Interior Department requesting it “expeditiously initiate and complete a 20-year mineral withdrawal” for 276,000 acres of public lands in the Amargosa Basin to protect the watershed, Ash Meadows, Death Valley and nearby communities. The proposed exploratory drilling and potential mine threatened “widespread catastrophic effects on this fragile landscape.”




Last month, Cortez-Masto asked BLM Director Tracy Stone-Manning at a congressional hearing to commit to protecting Ash Meadows, which Stone-Manning agreed to visit, saying she would work with the community on the issue.
“The fish there are being threatened by a proposal to drill into the sensitive groundwater which would dry up seeps and springs in the refuge,” Cortez-Masto said during the hearing. “Let me just say, every community leader that lives in that area, they’re unanimous the department move forward with a withdrawal as quickly as possible.”
A Mining Executive Appears
In June, almost a year after news of the proposed mining exploration project broke, Judson Culter, the CEO and founder of Rover Critical Minerals, stood before residents of the Amargosa Valley for the first time to walk through his company’s plan.
The Canadian company had started as a gold exploration company, he said, but pivoted to critical minerals two years ago because of the “Cold War of economics” between the U.S. and China and the financial incentives for critical minerals like lithium. As an exploration company, he explained, Rover wasn’t interested in actually mining the area itself, but hoped to identify areas with high grades of the mineral that would be economical to extract, secure the permits to get it and then sell them to the highest bidding mining company. Rover is still early in that process, working to secure the permits needed to drill and test the area’s mining potential. The company, he said, is still six years away from a feasibility study of the economic viability of mining the Amargosa.


Culter promised the exploratory drilling would not impact water supplies, as they’d only bore to 30 feet and employ a less invasive method to drill than typically used. But the company’s original plans called for drilling hundreds of feet into the aquifer, which environmentalists said posed the risk of water leaking out of the puncture. After residents questioned him, Culter conceded that they would drill until they hit water, even if it was deeper than 30 feet. Any mining company would largely mine the surface of the land, going down only 30 feet or so, he said, as that’s where they think the lithium is. Rover’s original plans, however, called for an open pit mine, which typically would be deeper.
Despite Culter’s commitments, the more than 100 residents who showed up to the town hall remained skeptical, if not outright hostile to the idea of a mine in their community. Only two spoke in support, one of whom said most of them would be dead in 10 years, so it wouldn’t matter if the water was gone.
Most of the rest had the same question: Of all places, why here?
Culter said the company looks for places with the desired minerals and the resources to support a mine, like a town with a workforce. “We’re here to create jobs if we’re successful,” he said
But with wells already running dry in the community, most speakers feared what both the exploration and a potential mine could do to their water supply, even if the project did one day bring jobs.
This story is funded by readers like you.
Our nonprofit newsroom provides award-winning climate coverage free of charge and advertising. We rely on donations from readers like you to keep going. Please donate now to support our work.
Donate Now
“Why allow these types of water-hungry companies to establish in our desert,” one resident asked. “The Western United States has been experiencing a mega-drought the last two decades. [The companies] have no emotional connection to this land and the people who live there. They do not care if the developments leave a wicked scar in the vicinity.”
“We’re all worried about our homes, our children, our water,” another resident told Culter, her voice rising with anger. “We live in the desert. Water is a necessity but you can’t answer these questions, because you’re not the one that’s going to be actually doing the drilling. You’re just the suit.”
Rover is close to finalizing a new plan of operations, Culter said, and he could come back when that’s made public and the community could vote on the project. Allen, the town manager, took him up on the offer.
After the meeting, Culter told Inside Climate News that a vote would “make it a factual based process, not an emotional one.”
A local vote, however, would have no real impact on whether the exploration, or eventual mining, goes on or not. Approval for the project is up to the BLM, rather than the local government, as the project is on public land managed by the federal agency. Culter said he would have to take the vote to the company’s shareholders, which could choose not to pursue it in the face of strong local opposition, and he blamed environmentalists for creating a vocal minority against the project.
‘It’s About Survival’
As the nation pivots away from fossil fuels, few states will be as important to the renewable energy transition as Nevada.
Massive solar farms will soon stretch across much of the Amargosa, with new transmission lines proposed to transport the energy to major metropolitan areas. Farther north is the only operating lithium mine in the U.S., but more are certainly on their way.
In the U.S., mining is governed by the Mining Law of 1872, which made “all valuable mineral deposits in lands belonging to the United States … free and open to exploration and purchase.” To this day, all one needs to do to stake a mining claim is plant four stakes into the ground and file it. No royalties are paid for the minerals extracted from the lands owned by American taxpayers, something other extractive industries on federal lands like oil and gas developers are required to do. And Congress is actively considering legislation to make it even easier to mine.
“You could swing a dead cat on the Nevada-California border and hit lithium anywhere.”
Due to the law’s language and age, it often supersedes other uses for the land or concerns about a mine. In the Silver State, where 80 percent of the land is public and managed by the federal government, the impact is evident, with mining long being the crux of the state’s economy.
Allen and Amargosa residents know Ash Meadows is what makes this fight different. The nearby sister city of Beatty has multiple gold mining projects in the works. Community leaders there, worried about their water and how the mines, solar and transmission lines will change their way of life, have joined the fight to save Ash Meadows by submitting letters in opposition to the mine and speaking out publicly against it at the recent town hall. The refuge, and its protections, make all the difference. Anywhere else, and a mine would likely be impossible to stop, they say.
“You could swing a dead cat on the Nevada-California border and hit lithium anywhere,” Allen said, so why mine for it so close to Ash Meadows? Rural Nevada communities like hers are already bearing the brunt of the burden of the renewable energy transition, she said, noting her willingness to work with developers and federal and state agencies on solar and other developments for cleaner energy.
But the mine, she said, threatens the livability of the community. The local dairy farm—the town’s largest employer and water user—is likely to close soon, its water potentially supplying the solar farms planned in the area, which often use it to mitigate dust. The community’s longevity is already questionable, but the mine would be its end, she fears.
“It’s about our survival,” she said. “How many ghost towns do we have in Nevada? We don’t need any more.”
Hi, and thanks for reading Inside Climate News. We hope you liked this article. While you were here, you may have noticed something that sets us apart from many other news outlets: our news is free to read.
That’s because Inside Climate News is a 501c3 nonprofit organization. We do not charge a subscription fee, lock our news behind a paywall, or clutter our website with ads. Instead, we give our news freely to you and to anyone who wants to learn about what’s happening to the climate.
We also share our news freely with scores of other media organizations around the country that can’t afford environmental journalism. We’ve built bureaus from coast to coast to get quality news to everyone who needs it. We collaborate, partner, and share.
Since day one, reader donations have funded every aspect of what we do. We opened our doors in 2007, and just six years later, earned a Pulitzer Prize for National Reporting. Now we run the oldest and largest dedicated climate newsroom in the country. We hold polluters accountable, expose environmental injustice, debunk misinformation, and inspire action.
It’s all possible because of readers like you. Today we’re asking you to invest in this work, our newsroom, and our continued growth. Help us keep reporting on the biggest crisis facing our planet and reach even more readers in more places. With your support, we can tell stories like the one you just read – stories that change hearts and minds and have seminal and enduring impact. Because of you, they’ll remain free for everyone, everywhere.
Please chip in now with whatever amount you can afford. It takes just a moment to give, and every gift makes a difference.
Thank you,
Nevada
EDITORIAL: Nevada’s House Democrats oppose permitting reform
Politicians of both parties have promised to fix the nation’s broken permitting system. But those promises have not been kept, and the status quo prevails: longer timelines, higher costs and a regulatory maze that makes it nearly impossible to build major projects on schedule.
Last week, the House finally cut through the fog by passing the Standardizing Permitting and Expediting Economic Development Act. As Jeff Luse reported for Reason, the legislation is the clearest chance in years to overhaul a system that has spun out of control.
Notably, virtually every House Democrat — including Reps. Dina Titus, Susie Lee and Steven Horsford from Nevada — opted for the current regulatory morass.
The proposal addressed problems with the National Environmental Policy Act, which passed in the 1970s to promote transparency, but has grown into an anchor that drags down public and private investment. Mr. Luse notes that even after Congress streamlined the act in 2021, the average environmental impact statement takes 2.4 years to complete. That number speaks for itself and does not reflect the many reviews that stretch far beyond that already unreasonable timeline.
The SPEED Act tackles these failures head on. It would codify recent Supreme Court guidance, expand the projects that do not require exhaustive review and set real expectations for federal agencies that too often slow-walk approvals. Most important, it puts long-overdue limits on litigation. Mr. Luse highlights the absurdity of the current six-year window for filing a lawsuit under the Environmental Policy Act. Between 2013 and 2022, these lawsuits delayed projects an average of 4.2 years.
While opponents insist the bill would silence communities, Mr. Luse notes that NEPA already includes multiple public hearings and comment periods. Also, the vast majority of lawsuits are not filed by members of the people who live near the projects. According to the Breakthrough Institute, 72 percent of NEPA lawsuits over the past decade came from national nonprofits. Only 16 percent were filed by local communities. The SPEED Act does not shut out the public. It reins in well-funded groups that can afford to stall projects indefinitely.
Some Democrats claim the bill panders to fossil fuel companies, while some Republicans fear it will accelerate renewable projects. As Mr. Luse explains, NEPA bottlenecks have held back wind, solar and transmission lines as often as they have slowed oil and gas. That is why the original SPEED Act won support from green energy groups and traditional energy producers.
Permitting reform is overdue, and lawmakers claim to understand that endless red tape hurts economic growth and environmental progress alike. The SPEED Act is the strongest permitting reform proposal in years. The Senate should approve it.
Nevada
McKenna Ross’ top Nevada politics stories of 2025
The Silver State was plenty purple in 2025.
Nevada has long had a reputation for its libertarian tilt. Nowadays, partisanship leads many political stories. In top state government and politics stories of the year, some political lines were blurred when politicians bucked their party’s go-to stances to make headlines, while other party stances stayed entrenched.
Here are a handful of the biggest stories out of Nevada government and politics in 2025.
Film tax credit saga returns for parts 2 and 3
A large-scale effort to bring a film studio to Southern Nevada was revived — and died twice — in 2025. Sony Pictures Entertainment and Warner Bros. Discovery, who were previously leading opposing efforts to build multi-acre studio lots with tax breaks, joined forces in February to back one bill in front of the Nevada Legislature. They were joined by developer Howard Hughes Corp. in a lobbying push throughout the four-month session, then once again during a seven-day special legislative session in mid-November.
The renewed legislation drew plenty of praise from union and business leaders and created an unlikely coalition of fiscal conservatives and progressives on the left against it. Proponents said the proposal would help create a new industry for Nevada, creating thousands of construction and entertainment industry-related jobs. Opponents criticized the billion-dollar effect it would have on the state’s general fund as a “Hollywood handout.”
In the end, the opposition won out. It passed the Assembly 22-20 in the last week of the regular session and received the same vote count during the special session — though six members switched their votes.
The state Senate voted on the proposed Summerlin Studios project only during the special session, where it failed because 11 senators voted against it or were absent for the Nov. 19 vote. Several lawmakers called out the intense political pressure to pass the bill, despite their concerns of how the subsidies would have affected state coffers.
Democrats fight to strengthen mail-in voting
The movement to enshrine mail-in voting in Nevada also stretched through both 2025 legislative sessions, as well as a federal Supreme Court case.
Democratic lawmakers sought to establish state laws around voting by mail, including about the placement of ballot boxes between early voting and Election Day and the timeline in which clerks had to count mailed ballots received after polls closed.
Assembly Speaker Steve Yeager, D-Las Vegas, proposed a compromise with Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo through a bill expanding ballot drop box access in the run-up to Election Day and implementing voter ID requirements, but Lombardo vetoed the bill.
Democrats found a way during the special session, however. In the final hour before the session’s end on Nov. 19, Senate Democrats introduced and considered a resolution to propose enshrining mail-in voting in the Nevada Constitution via a voter amendment. The resolution must past the next consecutive session before it can go on the 2028 general election ballot.
This all comes as the U.S. Supreme Court weighs a case that could affect Nevada’s existing law that allows ballots postmarked on Election Day to be counted as late as 5 p.m. four days after Election Day.
Cyberattack on Nevada cripples the state for weeks
Nevada state government was crippled for four weeks in the late summer and fall when a ransomware attack was discovered in state systems in August.
Many state services were moved off-line to sequester the IT threats, leading to 28 days of outages after the Aug. 24 discovery of the ransomware attack. Those included worker’s compensation claims, DMV services, online applications for social services and a background check system.
According to the after-action report, a malicious actor entered the state’s computer system as early as May 14. The threat actor had accessed “multiple critical servers” by the end of August. State officials emphasized that core financial systems and Department of Motor Vehicle data were not breached by the hackers.
The state did not pay a ransom, according to officials. Instead, it worked with external cybersecurity vendors to deal with incident response and recovered about 90 percent of affected data. That costed about $1.5 million for those contracts and overtime pay.
Budget woes leave state in status quo limbo
Financial uncertainty clouded Nevada state government throughout the year as the impact of federal purse-shrinking, uncertainty around the effect of Trump administration tariffs and the reduced tax revenue from a tourism slump persisted throughout 2025.
Nevada lawmakers passing the state’s two-year budget cycle were put in a tight spot when economic forecasts projecting state revenue were downgraded during the legislative session and ultimately passed a state budget that avoided funding multiple new programs.
Contact McKenna Ross at mross@reviewjournal.com. Follow @mckenna_ross_ on X.
Nevada
LETTER: Blame Nevada voters for high power costs
In regard to your Monday editorial concerning the high cost of electrical energy in Nevada:
The Review-Journal is correct that the high costs in Nevada are due to green energy mandates forcing utilities to provide energy from expensive sources. However, your concluding statement that, “Nevada consumers who are upset at high utility costs should direct their ire to state policy makers” is way off the mark.
In 2020, Nevada voters passed Question 6 amending the state constitution to require utilities to acquire 50 percent of their electricity from renewable resources by 2030. Nevada consumers who are upset at high utility costs should direct their ire at the majority of Nevada voters who passed Question 6, which drives these high prices.
-
Entertainment1 week agoHow the Grinch went from a Yuletide bit player to a Christmas A-lister
-
Connecticut1 week agoSnow Accumulation Estimates Increase For CT: Here Are The County-By-County Projections
-
Entertainment1 week agoPat Finn, comedy actor known for roles in ‘The Middle’ and ‘Seinfeld,’ dies at 60
-
World6 days agoHamas builds new terror regime in Gaza, recruiting teens amid problematic election
-
Indianapolis, IN1 week agoIndianapolis Colts playoffs: Updated elimination scenario, AFC standings, playoff picture for Week 17
-
Southeast1 week agoTwo attorneys vanish during Florida fishing trip as ‘heartbroken’ wife pleads for help finding them
-
World1 week agoSnoop Dogg, Lainey Wilson, Huntr/x and Andrea Bocelli Deliver Christmas-Themed Halftime Show for Netflix’s NFL Lions-Vikings Telecast
-
World1 week agoBest of 2025: Top five defining moments in the European Parliament







